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1
McAnulla, Stuart. "Radical atheism and religious power: new atheist politics." Approaching Religion 2, no. 1 (June 8, 2012): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67495.
Анотація:
The increased visibility of assertive forms of atheism has provoked much public debate. This article argues that new atheism primarily seeks to contest what it considers to be the unjustifiably powerful role of religion through a multifaceted challenge to religious beliefs, practices and institutions. Influential theories of power are drawn upon to unpack the character of new atheist positions. It is proposed that new atheism seeks to challenge four perceived ‘dimensions‘ of religious power, in particular (i) religion’s role in public decision-making; (ii) the ability of religious groups to shape policy agendas; (iii) the power of religion to create preferences that run counter to an individual’s true interests and, (iv) the role of religion in constituting forms of subjectivity more generally. Focussing particularly on the role of atheism in the UK, the paper also considers the implications such thinking has had on atheist practice and activism. The paper also considers how defenders of religion have reacted to the challenges posed by new atheism. It is argued that religious groups and authors have largely focussed on defending the role of religious faith and the significance of God in people’s lives, rather than explicitly defending what new atheists consider to be the unfair institutional privilege accorded to some religious organisations.
2
Brovkin, V. V. "Theodorus the Atheist and Ancient Atheism." Siberian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 2 (2019): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2019-17-2-115-127.
Анотація:
It is established that Theodore’s anti-religious views were closely connected with his moral and ethical teaching. It is shown that all known ancient atheists, except Theodore, were inconsistent in their criticism of religious views. It is established that Theodore’s views on the gods and religion were formed in the conditions of the deepening crisis of the Greek polis and the formation of Hellenistic monarchies. It is concluded that Theodore was the most consistent and radical ancient atheist.
3
Škorić, Marko. "Jean Meslier’s Radical Atheism." Filozofska istraživanja 36, no. 2 (September 26, 2016): 311–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21464/fi36208.
4
Auweele, Dennis Vanden. "Atheism, Radical Evil, and Kant." Philosophy and Theology 22, no. 1 (2010): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtheol2010221/27.
5
ALEXANDER, NATHAN G. "ATHEISM AND POLYGENESIS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: CHARLES BRADLAUGH'S RACIAL ANTHROPOLOGY." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 3 (January 9, 2018): 835–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000622.
Анотація:
This article examines a previously unexplored chapter in the history of atheism: its close links with nineteenth-century racial anthropology. These links are apparent especially in many atheists’ interest in polygenesis, the theory that human races had separate origins, in contrast to the orthodox Christian doctrine of monogenesis that said all races descended from Adam and Eve. The article's focus is Charles Bradlaugh (1833–91), arguably the most important British atheist of the era, representing the radical working-class, secularist movement that emerged in mid-nineteenth-century Britain. The article charts the ways Bradlaugh and other atheists used the research on polygenesis from leading scientific racists in both Britain and the United States to critique Christianity. It also explores some of the contradictions of this use, namely the ways polygenesis clashed with Darwinism and a longer chronology of the age of the Earth. Finally, the article explores how polygenist ideas informed Bradlaugh's imperial worldview and notes that, despite his acceptance of polygenesis, Bradlaugh was a supporter of the rights of nonwhites in the British Empire, particularly in India.
6
Elgat, Guy. "The Arguments of Radical Atheism – Some Critical Reflections." Derrida Today 12, no. 2 (November 2019): 130–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drt.2019.0206.
Анотація:
The paper provides a critical review of Martin Hägglund's influential Radical Atheism. The paper focuses on what Hägglund calls ‘radical atheism’: the view that according to Derrida ‘the best is the worst’. First, the paper critically examines Hägglund's reconstruction of Derrida's argument for the structure of the trace or ‘the spacing of time’. This analysis clarifies one of the central premises in Hägglund's argument for radical atheism: the ‘contamination’ claim, according to which anything temporal is open as such to the future and is thus alterable in some way. The paper then turns to highlight some of Hägglund's rhetorical slippages that seem to be supported by the contamination claim but actually move beyond what it licenses. Next, the paper focuses critically on the argument for radical atheism and shows how it relies on an unwarranted premise that lies hidden in the discussion of the structure of the trace. Finally, the second central argument that informs Hägglund's work is questioned, that is, the argument for the view that what we are always and already committed to is to live on, that is, survive, so that it is this desire for the mortal that lies behind all our desires.
7
Kleden, Paulus Budi. "IMAN YANG ATEIS Konsep Derrida Tentang Iman." DISKURSUS - JURNAL FILSAFAT DAN TEOLOGI STF DRIYARKARA 9, no. 2 (October 11, 2010): 135–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.36383/diskursus.v9i2.213.
Анотація:
Abstract: Jacques Derrida is doubtless one of the most controversial phi- losophers of our time. Controversies surrounding him are mainly caused by his radical ideas which have shaken the main traditions of thinking in Western Philosophy. He demonstrates the contradictions of various philophical concepts. He also uses a provocative approach by connect- ing religion with atheism. This essay will demonstrate Derrida’s concept of religion and how it is connected with atheism. Derrida does not present a theology; however his idea of atheistic faith can contribute to a critical understanding of faith and its expressions within religions.
Keywords: Iman (faith), agama (religion), teror (terror), ateis (atheist; athe- istic), hadiah (gift; reward), pengetahuan (knowlegde).
8
Martin Hägglund. "The Challenge of Radical Atheism: A Response." CR: The New Centennial Review 9, no. 1 (2009): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncr.0.0056.
9
Ivanov, M. S. "Signs of atheism in the Western radical theologies." Theological Herald 30, no. 3 (2018): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450/2018-30-3-48-68.
10
Hägglund, Martin. "Radical Atheism and “The Arche-Materiality of Time”." Journal of Philosophy: A Cross-Disciplinary Inquiry 6, no. 14 (2011): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jphilnepal20116147.
11
Kelly, Adam. "Radical Atheism: Derrida and the Time of Life." International Journal of Philosophical Studies 19, no. 5 (December 2011): 761–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672559.2011.634234.
12
Ernesto Laclau. "Is Radical Atheism a Good Name for Deconstruction?" diacritics 38, no. 1-2 (2009): 180–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dia.0.0057.
13
William Egginton. "On Radical Atheism, Chronolibidinal Reading, and Impossible Desires." CR: The New Centennial Review 9, no. 1 (2009): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncr.0.0065.
14
Ziemiński, Ireneusz. "The Problem of God's Existence: In Defence of Skepticism." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 7, no. 1 (March 21, 2015): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v7i1.135.
Анотація:
There are four main positions in the argument about whether God exists: atheism (God does not exist), theism (God exists), agnosticism (it is impossible to know whether God exists or not), and scepticism (at the moment we do not know whether God exists or not). From an epistemological standpoint, scepticism is the most rational; even if a decisive argument which would settle the debate has not been discovered yet, one cannot exclude the possibility of finding it eventually. Agnosticism is too radical (and even incoherent), but theism and atheism exceed the available data. However, from a practical standpoint, choosing theism or atheism seems to be more rational than scepticism (not to mention agnosticism); one of them is bound to be right, because there are only two possibilities, one of which has to be true: either God exists or not.
15
Trần, Văn Toàn. "A Breath of Atheism in Religious Vietnam." Social Compass 57, no. 3 (September 2010): 311–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768610375515.
Анотація:
Atheism is not a fundamental notion. This negative concept is relative to the object of its negation, which pre-exists: the gods, God, or rather our ideas of him. In monotheistic regimes, such as in the West, atheism is radical and often aggressive. Since its first contacts with the West, Vietnam has experienced both extremes of this situation, through Christianity and communism. In a polytheistic regime, as in traditional Vietnam, atheism is less exclusive, more tolerant and more nuanced. Appealing to certain gods implies ignorance of, indifference to or the rejection of others; it often betrays a desire to use gods as a means to serve man, who thus believes himself to be the last link in the chain. As monotheism rejects the power of the divinity of nature and of humans, its negation can inversely result in subjecting man to nature and society to the State.
16
O'Connor, Patrick. "Radical Atheism: Derrida and the Time of Life, by Martin Hägglund." Journal of the British Society for Phenomenology 41, no. 1 (January 2010): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00071773.2010.11006704.
17
Volf, Miroslav. "Time, Eternity, and the Prospects for Care. An Essay in Honor of Jürgen Moltmann’s 90th Birthday." Evangelische Theologie 76, no. 5 (October 1, 2016): 345–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2016-0507.
Анотація:
AbstractThe eternal God is not merely an illusion, as traditional atheism claims; God is an undesirable illusion, in fact, an illusion which is, on closer inspection, impossible to desire. This, roughly, is the thesis of Martin Hägglund’s »radical atheism,« one of whose primary claims is the essential temporality of all human desire. To see eternity and absolute fullness as the ultimate goal is to desire nothingness, he argues; this desire as such (and not just its practical outworking) entails denial of care for and joy in ordinary life. This essay is a critical dialogue with Hägglund, a friendly dispute about time and eternity as they bear on the possibilities of care and joy.
18
Hägglund, Martin. "The Non-Ethical Opening of Ethics: A Response to Derek Attridge." Derrida Today 3, no. 2 (November 2010): 295–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drt.2010.0208.
Анотація:
This paper is a response to Derek Attridge's review of my book Radical Atheism: Derrida and the Time of Life, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008. Attridge's review was published in Derrida Today Vol. 2, Issue 2 (2009), pp. 271–281, the arguments of which have also been incorporated in Attridge's recent book Reading and Responsibility, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010.
19
Robert, William. "Review of Martin Hägglund, Radical Atheism: Derrida and the Time of Life." Sophia 49, no. 1 (November 17, 2009): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11841-009-0141-4.
20
Mjaaland, Marius Timmann. "Ateismens topologi." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 80, no. 1 (May 16, 2017): 30–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v80i1.106346.
Анотація:
The argument referring to a hidden God, deus absconditus, is a controversial but crucial point in the theology of Martin Luther. A key issue for Luther is the very distinction between the revealed and the hidden God, which prevents abuse and domestication of God’s name and authority. However, this topos can also be seen as a place of origin for modern atheism, as discussed by Hegel, Nietzsche, and Heidegger. The claim of God’s hiddenness introduces a destruction of traditional metaphysics, and hence a radical reconsideration on anthropology, texts, and phenomena. The author analyses this topos of thought in modern philosophy, from Pascal and Kant to Jacobi, Hegel, Nietzsche, Heidegger and Derrida. He argues that the notion of deus absconditus remains a highly questionable place within philosophical discourse, but therefore also represents a continuous questioning of the intellectual premises for late modern atheism.
21
Mein, Andrew. "Ezekiel's Awkward God: Atheism, Idolatry and theVia Negativa." Scottish Journal of Theology 66, no. 3 (July 16, 2013): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930613000124.
Анотація:
AbstractCan a biblical text be idolatrous? Ezekiel's God has always been theologically awkward and difficult to handle. For early Jewish and Christian readers of the book the most troublesome (and indeed dangerous) parts of the text were the prophet's initial vision of the divine glory and its subsequent reappearances. Voltaire was perplexed and revolted by God's command that Ezekiel eat bread cooked with dung.1For some twentieth-century Protestant commentators, Ezekiel's God is altogether too concerned with ritual at the expense of ethics.2But for contemporary readers it is the unrelenting harshness, violence and especially masculinity of Ezekiel'sYhwhwhich proves most problematic. My aim in this article is to examine some of the theological implications of this divine awkwardness. In what follows I will attempt three things. First, I will offer a brief examination of the problems Ezekiel's God poses and a few recent Christian responses. Second, I will outline Roland Boer's proposal that Ezekiel 20 (along with 16 and 23) tends towards a kind of ‘anti-Yahwism’ or ‘protest atheism’: a vision of God so appalling as to be impossible to accept. Finally, I will explore the value for theological interpretation of taking seriously such an apparently unpromising conclusion, and suggest that the apophatic tradition may provide resources for embracing such radical negativity within scripture.
22
WALLACE, VALERIE. "Benthamite Radicalism and its Scots Presbyterian Contexts." Utilitas 24, no. 1 (February 17, 2012): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820811000434.
Анотація:
This article argues that James Mill's immersion in Presbyterianism inspired an aversion to hierarchical government and a bias in favour of the Church of Scotland. These views are discernible in Bentham'sChurch-of-Englandism. Bentham argued for disestablishment on principle but, praising the Scottish Church as a ‘model of perfection’, omitted the Kirk from his church reform manifesto. His position on disestablishment, however, and his endorsement of Presbyterianism were aligned with a voluntaryist strain of Presbyterian ecclesiological theory; Presbyterian dissenters and Benthamite Radicals began to protest against the Kirk's established status. Underpinned significantly by Presbyterian tradition and laced with Benthamic influence, a radical voluntary campaign emerged in Scotland which sought to dismantle the old order and usher in a new era of political democracy and religious voluntaryism. Radicalism in Scotland was not solely characterized by the ‘programmatic atheism’ which J. C. D. Clark believes defined Benthamite ideology; Benthamism, it transpires, was not straightforwardly secularist.
23
Rahadian, Suarbudaya. "Menghayati Kembali Iman Kristen Lewat Anateisme." Indonesian Journal of Theology 3, no. 2 (May 1, 2016): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46567/ijt.v3i2.53.
Анотація:
With this essay, I aim to provide an alternative way of embracing Christian faith in this postmodern era, by considering both Richard Kearney's concept of anatheism as well as Slavoj Zizek's radical materialism. With the death of the God of ontotheology—as accomplished by modern atheism—Kearney posits anatheism to desribe a further experience of faith that "rebounds" back to God. As such, it assumes a new dimension of encounter with (a/the) postonthotheological God by means of a "wager of faith." In contrast to this God-ward return, the radical materialism of Slavoj Zizek’s theological approach foregrounds the very absence of an "absolute-yet- fragile" God within secular, public space. This paper will outline also my own proposal for leveraging nihilism as constructive dialectic for refining and amplifying Christian faith within the site of struggle that is the contemporary postmodern era.
24
Stockwell, Cory. "Not Yet: The Faith of Revolution." Oxford Literary Review 36, no. 1 (July 2014): 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/olr.2014.0090.
Анотація:
This essay seeks to contribute to revolutionary understandings of time through an examination of Derrida's 1993 book Sauf le nom, and the poet and mystic Angelus Silesius, whom Derrida reads in this book. The essay counters Martin Hägglund's claim that deconstruction and negative theology are fundamentally opposed to one another by tracing the work of impoverishment in Silesius's poetry. The essay then employs this understanding of impoverishment to deconstruct the concept of desire in Hägglund's 2008 book Radical Atheism, proposing as an alternative to this concept a ‘faith of revolution’ that is tied to a certain understanding of the future.
25
Connolly, Cynthia Anne. "“I Am a Trained Nurse”: The Nursing Identity of Anarchist and Radical Emma Goldman." Nursing History Review 18, no. 1 (January 2010): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.18.84.
Анотація:
For more than a century, scholars have analyzed the many dimensions of Emma Goldman. Remembered as an agent of revolution, feminism, sexual freedom, anarchy, and atheism, Goldman’s motives, personality, and actions have generated an entire subgenre of historical scholarship. But although Goldman practiced nursing in New York City for ten years, one facet of her life that has been neglected is her nursing identity. Goldman’s autobiography, Living My Life, reveals the way her nursing experiences informed her evolving anarchist political philosophy and international activism. She valued nursing for many reasons—for the economic independence it offered, identity it provided, and sense of community and connectivity she believed it encouraged. Finally, for Goldman, nursing represented was a vehicle to understand people’s struggles and as a way of translating political philosophy into meaningful, practical solutions.
26
Komlyakova, J. J. "THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ISLAM IN THE POLICY FORMATION IN THE COUNTRIES OF CENTRAL ASIA." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 4 (November 26, 2016): 46–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2016-4-46-50.
Анотація:
During the existence of theSoviet Unionthe influence of Islam on politics was minimized. In Soviet times, Islam in the Central Asian republics felt some oppression until the late 1950s. It was due to constant persecution and anti-religious propaganda within the framework of the Soviet policy of atheism. After Khrushchev's thaw there began a reverse process of gradual release of Islam from the underground, which culminated in the era of perestroika and glasnost. The weakening of the central government and the struggle of the foreign forces against theUSSRinstigated the development of radical Islamism in the region. This period was characterized by the revival, politicization and radicalization of Islam.
27
COFFEY, JOHN. "PURITANISM AND LIBERTY REVISITED: THE CASE FOR TOLERATION IN THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION." Historical Journal 41, no. 4 (December 1998): 961–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008103.
Анотація:
In recent years historians have grown sceptical about attempts to trace connections between puritanism and liberty. Puritans, we are told, sought a godly society, not a pluralistic one. The new emphasis has been salutary, but it obscures the fact that a minority of zealous Protestants argued forcefully for the toleration of heresy, blasphemy, Catholicism, non-Christian religions, and even atheism. During the English revolution, a substantial number of Baptists, radical Independents, and Levellers insisted that the New Testament paradigm required the church to be a purely voluntary, non-coercive community in the midst of a pluralistic society governed by a ‘merely civil’ state. Although their position was not without its ambiguities, it constituted a startling break with the Constantinian assumptions of magisterial Protestantism.
28
Rabaté, Jean-Michel. "Dying from Immortality: Notes for a Discussion with Martin Hägglund." Derrida Today 6, no. 2 (November 2013): 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drt.2013.0062.
Анотація:
This paper praises Martin Hägglund for his general take on Derrida, while objecting to a certain rigidity in the use of the concept of survival. This concept allowed Hägglund to reject the temptation of a ‘religious’ Derrida in Radical Atheism, but in Dying for Time, it leads to a hurried reading of psychoanalysis. My objections revolve around several forms: the role of gods for Plato and Greek thought; the reductive reading of Diotima's speech in the Sympoisum, and an all too rapid rejection of the idea of the Todestrieb in Freud and Lacan. I go back to Derrida's reading of Freud in The Postcard to point out that he too had misread Freud's Beyond the Pleasure Principle. Finally, I argue that there can be something like a non-proper or improper immortality.
29
Cantor, Geoffrey. "John Tyndall's religion: a fragment." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 69, no. 4 (September 2, 2015): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2015.0017.
Анотація:
Both contemporaries and historians have focused on the high-profile 1874 Belfast Address in which John Tyndall was widely perceived as promulgating atheism. Although some historians have instead interpreted him as a pantheist or an agnostic, it is clear that any such labels do not accurately capture Tyndall's religious position throughout his life. By contrast, this paper seeks to chart Tyndall's religious journey from 1840 (when he was in his late teens) to the autumn of 1848 when he commenced his scientific studies at Marburg. Although he had been imbued with his father's stern conservative Irish Protestantism and opposition to Catholicism, as a youth he seems for a time to have been attracted to Methodism. Later, however, he questioned and rejected his father's religious views and was increasingly drawn to the more spiritual outlook of Ralph Waldo Emerson and Thomas Carlyle, along with a more radical attitude to politics.
30
RECTENWALD, MICHAEL. "Secularism and the cultures of nineteenth-century scientific naturalism." British Journal for the History of Science 46, no. 2 (August 31, 2012): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087412000738.
Анотація:
AbstractThis essay examines Secularism as developed by George Jacob Holyoake in 1851–1852. While historians have noted the importance of evolutionary thought for freethinking radicals from the 1840s, and others have traced the popularization of agnosticism and Darwinian evolution by later Victorian freethinkers, insufficient attention has been paid to mid-century Secularism as constitutive of the cultural and intellectual environment necessary for the promotion and relative success of scientific naturalism. I argue that Secularism was a significant source for the emerging new creed of scientific naturalism in the mid-nineteenth century. Not only did early Secularism help clear the way by fighting battles with the state and religious interlocutors, but it also served as a source for what Huxley, almost twenty years later, termed ‘agnosticism’. Holyoake modified freethought in the early 1850s, as he forged connections with middle-class literary radicals and budding scientific naturalists, some of whom met in a ‘Confidential Combination’ of freethinkers. Secularism became the new creed for this coterie. Later, Secularism promoted and received reciprocal support from the most prominent group of scientific naturalists, as Holyoake used Bradlaugh's atheism and neo-Malthusianism as a foil, and maintained relations with Huxley, Spencer and Tyndall through the end of the century. In Holyoake's Secularism we find the beginnings of the mutation of radical infidelity into the respectability necessary for the acceptance of scientific naturalism, and also the distancing of later forms of infidelity incompatible with it. Holyoake's Secularism represents an important early stage of scientific naturalism.
31
Boffetti, Jason M. "Rorty's Nietzschean Pragmatism: A Jamesian Response." Review of Politics 66, no. 4 (2004): 605–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500039905.
Анотація:
Richard Rorty makes the case that Friedrich Nietzsche shared a common pragmatism with William James in order to incorporate certain Nietzschean themes into neo-pragmatism and to give his philosophy stronger pragmatic credentials. In making this connection, he establishes a version of pragmatism that rejects both epistemology and metaphysics, reduces the pragmatic theory of truth to “truth is what works,” places the Darwinian account of man at the center of the human narrative, and makes Nietzschean “self-creation” the chief end of a postmodern, post-religious liberal society. But if one reads James more faithfully (a task that Rorty rejects), it is clear that James does not succumb to the nihilism, perspectivalism, and atheism characteristic of Rorty's Nietzschean pragmatism. A more comprehensive reading of James's philosophy brings together James's pragmatism, his pluralism, and his radical empiricism. And this more complete interpretation of James's pragmatism offers a pluralistic and hopeful approach to politics that does not suffer from Nietzsche's and Rorty's nihilistic, relativistic, and antipolitical tendencies.
32
Johnston, Adrian. "The true Thing is the (w)hole: Freudian-Lacanian Psychoanalysis and Derridean Chronolibidinal Reading – Another Friendly Reply to Martin Hägglund." Derrida Today 6, no. 2 (November 2013): 146–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drt.2013.0061.
Анотація:
This article is an installment in an ongoing debate between me and Hägglund. Both here and throughout our exchanges, I argue on behalf of Freud and Lacan against Hägglund's Derrida-inspired critique of psychoanalysis. Prior to the appearance of Hägglund's 2012 book Dying for Time, the back-and-forth between us centered primarily around the issue of just how atheistic Freudian-Lacanian analysis really is in light of the Derridean-Hägglundian ‘radical atheism’ delineated by Hägglund's 2008 book of that title. In this piece, which focuses on the final chapter of Dying for Time, I carry out two interrelated tasks. First, I highlight what I allege to be certain limitations to Hägglund's Derridean ‘chronolibidinalism’ preventing it from doing full justice to the multiple dimensions of psychoanalysis both theoretical and clinical. Second, I offer interpretations of Freud and Lacan sharply contrasting with the readings of these two figures presented by Hägglund in Dying for Time as well as his other texts engaging with analysis. Moreover, in the process, I defend my version of Freudian-Lacanian drive theory as per my 2005 book Time Driven: Metapsychology and the Splitting of the Drive in the face of Hägglund's explicit criticisms of it.
33
Justice, Benjamin. "Thomas Nast and the Public School of the 1870s." History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 2 (2005): 171–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2005.tb00034.x.
Анотація:
In the decade and a half after the Civil War, the American public school rose and fell as a central issue in national and state politics. After a relative calm on matters of education during and immediately after the War, the Republican Party and Catholic Church leaders in the late 1860s and early 1870s joined a bitter battle of words over the future of public education—who should control it, how should it be financed, and what should it teach about religion. These battles often reflected very different world views. Leading Protestant ministers and Republican politicians waved the threat of a rising antidemocratic “Catholic menace” as the new bloody shirt and championed their own educational ideal as a remedy—religiously neutral, ethnically and racially inclusive common schools. While Democrats tended to downplay school issues, Catholic Church leaders countered with their own screed: common schools were hardly common, embodying either inherently Protestant notions of religion or the atheism of no true religious creed at all. New York City became the epicenter of these cataclysmic debates, and the brilliant cartoonist Thomas Nast immortalized the Radical Republican side of the issue in the pages ofHarper's Weekly.
34
DAVID-FOX, MICHAEL. "RELIGION, SCIENCE, AND POLITICAL RELIGION IN THE SOVIET CONTEXT." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 2 (July 28, 2011): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431100028x.
Анотація:
The intellectual movement to interpret fascism, Nazism, and Stalinism as “political religions” has generated lively debates and an intensive publication program for over a decade. The scholarly trend has been closely associated with a revival of the concept of totalitarianism, reconfigured to account for the popular appeal and violent fervor of twentieth-century mass movements of the extreme right and left. As theoreticians of political religion have been preoccupied with arguments about the definition of religion and the problems of comparison, two stumbling blocks have become increasingly apparent. First, historians of Soviet communism, who since the early 1990s have empirically and conceptually transformed the study of Stalinism and Soviet history, have either exhibited “utter neglect” of the political-religion concept or have shunned it due to the scientism and official atheism of the regime. As a result, comparisons in the political-religion mode have generally been carried out by scholars not expert in Soviet history. Second, and closely related to this, even sympathetic critics have found secular religion too blunt a tool and too generic a concept to probe the “novel, supranational, but historically specific . . . sense of mission” produced by radical interwar regimes. Soviet communism as a project, more than fascism, was deeply invested in viewing its own ideology as genuinely scientific.
35
Bishop, John. "On the Significance of Assumptions about Divine Goodness and Divine Ontology for ‘Logical’ Arguments from Evil." Religions 12, no. 3 (March 11, 2021): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030186.
Анотація:
Sterba’s Is a Good God Logically Possible? (2019) draws attention to the importance of ethical assumptions in ‘logical’ arguments from evil (LAfEs) to the effect that the existence of (certain types) of evil is incompatible with the existence of a God who is all-powerful and morally perfect. I argue, first, that such arguments are likely to succeed only when ‘normatively relativized’—that is, when based on assumptions about divine goodness that may be subject to deep disagreement. I then argue that these arguments for atheism are also, and more fundamentally, conditioned by assumptions about the ontology of the divine. I criticise Sterba’s consideration of the implications for his own novel LAfE of the possibility that God is not a moral agent, arguing that Sterba fails to recognize the radical nature of this claim. I argue that, if we accept the ‘classical theist’ account that Brian Davies provides (interpreting Aquinas), then God does not count as ‘an’ agent at all, and the usual contemporary formulation of ‘the problem of evil’ falls away. I conclude by noting that the question of the logical compatibility of evil’s existence with divine goodness is settled in the affirmative by classical theism by appeal to its doctrine that evil is always the privation in something that exists of the good that ought to be.
36
Žvirgždas, Manfredas. "Ethnolinguistic Nationalism and Other Political Contexts of Maironis." Interlitteraria 24, no. 2 (January 15, 2020): 436–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2019.24.2.13.
Анотація:
Widely acclaimed as the Lithuanian national poet, the Catholic clergyman Jonas Mačiulis-Maironis (1862–1932) in his canonical poems of the epoch of national revival expressed his romantic primordialist point of view that every nation has an inherent right to its independence that had been given by divine institution. Linguistic factors determined national identity in Eastern Europe of the late 19th century. Maironis as a follower of linguocentric nationalism modelled the conditions for the elite Lithuanian culture which would be significant at the European level. The longing for the so-called European virtues (universally based on Christian ethics) penetrated through all the poet’s world-view, therefore he was impressed by the diligence and activism of Western nations but did not support the ideas of social activism and individual liberties, opposed the ideas of secular philosophical trends, especially socialism and scientism. Eurocentrist motives in his rhetoric did not mean any challenge to the governing conservative Russian regime because they did not invoke opposition to the ideology of Pan-Slavism which was supported by the Tsarist ideologues. The poetical archetype of springtime awakening was related to the youthful activism of the “new” political nations of Eastern and Central Europe. Maironis was one of the first Lithuanian authors who openly criticized ideas of socialism and positivism; on the other hand, he provoked discussions of the enlightened group of the developing Lithuanian-speaking elite. He regarded the slogans of liberty, equality and fraternity as deceptive justification of populism and collective violence. Sceptically regarding parliamentary democracy, he emphasized the principles of Classical-Christian law and justice and the need for solidarity, consciousness and creativity. Maironis related the ideological dispute of conservative and radical trends to the decisive struggle of Christianity and atheism. He was a consistent and orthodox Catholic thinker, the opponent of any revolutionary upheavals; discussing social questions he emphasized that politicians should take into account doctrine of the Holy See on the obligations of Christians and principles of charity.
37
Attridge, Derek. "Martin Hägglund, Radical Atheism: Derrida and the Time of Life (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), 255pp, hb $65.00 (USD), ISBN-10: 080470077X, ISBN-13: 978-0804700771; pb $24.95 (USD), ISBN-10: 0804700788, ISBN-13: 978-0804700788." Derrida Today 2, no. 2 (November 2009): 271–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1754850009000591.
38
Hedley, Douglas. "Sacrifice, Transcendence and ‘Making Sacred’." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 68 (June 20, 2011): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135824611100004x.
Анотація:
Despisers of religion throughout the centuries have poured scorn upon the idea of sacrifice, which they have targeted as an index of the irrational and wicked in religious practice. Lucretius saw the sacrifice of Iphigenia as an instance of the evils perpetrated by religion. But even religious reformers like Xenophanes or Empedocles rail against ‘bloody sacrifice’. What kind of God can demand sacrifice? Yet the language of sacrifice persists in a secular world. Nor does its secularised form seem much more appealing. One need only think of the appalling and grotesque cult of sacrifice in numerous totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century. The perversion of the Jihad in radical Islam in contemporary Europe would provide another sombre instance. Throughout Europe in the last few years we have seen the revival of a classical Enlightenment atheism, a movement that, far removed from Nietzsche's pathos for the Death of God, pursues a vigorous and relentless policy of Écrasez l'infâme! Indeed, contemporary polemicists like Dawkins and Hitchens wish to emphasise precisely this dimension of Christianity: not just false but nasty! The modern cultured despisers of religion are the self confessed descendants of Hume and Voltaire. Religion is the product of the period of ignorance in the superstitious and terrified fearful infancy of humanity, and is the crude attempt to face the natural human longing for knowledge, consolation and emotional support. How can one strive to defend the concept of sacrifice against such cultured despisers? I think we need to start by reflecting upon why the slaughter of an animal, say, makes holy – sacra facere? The root meaning of ‘sacrifice’ has a basis in ritual practice, as its Latin etymology suggests. Though in common parlance it communicates a giving up or rejection, the word as we are going to understand it signifies thesubstitution, or more perhapssublimation, of an item or interest for a higher value or principle. St Augustine speaks of the outward symbol of the true sacrifice of spiritual offering that God requires in the altar of the heart – a sacrifice of humility and praise. The metaphor works because his audience was familiar with the literal sense of the term.
39
Bobrovnikov, Vladimir. "“Islamic Revival” in Dagestan: 25 years later." Islamology 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.07.1.06.
Анотація:
More than twenty five years passed from the beginning of the Islamic growth in Dagestan. It is the time to evaluate this phenomenon. As specialist in Oriental studies and social anthropology I am going to do it on the basis of archival and field research materials gathered in the republic from the autumn 1992 till the summer of 2016. I happened to witness the very beginning of the Islamic growth as well as fall of enthusiasm related to Islam. This paper aims to clarify the nature and results of the Islamic growth. What was the reason of the so-called Islamic revival? How does it correlate to the imperial Soviet past in Russian Caucasus? What did the Islamic growth result in? What was eventually revived if any? And last but not least — how was the return of Islam to public sphere related to the growth of conflicts and social instability in the region? The fall of the one-party Soviet system was accompanied with the appearance of numerous Islamic parties and movements. All of them appealed to the restoration of religious freedom for Muslims, the return from the official state atheism to Islam, consolidation of Russia’s Muslims on the basis of Shari‘a and to the revival of high pre-Soviet Islamic culture in perspective. Post-Soviet Islamic parties appeared to be strikingly short-lived: all of them disappeared already in the 1990s. Hopes on Islam as the means of political liberation and national self-determination of Soviet Muslims in Dagestan proved to be wrong. Politics seems not to be a stable factor of the Islamic growth. Religious statistics defines it better. One should note unprecedented growth of religious Islamic institutions in Dagestan. However the quantity does not mean quality. Islamic cultural revival did not yet happen in the republic. It seems that the Soviet past still affects Dagestani Muslims stronger that it seems at first sight. Following Soviet reforms and forced secularization pre-revolutionary Muslim society exists no more. The general course of the Islamic growth was much affected by transformation of post-Soviet Russian polity in the region, economic devastation, growing unemployment and aftermath of two bloody Russian-Chechen wars. In addition, the so-called Wahhabi opposition appeared to be a serious challenge to the post-Soviet Russian rule in the Caucasus. Nowadays it disappears but other radical Muslim movements such as Hizb al-Takhrir were introduced in the region.
40
Pouivet, Roger. "Worst Friends or Best Enemies?" European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 7, no. 1 (March 21, 2015): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v7i1.132.
Анотація:
This article examines the question of whether the atheist and the believer can understand each other, to the point of being friends intellectually. The answer is no. The atheist and the believer can be best enemies, but their epistemic disagreement is definitely radical. For it is not a disagreement on religious belief itself, but about what allows the believer to believe. The article examines some aspects of John Greco’s concept of ‘friendly theism’, the discussion of conciliationism and anti-conciliatonism, and the epistemic role of the Holy Spirit.
41
Soudias, Dimitris. "Spatializing Radical Political Imaginaries." Contention 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2020.080103.
Анотація:
This article seeks to make sense of why participants in square occupations point to the transformative character of their experience. Drawing from narrative research on the 2011 occupation of Syntagma Square in Athens, I argue that the transformative quality of the occupation lies in the spatialized emergence and practice of radical political imaginaries in these encampments, which signify a demarcation from and an alternative to the neoliberalizing of everyday life in Greece. By scrutinizing the spatial demarcation between the “upper” and “lower” parts of the Syntagma Square occupation, one can think more carefully about the conditions of possibility for the emergence of the radical imagination.
42
Hadjimichalis, Costis. "From Streets and Squares to Radical Political Emancipation? Resistance Lessons from Athens during the Crisis." Human Geography 6, no. 2 (July 2013): 116–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861300600209.
Анотація:
The current crisis with imposed austerity measures hit Greece in 2009. People in large cities such as Athens were the first victims. Resistance took various forms including mobilizations and fights in the streets and squares of Athens. Although to some extent spontaneous in the beginning, these mobilizations were not without political preparation (at least for some participants) and this partially explains both their intensity and stability and the violent police reaction. Resistance and anti-austerity mobilizations were outcomes of non-politicized people coming together with various more organized political forces, such as unions, non-unionized temporary workers, anti-racist and anti-global movements, members of the European Social Forum-Greek section, small leftist and anarchist groups, plus larger political parties of the left such as SYRIZA, which succeeded in forming a wider radical alliance. In this alliance the role of radical social movements, including urban movements, has been decisive. During the past 10 to 15 years dozens of urban grass-roots movements emerged in the Athens metropolitan region. Partly as a response to projects related to the 2004 Olympic Games, and partly in response to chronic socio-spatial inequalities and injustices in various neighborhoods, these movements were radical in nature, multi-class in social base and quite militant in terms of tactics. And since 2009, the crisis acted as catalyst, and radical social movements made the crucial link between sectoral/local struggles and those arising from wider socio-spatial contradictions and injustices aiming at political change. The paper critically evaluates these events, putting them in theoretical and comparative perspective, trying to understand the limits and the lessons-so-far from such an experience and asks whether they point to a wider radical political emancipation.
43
Nielsen, Vance G. "Ruthenium, Not Carbon Monoxide, Inhibits the Procoagulant Activity of Atheris, Echis, and Pseudonaja Venoms." International Journal of Molecular Sciences 21, no. 8 (April 23, 2020): 2970. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijms21082970.
Анотація:
The demonstration that carbon monoxide releasing molecules (CORMs) affect experimental systems by the release of carbon monoxide, and not via the interaction of the inactivated CORM, has been an accepted paradigm for decades. However, it has recently been documented that a radical intermediate formed during carbon monoxide release from ruthenium (Ru)-based CORM (CORM-2) interacts with histidine and can inactivate bee phospholipase A2 activity. Using a thrombelastographic based paradigm to assess procoagulant activity in human plasma, this study tested the hypothesis that a Ru-based radical and not carbon monoxide was responsible for CORM-2 mediated inhibition of Atheris, Echis, and Pseudonaja species snake venoms. Assessment of the inhibitory effects of ruthenium chloride (RuCl3) on snake venom activity was also determined. CORM-2 mediated inhibition of the three venoms was found to be independent of carbon monoxide release, as the presence of histidine-rich albumin abrogated CORM-2 inhibition. Exposure to RuCl3 had little effect on Atheris venom activity, but Echis and Pseudonaja venom had procoagulant activity significantly reduced. In conclusion, a Ru-based radical and ion inhibited procoagulant snake venoms, not carbon monoxide. These data continue to add to our mechanistic understanding of how Ru-based molecules can modulate hemotoxic venoms, and these results can serve as a rationale to focus on perhaps other, complementary compounds containing Ru as antivenom agents in vitro and, ultimately, in vivo.
44
Matthews, Richard J. "Is the archivist a “radical atheist” now? Deconstruction, its new wave, and archival activism." Archival Science 16, no. 3 (June 13, 2015): 213–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10502-015-9248-2.
45
Falk, Arthur. "A Pascal-type Justification of Faith in a Scientific Age." Philosophy 80, no. 4 (October 2005): 543–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003181910500046x.
Анотація:
The author argues that faith survives as a rational option, despite science rendering improbable distinctively theological claims about the world and history. After rejecting justifications of faith from natural theology and natural law, he defends a seemingly weaker strategy, a corrected version of Pascal's wager argument. The wager lets one's desires count toward showing one's faith to be rational, and the faith requires that oneÕs desires undergo radical transformation to protect the faith, making the wager argument really quite strong. As Nietzsche insisted, to be an atheist in the face of this challenge, one would have to become superhuman and transform one's values radically in the opposite direction.
46
David Lewis, John. "Xenophon’s Poroi and the Foundations of Political Economy." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, no. 2 (2009): 370–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000158.
Анотація:
In the Poroi, Xenophon’s radical solution to Athens’ financial problems includes several ideas vital to the field of political economy. His identification of justice with the pursuit of wealth provides an alternative to the power politics that for half a century had taken Athens into a series of self-destructive imperial wars. He supports his idea of economic growth with arithmetic calculations, and he connects the results to traditional Greek views of public rewards and benefits. From this he crafts a goal-directed strategy for economic growth designed to foster good will through incentives rather than coercion. This brief commentary on the text (in translation) shows how Xenophon’s positive claims are based not on a modern demand-side conception of economic stimulation, but rather on building productive capital. He is a proto-Saysian, not a Keynesian. Xenophon’s proposals range beyond the polis into a pan-Hellenic vision of increasing trade that is centred on Athens, monetized with Athenian coinage, and idealized into the common peace that the Greeks had so long desired but so little achieved.
47
Skilodimou, Hariklia D., Vasileios Antoniou, George D. Bathrellos, and Eleni Tsami. "Mapping of Coastline Changes in Athens Riviera over the Past 76 Year’s Measurements." Water 13, no. 15 (August 3, 2021): 2135. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w13152135.
Анотація:
Mapping of coastline changes assists in coastal development and monitoring. Athens Riviera, located in the southwestern coastal zone in Attica in central Greece, has undergone major and radical changes generated by human interference during the last decades. The aim of this paper is to map record and measure the coastline changes in Athens Riviera over the past 76 years. Aerial photographs and satellite images from 1945 to 2021 as well as geographic information system (GIS) techniques were used to depict the spatial and temporal variations of the coastline. The results show that 60% of the total length of the coastline is artificial coast, while 29% is rocky coast and 12% beach. The study of seven subareas showed that human interventions caused significant coastline changes in Faliro Bay, Alimos and Glyfada. The adjacent coastal regions to Athens metropolitan area illustrate the highest modifications in the coastline. The main changes in the coastlines are recorded from 1960 to 1987, while the rate of changes in coastline slowed down from 1987 to 2021. The total changes in the coastline of Athens Riviera demonstrate that, during the past 76 years, the coastline was enhanced by 40% while land reclaimed to the sea area approaches 2.67 km2. The applied method is effective and rapid and may utilize in the coastal monitoring and management.
48
Sintomer, Yves. "From Deliberative to Radical Democracy? Sortition and Politics in the Twenty-First Century." Politics & Society 46, no. 3 (August 13, 2018): 337–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329218789888.
Анотація:
This article defends four claims. The first is that in the last few decades, two waves of democratic innovation based on random selection must be differentiated by their partly different concrete devices, embodying different social dynamics and pointing toward different kinds of democracy. The second claim is that the rationale of the first wave, based on randomly selected minipublics, largely differs from the dynamic of political sortition in Athens, as it points toward deliberative democracy rather than radical democracy. Conversely, empowered sortition processes that have emerged during the second wave capture better the spirit of radical Athenian democratic traditions. The third claim is normative: these empowered sortition processes are more promising for a real democratization of democracy. The last claim is that any proposal of a legislature by lot must rely on this lesson when trying to defend a normatively convincing and politically realistic perspective.
49
Zahariadis, Nikolaos. "Values as Barriers to Compromise? Ideology, Transnational Coalitions, and Distributive Bargaining in Negotiations over the Third Greek Bailout." International Negotiation 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 473–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341339.
Анотація:
What factors explain the brinkmanship and threats of Greece’s distributive tactics over the third bailout package in 2015? Examining negotiations between Greece and its creditors duringsyriza’s (Coalition of the Radical Left) tenure in power, I argue that the Greek government’s strong ideological fervor turned the bailout negotiations into an ideologically based dispute, which involved “sacred” value biases and uncompromising posturing. Unable to form cooperative transnational coalitions, Athens increasingly turned to distributive bargaining tactics that antagonized creditors and escalated the conflict. The article highlights how values act as barriers in bailouts and has implications for the study of intergovernmental negotiations in the European Union.
50
Vaiou, Dina. "Rethinking participation: lessons from a municipal market in Athens." Journal of Place Management and Development 11, no. 2 (June 4, 2018): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpmd-06-2017-0055.
Анотація:
PurposeThe paper aims to propose (re)thinking participation, a much-debated issue in urban studies, planning and development, both in its grass-roots and its institutional versions.Design/methodology/approachThe paper draws from two phases of people’s participation concerning the re-use of a former municipal market in Athens, the Agora, in the neighborhood of Kypseli. The two phases represent two different approaches to “participation”: an initiative of local groups implementing participation as a site of radical possibility and an invited or induced process, in which the municipal authorities initiated the whole exercise.FindingsThe radically different starting points correspond to equally different perspectives with regard to the stakes and meanings of the respective participatory process, as well as the individuals and groups who are involved.Originality/valueThe paper approaches participation as a spatial process, producing interactions among people, creating emotional or material connections, exchanges and inevitably conflict, re-configuring (public) space and extending (urban) citizenship.