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Готові списки джерел за темами / Regime legitimacy / Статті в журналах

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Статті в журналах з теми "Regime legitimacy"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 7 червня 2025

Оновлено: 2 серпня 2025

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1

Sedgwick, Mark. "Measuring Egyptian Regime Legitimacy." Middle East Critique 19, no. 3 (2010): 251–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2010.514474.

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2

Ortmann, Stephan. "Opposition and Regime Legitimacy." Journal of Asian and African Studies 45, no. 1 (2010): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909610352688.

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3

Letsa, Natalie Wenzell. "‘The people's choice’: popular (il)legitimacy in autocratic Cameroon." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 4 (2017): 647–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000428.

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AbstractWhile many analysts assume that the autocratic regime of Paul Biya is deeply unpopular amongst ordinary Cameroonians, there is almost no existing analysis of public opinion in Cameroon. In fact, Cameroonians are deeply divided in their beliefs about politics; while many view the government as democratic and legitimate, others see the regime as entirely autocratic. What explains these fundamental divides in beliefs? While existing theories point to demographic factors as the most important predictors of political opinions, this article argues that in autocratic regimes, political geogra

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4

Yitzhak, Ronen. "The Question of the Legitimacy of the Hashemite Regime in Jordan: the Islamic Radical Organizations, the Western Territories and Israel." Oriente Moderno 100, no. 1 (2020): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340228.

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Abstract This article explores the question of the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime in Jordan. Jordanian public opinion, on the one hand, recognizes the regime, in large part because of its genealogical descent from the Prophet Muhammad. Radical Islamic organizations, on the other hand, reject it for its ties to the West and Israel. The article examines how the views of Islamic movements towards the Hashemite regime have evolved. The Muslim Brotherhood originally recognized the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime, but changed that position in response to Jordan’s 1994 peace treaty with Israel

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5

Durrheim, Kevin, Don Foster, and Colin Tredoux. "Conceptions of legitimacy as a variable mediating the relationship between relative deprivation and militancy." South African Journal of Psychology 25, no. 2 (1995): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639502500206.

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The role of relative deprivation and authoritarianism in predicting militancy and the potential for political protest form the backdrop of this study. The influence of conceptions of regime legitimacy as a variable mediating this relationship was investigated by means of a factorial design, employing a white student sample ( N = 135). Conceptions of legitimacy were manipulated by dividing the sample into left- and right-wing subsamples. The left- and right-wing samples were found to demonstrate different conceptions of relative intergroup status between blacks and whites under the regimes whic

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6

Whiting, Susan H. "Authoritarian “Rule of Law” and Regime Legitimacy." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 14 (2017): 1907–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016688008.

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A prominent hypothesis to explain the durability of authoritarian regimes focuses on the official adoption of law and legal institutions. The present study offers a novel empirical approach to test the relationship between legal construction and regime legitimation, drawing on a quasi-experiment and original panel survey in rural China. Using difference-in-difference, subgroup, and two-stage least squares analyses, it finds that the Chinese state’s project of legal construction powerfully shapes the legal consciousness of ordinary rural citizens and that state-constructed legal consciousness e

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7

Aldefaie, Hatem Mehdi, and Ihab Ali Abdullah Rashid. "Opportunities and obstacles to building legitimate legal legitimacy In the Arab political systems." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 6 (2019): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i6.60.

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Arab political regimes suffer from a number of crises that pose a challenge to the continuation and stability of their political systems. Arab political regimes have witnessed many multi-dimensional crises and angles such as economic, social and political crises. Main in the Arab political systems. The majority of researchers and scholars in this field are due to the weakness of the relationship between society and the existing political system, the latter and civil society, and the consequent tyranny of the Authority and its regime, and its penetration into the practice of oppression an

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8

Medushevskiy, Andrei N. "2020 Constitutional Reform as the Problem of Legitimacy Theory." Theoretical and Applied Law, no. 4 (June 7, 2020): 15–30. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15430419.

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The legitimacy is one of the key resources of stability for all political regimes but its importance growing still much in regimes under transformation. The general legitimacy theory exposes why and how the dominant political class disposes the trust of society to stay in power by using available symbolic, moral and legal resources of self-legitimization. In contemporary law-based state the ground of the legitimacy is normally associated with the national constitution – its fundamental values, principles and norms as well as with general public agreement on mode of their application by g

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9

Hacin, Rok. "Prisoners’ Perceptions of Legitimacy of Prison Staff in Slovenia." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 26, no. 2 (2018): 160–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-02602003.

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This paper focuses on prisoners’ perceptions of legitimacy of prison staff in Slovenian prisons and the influence of progressiveness of the prison regime on these perceptions. The purpose of the study is to identify those factors that influence prisoners’ perceptions of legitimacy of the prison staff and to test different models of studying legitimacy in the post-socialist prison environment. Possible differences in prisoners’ perceptions of legitimacy in different prison regimes in Slovenia will be explored. Results of regression analyses highlighted the fact that procedural justice, distribu

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10

Zalman, Amy. "In Pursuit of Legitimacy." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (2006): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1644.

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In his book In Pursuit of Legitimacy, Hesham Al Awadi sets out to explainEgyptian president Mubarak’s dramatic shift in his treatment of the MuslimBrothers (Al Ikhwan Al Muslimin), from toleration of the outlawed group tosevere repression, over the first two decades of his regime. Standard explanationsfor this shift, as Awadi points out, have a state-centric bias in which the state is the primary actor responding to the threat posed by the MuslimBrothers to the regime, either by providing social services when the state’scapacity to do so was hampered, or by challenging the legitimacy of anauth

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11

Chheang, Vannarith. "Cambodia in 2020: Regime Legitimacy Tested." Southeast Asian Affairs SEAA21, no. 1 (2021): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/aa21-1e.

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12

Freedman, Amy. "Sars And Regime Legitimacy In China." Asian Affairs 36, no. 2 (2005): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0306837050013612.

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13

Vonsovych, Serhiy. "Evolution vectors of legitimacy theory as an attribute of power: past and present." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 94–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-94-102.

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The article considers the concept of legitimacy as an attribute of power, reveals the content of legitimacy, shows its role and significance for the subjects of the political process, defines the stages of origin and genesis of legitimacy theory. It proves that power either on the state or local levels cannot be obtained for the sake of satisfaction from the feeling of one's temporary supremacy. Nevertheless, most interpretations of power reflect it as the vertical asymmetry of its participants’ dispositions, what implies the «ability» of the subject (operator of power) to use dominant positio

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14

CRUZ, JOSÉ MIGUEL. "Police Misconduct and Political Legitimacy in Central America." Journal of Latin American Studies 47, no. 2 (2015): 251–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15000085.

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AbstractWhat is the political impact of police corruption and abuse? From the literature, we know that police misconduct destroys people's confidence in police forces and hampers public collaboration with the criminal-justice system; but, what about the political regime, especially in countries striving for democratic governance? Does police wrongdoing affect the legitimacy of the overall regime? Focusing on Central America, this article provides empirical evidence showing that corruption and abuse perpetrated by police officers erode public support for the political order. Results indicate th

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15

Bin Musa, Ali. "The Historical Roots behind the Libyan State Failure." Contemporary Arab Affairs 17, no. 4 (2024): 620–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17550920-bja00058.

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Abstract This paper discusses the phenomenon of state failure in general and uses the current Libyan state as a case study by tracing the historical path of the formation of the modern Libyan state, specifically the impact of the legacy left by the Gaddafi regime on three main variables: authority, legitimacy, and institutional capacity. It addresses the following question: How did the historical legacy of the Gaddafi regime contribute to the crisis of the Libyan state after 2011? The study is based on the hypothesis that personal authoritarian regimes, such as Gaddafi’s, have the most detrime

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16

Cozzaglio, Ilaria. "Legitimacy between Acceptance and Acceptability." Social Theory and Practice 48, no. 1 (2022): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract20211210147.

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Political realists argue that the concept of political legitimacy should be linked to subjects’ beliefs, while still offering normative guidance. In this article, I suggest doing so by referring to the concepts of acceptance and acceptability. I argue that a regime is legitimate if its power is accepted by subjects, provided that such acceptance meets the requirements of acceptability: subjects’ beliefs about the regime’s legitimacy need to successfully satisfy three requirements—coherence, fact-sensitivity, and politics-sensitivity—via entering public debate. I rely on pragmatism to investiga

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17

Ignatjeva, Olga A. "Ideal-typical constructions of legitimate orders of power and their foundations." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znaniaя 9, no. 2 (2023): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2023-2-144-151.

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Maintaining the legitimacy of power is one of the key tasks of the ruling elite. The possession of means of coercion and the ability to use them against the unwanted is not a sign of a good regime, as the basis of legitimacy is the trust of the object of governance (society) in the subject of governance (the ruling elite). Undoubtedly, there are many different legitimate orders, but in order to conduct a full-fledged study of them in the future it is necessary to construct their ideal types, starting from the works of classical political theory and from political practice. The aim of this arti

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18

Hjellum, Torstein. "On the Legitimacy of the Dengist Regime." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 11 (March 10, 1996): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v11i1.2185.

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Deng's truth-from-facts willingness to discard outmoded dogmas and his black-cats/white-cats readiness to tinker with China's basic economic institutions had led him boldly to venture where no Chinese leader - no leader anywhere in the communist world - had previously dared to go. Early on, Deng decoupled the engine of market competition (good) from the stigma of capitalist exploitation (bad) and threw open China's doors to the outside world, setting in motion a process of accelerated socio-economic development and modernization. . . . Rapid but

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19

MAKARKIN, ALEKSEI, and PETER M. OPPENHEIMER. "The Russian social contract and regime legitimacy." International Affairs 87, no. 6 (2011): 1459–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2011.01045.x.

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20

Chu, Yun-Han. "Sources of regime legitimacy in Confucian societies." Journal of Chinese Governance 1, no. 2 (2016): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2016.1172402.

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21

Zanardi, Claudia. "Debating Regime Legitimacy in Contemporary China. Popular Protests and Regime Performances." Europe-Asia Studies 70, no. 2 (2018): 318–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2018.1435007.

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22

Jongen, Hortense, and Jan Aart Scholte. "Legitimacy in Multistakeholder Global Governance at ICANN." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 27, no. 2 (2021): 298–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02702004.

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Abstract This article examines levels and patterns of legitimacy beliefs toward one of today’s most developed global multistakeholder regimes, the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN). Two complementary surveys find that levels of legitimacy perceptions toward ICANN often rank alongside, and sometimes ahead of, those for other sites of global governance, both multilateral and multistakeholder. Moreover, average legitimacy beliefs toward ICANN hold consistently across stakeholder sectors, geographical regions, and social groups. However, legitimacy beliefs decline as one

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23

Šarkutė, Ligita, and Jiabin Song. "Handling with Legitimacy Crisis of the Chinese Communist Party: How is the Promotion of Confucianism Related with the Labour Protest Levels?" Public Policy and Administration 23, no. 1 (2024): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.23.1.34520.

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This article aims to shed light on the problem of Confucianism’s role in strengthening the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party. After 40 years of economic reform, contemporary China is by and large functioning as a quasi-capitalist state, however, due to the lack of protection of the labour class, the conflicts between the workers and their employers have created a legitimacy crisis for China’s authoritarian regime and forced it to seek alternative means to strengthening its legitimacy apart from its orthodox communism ideology and the coercive measures. In this article, the researchers

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24

Šarkutė, Ligita, and Jiabin Song. "Handling with Legitimacy Crisis of the Chinese Communist Party: How is the Promotion of Confucianism Related with the Labour Protest Levels?" Public Policy and Administration 23, no. 1 (2024): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.53.1.34520.

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This article aims to shed light on the problem of Confucianism’s role in strengthening the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party. After 40 years of economic reform, contemporary China is by and large functioning as a quasi-capitalist state, however, due to the lack of protection of the labour class, the conflicts between the workers and their employers have created a legitimacy crisis for China’s authoritarian regime and forced it to seek alternative means to strengthening its legitimacy apart from its orthodox communism ideology and the coercive measures. In this article, the researchers

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25

Almaljamie, Ahmed Abbas, and Hanif Md Lateh. "Illegitimate Tools of the Ruling Regime and Their Impact on Political Legitimacy in Yemen: From Yemeni Unification to 2011." Journal of Social Studies 31, no. 3 (2025): 230–51. https://doi.org/10.20428/jss.v30i4.2788.

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This study analyzed the illicit tools used by Yemen’s political regime to maintain power and their impact on political legitimacy. Using a case study methodology and a historical approach, it examined the regime’s experience from Yemeni unification to 2011 and explored the legitimacy crisis amid Yemen's conflict. The study found that over three decades, the regime’s illicit strategies eroded state legitimacy, reduced political awareness, and empowered traditional forces over civil parties, resulting in fragile legitimacy. Key tools included exploiting social divisions, constitutional amendment

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26

Li, Jiasong. "The Influence of Political Interest and Participation on Satisfaction with Authorit arian Regimes: A Comparative Analysis of Russia and Kazakhstan." Global Review of Humanities, Arts, and Society 1, no. 1 (2025): 73–82. https://doi.org/10.63802/grhas.v1.i1.4.

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This study explores the relationship between political interest, political participation, and regime satisfaction in two post-Soviet authoritarian countries: Russia and Kazakhstan. Drawing on data from the 2018 World Values Survey, the analysis categorizes political participation into institutional, non-institutional, and internet-based forms. Using OLS regression models, the study finds that institutional participation, particularly voting, is positively and significantly associated with regime satisfaction in both countries. Non-institutional forms of participation, such as protests, show a

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27

Garcia, Núria. "Linguistic Justice for which Demos? The Democratic Legitimacy of Language Regime Choices." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 9, no. 1 (2016): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auseur-2016-0002.

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Abstract In the European Union language regime debate, theorists of multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism have framed their arguments in reference to different theories of justice and democracy. Philippe Van Parijs advocates the diffusion of a lingua franca, namely English, as means of changing the scale of the justificatory community to the European level and allowing the creation of a transnational demos. Paradoxically, one key dimension of democracy has hardly been addressed in this discussion: the question of the democratic legitimacy of language regime choices and citizens’ preferences on

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28

Shi, Yifan. "Editing Legitimacy." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 55, no. 2 (2022): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.2.120.

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This research note is a textual comparison between different versions of Deng Xiaoping’s two speeches in May and June 1989 using recently accessible scanned copies of original documents distributed to local officials. It reveals numerous alterations—including both deletions and additions—in the later published texts. The research note suggests that in the context of the early 1990s, these editorial efforts were made to restore the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party by highlighting Deng’s image as a pragmatic reformer, maintaining Jiang Zemin’s position as the core of the new leadership,

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29

Yuen, Samson, and Edmund W. Cheng. "Neither Repression Nor Concession? A Regime’s Attrition against Mass Protests." Political Studies 65, no. 3 (2017): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716674024.

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Protest activists employ various strategies to challenge regimes, and regimes deploy multifaceted tactics to respond to such challenges. Existing studies on regime protest responses focus on repression and concession, but little attention is devoted to toleration, which is often regarded as government inaction. Drawing on primary sources and interviews, this article analyses regime responses to Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement to expand the conceptualisation of toleration. First, it demonstrates that regimes adapt multiple strategies to protesters’ reactions rather than adhering to a single respo

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30

Fedorov, Vladislav I. "The impact of voter turnout on the legitimacy of presidential elections in the worldwide." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Sociology. Politology 24, no. 2 (2024): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2024-24-2-201-207.

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This paper reveals the impact of voter turnout on the legitimacy of presidential elections based on the materials of 20 largest states holding such elections in terms of the number of voters. In March 2024, presidential elections were held in Russia and in November elections are scheduled in the United States, the outcome of which will have an impact on the domestic and foreign policies of these states. The author has tested the hypothesis that in most cases, for the existing political regime in countries where subject and patriarchal political cultures are widespread, high voter turnout acts

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31

Throup, David. "Elections and political legitimacy in Kenya." Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 371–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161427.

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AbstractThough it began independence as a deeply divided society after the trauma of Mau Mau, Kenya maintained one of the open political systems in Africa despite its formal one-party status. National elections provided a device by means of which new blood could be incorporated into the regime. More recently growing economic difficulties and the insecurity of President Moi have greatly intensified authoritarian tendencies. Elections have increasingly been rigged in order to sustain Moi's narrow power base. As elsewhere in Africa the regime gave in to the demands for multi-party politics but th

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32

Andrei Dălălău. "Building Legitimacy." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 51 (December 25, 2021): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.51.2.

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   After the collapse of the communist regime in Eastern Europe, political parties were faced with the necessity of building political legitimacy. This research aims to find out how political myths were instrumentalized by political leaders during the presidential campaigns in order to gain popular support. In the first part, the article focuses on defining “myth” as a legitimizing political instrument. In the second part four political myths used in the early 1990s in Romania are being analyzed: the myth of the interwar period, the myth of original democracy, the myth of pol

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33

Fedorchenko, S. "NETWORK TECHNOLOGIES AND LEGITIMACY OF THE POLITICAL REGIME." Bulletin of the Moskow State Regional University, no. 4 (2015): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2015-4-129-137.

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34

Pham, J. Peter. "Political Realism and the Question of Regime Legitimacy." American Foreign Policy Interests 33, no. 2 (2011): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2011.570736.

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35

Thayer, Carlyle A. "Southeast Asia: Challenges to Unity and Regime Legitimacy." Southeast Asian Affairs 1999 1999, no. 1 (1999): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa99a.

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36

Gherghina, Sergiu. "Direct democracy and subjective regime legitimacy in Europe." Democratization 24, no. 4 (2016): 613–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2016.1196355.

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37

Szudoczky, Rita. "Principles Justifying the Reallocation of Taxing Rights to Market Jurisdictions: Do We Need Them?" Intertax 51, Issue 12 (2023): 822–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2023076.

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This article argues that the taxing right of market jurisdictions under Pillar One is justified by commonly invoked and widely accepted principles in international taxation. This is not just a desirable outcome of the international coordination on the allocation of taxing rights but a moral demand that the inter-state allocation of taxing rights must comply with. A principle-based allocation of taxing rights is a precondition for the legitimacy and thus the equity of the international tax regime. Principles, such as ability to pay, the benefits principle and economic allegiance, provide a norm

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38

GUTTERMAN, ELLEN. "The legitimacy of transnational NGOs: lessons from the experience of Transparency International in Germany and France." Review of International Studies 40, no. 2 (2013): 391–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210513000363.

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AbstractThis article develops theoretical insights concerning the legitimacy of non-profit Transnational Non-Governmental Organisations (TNGOs) in global governance. The research compares the advocacy initiatives of Transparency International (TI), the leading TNGO in the international regime of anti-corruption, in Germany and France during the 1990s. The main argument is that the legitimacy of TNGOs is a relational concept: it is granted or denied in a relationship between at least two parties, in which actor attributes play a role but are not decisive. Only such a relational conception can e

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39

Sønvisen, Signe A., and Christian Vik. "Shaping Aquaculture Management—An Interest Tug O’ War." Sustainability 13, no. 16 (2021): 8853. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13168853.

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(1) Background: Although Norwegian aquaculture has experienced tremendous development, environmental challenges limit opportunities for growth. To promote environmentally sustainable industry growth, a new spatial management regime was introduced: the Traffic Light System (TLS). However, with a focus on environmental sustainability and economic growth, the new regime largely ignores important factors for industry development: legitimacy and acceptance. (2) Methods: This study used qualitative methods such as interviews and document analysis. (3) Results: The results showed how aquaculture stak

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40

McDonough, Peter, Samuel H. Barnes, and Antonio López Pina. "The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (1986): 735–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960536.

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The political transition in Spain provides a rare opportunity to monitor popular attitudes toward alternative regimes. Through the analysis of national surveys conducted in 1978, 1979–80, and 1984, we first establish that the Spanish public distinguishes not only between successive governments—the Franquist and the center-right and socialist governments of the post-Franco period—but also between Francoism and democracy as political systems. Second, we show that during the post-Franco era the criteria of legitimacy have begun to shift from formal political to social democratic values. These ana

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Potter, Pitman B. "Belief in Control: Regulation of Religion in China." China Quarterly 174 (June 2003): 317–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903000202.

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This article examines the regulation of religion in China, in the context of changing social expectations and resulting dilemmas of regime legitimacy. The post-Mao government has permitted limited freedom of religious belief, subject to legal and regulatory restrictions on religious behaviour. However, this distinction between belief and behaviour poses challenges for the regime's efforts to maintain political control while preserving an image of tolerance aimed at building legitimacy. By examining the regulation of religion in the context of patterns of compliance and resistance in religious

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Fischer-Hoffman, Cory. "Rival Carceralities: Legitimising Discourses of Prison Regime Formations in Bolivarian Venezuela." Journal of Latin American Studies 52, no. 2 (2020): 373–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x20000310.

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AbstractVenezuela has two types of prisons: a prison regime ruled by a hierarchical organisation of armed inmates and the securitised ‘New Regime’ system under the control of the Ministry of Penitentiary Services. This article uses a comparative approach to examine how legitimacy is constructed in these competing yet co-existing prison regime formations in Venezuela. Both the Venezuelan state and the prisons under ‘carceral self-rule’ legitimate their respective carceral orders through discourses of left-wing emancipation that correspond with different phases of the Bolivarian project. Yet con

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Ciobanu, Monica. "Communist regimes, legitimacy and the transition to democracy in Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 1 (2010): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903394490.

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The purpose of this article is to clarify the relationship between forms of political legitimacy employed by communist regimes in East and Central Europe and subsequent models of revolutionary change in 1989. The conceptual basis of the analysis lies in Max Weber's theoretical framework of legitimacy. The four cases selected for comparison are Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland and Romania. The attempts of de-Stalinization and reformation of these party-state regimes through the introduction of paternalistic and also more goal-oriented measures could not prevent their disintegration in the 1980s and th

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Kirilenko, Viktor P., та Georgij V. Alekseev. "Legitimacy of democracy in the works by Max Weber and Сarl Schmitt". Pravovedenie 62, № 3 (2018): 501–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu25.2018.305.

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Identification of political regime’s legality and legitimacy by the German lawyer Carl Schmitt seems to be an attempt to solve the problem of unjust laws which is close to the idea of legitimate domination stated by Max Weber. Popularity of the legitimacy paradigm within the framework of political and legal discourse on its way towards the provision of rational government is often associated with an underestimation of democratic charisma’s role in legitimation when it is compared to the legal bureaucratic justification of government. Noting the fact that rationality is the most important and a

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Zaman, Fahmida. "Protests in Hybrid Regime: The Shahbag and Road Safety Movement in Bangladesh." Journal of Governance, Security & Development 1, no. 2 (2021): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.52823/dnma6641.

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Following the third wave of democracy, several countries got stuck in their transition to full-fledged democracy. These countries have been labeled, among others, as hybrid regimes. Hybrid regimes are neither fully democratic nor entirely autocratic, thus incorporate elements of both democratic and authoritarian systems and these present valuable research questions for political scientists. One avenue for research is legitimization and protests movements in a hybrid political environment. This paper explores how hybrid regimes respond to protests movements and the relationship between protest

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Al-Awadi, Hesham. "Islamists in power: the case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt." Contemporary Arab Affairs 6, no. 4 (2013): 539–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2013.856079.

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The article examines the Muslim Brotherhood in power in Egypt, 2012–2013, and how they dealt with the multifaceted challenges. The main argument is that the Brotherhood benefited from their past populist legitimacy to fill the vacuum created by the collapse of the Mubarak regime, but that this legitimacy waned when they did not consolidate this legitimacy with a tangible national achievement. The Brotherhood were unable to count on Egyptians’ sympathy for their endurance of rough treatment at the hands of the previous regime over many years, because the 25 January Revolution changed the Egypti

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Davis, Sue. "Elections, Legitimacy, Media and Democracy: The Case of Georgia." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 3 (2008): 471–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802080695.

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Elections are one of the major ways in which democratic governments maintain legitimacy. Do elections serve the same functions in transitioning, non-democratic, or semi-democratic systems? Perhaps the relationship between elections and legitimacy is different in systems that are not fully democratic? And what of the media? Is their role the same or is the role they play dependent upon the type of system in which they exist? The Republic of Georgia offers an interesting case in which to look at these relationships. I would posit that in transitioning, non-democratic, and semi-democratic systems

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Javed Ali. "Legitimacy Crises in Pakistan; A Study of Imran Khan Regime." Zakariya Journal of Social Science 1, no. 2 (2022): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.59075/zjss.v1i2.106.

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Legitimacy is a public belief about the authority or government is just fair and valid accordance with established rules & regulations. It has popular support to implement its binding decisions. This paper explains the legality of democratic regimes in Pakistan and explains how they come into power, why they lose public trust, and cannot complete their tenure. There are three primary factors behind the legitimacy crises of the government in Pakistan; economic & political instability, rift with state’s institutions and weak government performance. Further, Foreign conspiracy, religious

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Vogl, Joseph. "THE FINANCIAL REGIME." Nordic Journal of Aesthetics 29, no. 60 (2020): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nja.v29i60.122847.

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Starting from the premise that the financial regime has become a power in and of itself—a fourth, ‘monetative’ power as it were—this essay gives an account of the ascendancy of finance and the shift from geopolitical to geo-economical order, within which there is no democratic legitimacy and no legal accountability and within which a new class conflict also emerges. It goes on to advance five theses on this new financial sovereignty, concluding that sovereign is he, who can transform his risks into other’s dangers and position him-self as the creditor of last resort.

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Saugheh, Hamed Hasyemi, and Rohaida Nordin. "Legitimacy as a Precondition for the Recognition of New Governments: A Case of Libya." Sriwijaya Law Review 2, no. 1 (2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol2.iss1.111.pp69-81.

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Recognition of new Stets and governments is a political act with legal reverberations. Although the recognition of new States and governments is a traditional concept of international law but the challenging recognition of the transitional government of Libya proved that this traditional concept still can be highly exigent. Traditionally, the States in providing recognition to a new government follow their own benefits and privileges and rarely consider the structure, capacity and public support for the new government. If the rule of law and respecting democracy is going to be means of promoti

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