Статті в журналах з теми "South African Code of Banking Practice"

Subject area Entrepreneurship. Study level/applicability Postgraduate Management Diploma Masters of Business Administration. Case overview Sakhumzi Restaurant on Vilakazi Street, in Soweto’s Orlando West, had grown exponentially since it opened in October 2001. Vilakazi Street was named after a South African Zulu poet, novelist and educator, Benedict Wallet Vilakazi, who was the first black South African to obtain a PhD in 1946. The street was famous for housing two Nobel Peace Prize laureates – Nelson Mandela and Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu – as well as for being the site of the shooting of Hector Pieterson during the Soweto Uprising. There were two museums in the vicinity that attracted thousands of tourists every year – Mandela House and the Hector Pieterson Memorial and Museum. The founder of Sakhumzi Restaurant, Sakhumzi Maqubela, had no experience of the hospitality industry but, nevertheless, had a “deep appreciation” of customer satisfaction, which he had learnt through his previous job in the banking sector. During the start-up phase of the restaurant, Maqubela immersed himself in books on business, focusing on leadership and communication. From such humble beginnings, the restaurant had become a thriving magnet for the tourist and local markets – tourists enjoyed sampling traditional Soweto fare, and for locals, Sakhumzi offered a culinary “home away from home”. Dressed smartly, Maqubela could be seen every day at his restaurant, mingling with patrons and greeting tour operators warmly. But what worried Maqubela was how to keep growing. Should he open another Sakhumzi? Would it work away from the tourist hub of Vilakazi Street? Or were there other options that he needed to explore? Expected learning outcomes The outcomes are as follows: evaluate the entrepreneurial mindset and how entrepreneurial opportunities are recognised, assess the individual-opportunity fit of an opportunity that is being pursued, navigate the entrepreneurial process, identify sources of entrepreneurial finance, identify and overcome resistance and obstacles to start-ups and growing the venture, rigorously analyse the potential of a new business opportunity/venture and assess the relevance of the practice of entrepreneurship to firms and society. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes. Subject code CSS 3: Entrepreneurship.

Purpose This paper aims to examine the problem of conduct-risk measurement for banks, using South Africa as an example of a developing market. Conduct risk is a new and complex phenomenon in global financial services and could negatively impact various stakeholders. There are concerns about new regulations and potential misconduct fines affecting profitability and sustainability for banks. While presenting a serious problem, especially in developing markets, with the added challenge of financial inclusion, conduct risk and its measurement have not been researched sufficiently. If the measurement problem could be solved, the management could be facilitated. Design/methodology/approach Based on a literature review, existing surveys and new interviews, a best-practice proposal for measuring conduct risk was developed. The approach was exploratory and inductive and added primary insights. Findings Measuring concepts like conduct is a global challenge. This aside, South African banking customers are concerned about fraud and safety and administrative service hassles, rather than conduct in the regulatory sense. Best-practice measurement must account for these findings by working with a scoring for behavioural, organisational/procedural and perception indicators and with suggestions for specific surveys. Research limitations/implications Analysing the data measured and deciding what action should be taken if conduct risk is detected could be considered for additional research. Practical implications South African banks are guided in measuring a difficult and unique concept at a time of regulatory change, stakeholder pressures and limited existing knowledge. Originality/value The authors believe this is the first study on a critical and new challenge in banking risk measurement in a developing market.

Purpose The purpose of this study is on the top 500 companies in South Africa (as per the TopCo, 2014 list) that have a code of ethics, to see the current state of development in this area after 20 years of focus by the government and business on making corporate South Africa a more ethical environment, in which to conduct business. Design/methodology/approach A structured questionnaire survey method was used to gather the data and it was directed to the company secretaries of these top 500 companies. Findings Many companies in South Africa have a well-established set of protocols to enact the ethos of their code of ethics, indicating that they are becoming increasingly aware of the benefits to them of having a code. South African companies are, therefore, implementing both a code of ethics and strategies that contribute to creating an ethical corporate culture. Research limitations/implications This study provides an opportunity to further research assessing and comparing other companies in non-Western and emerging economies. Practical implications After 20 years of endeavours by business people and lawmakers to improve the ethical framework of South African business, there is still plenty of work to be done, as so many top companies do not appear to have a code of ethics. Originality/value There have been limited studies in the area of business ethics in South African companies. This study is the first of its kind in the South African context and establishes the current practice 20 years after the King I report.

This paper discusses the theory of financial regulation and practices in countries and South Africa in particular. One of the causes of the global financial crisis (2007-2009) often cited is inadequate or improper regulation and supervision of the financial sector. The global financial crisis revealed inadequacies of extant regulatory systems which arguably had not kept pace with financial innovation. Consequently, all major economies are reforming their regulatory systems in the aftermath. In the UK the Financial Services Authority (FSA) has devised a set of banking regulation while the USA enacted the Dodd-Frank Act to revamp the regulation of financial services. Historically, financial regulation and supervision has been premised on the silo (institutional) approach whereby institutions are regulated according to functional lines. However, in the past two decades many countries in advanced economies adopted a consolidated approach in response to the emergence of financial conglomerates whose regulation could not be adequately handled by the traditional silo approach. South Africa, a middle-income developing country, has had a regulatory and supervisory system that has been driven by the market and international trends. Having started as a institutional approach, it metamorphosed into a functional approach in the late 1980s. Since the 1990s the South African regulatory and supervisory system has had at its heart the central bank regulating the banking sector and a multi-sector regulatory approach for other non-banking financial services. Though the financial sector was largely unscathed by the global financial crisis, South Africa has also moved to reform its regulatory system to embrace the twin peak model in line with trends in related countries.

Using both Return On Assets (ROA) and Tobin’s Q as proxies for performance, the study seeks to explore if better governed firms exhibit greater financial performance than poorly governed firms. The paper employs a panel study methodology for a sample of 137 Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) listed firms between 2002 and 2011. The results show that the compliance levels to corporate governance in South Africa (SA) has been improving since 2002 when King II came into force. However, the compliance level in large firms appears to be higher than in small firms. Further, the findings show that the market value of large firms is higher than that of small firms. These results largely support the notion that better governed firms outperforms poorly governed firms in terms of financial performance. Notably, the empirical results indicate that board size, CEO duality and the presence of independent non-executive directors positively impact the performance of a firm, whereas board gender diversity, director share-ownership and frequency of board meetings have no impact on firm performance. This suggests that greater representation of independent non-executive director, a larger board size and the separation of CEO and Chairman should be encouraged to enhance firm performance. Unexpectedly, the presence of internal key board committees, such as remuneration, audit and nomination, negatively impact firm performance. Similar to UK, South Africa has a flexible approach to corporate governance, in which listed firms are required to apply or explain non-conformance to King recommendations. This study has policy implications as it determines whether the flexible corporate governance approach employed by SA improves corporate governance compliance than the mandatory corporate governance approach as employed by countries such as Sri Lanka and US, and whether compliance translates into firm performance. The significant finding of this study is that compliant firms enjoy a higher firm performance as measured by ROA and Tobin’s Q. This implies that compliance to corporate governance code of practice matters, not just as box ticking exercise but as a real step change in the governance of South African listed firms. This paper fulfils an identified need of how compliance to corporate governance influences firm performance in South Africa. The findings have implications to JSE listing rules, policy, investor confidence and academia.

This paper investigates the extent of compliance by 16 state owned enterprises (SOE)/parastatal corporations in Botswana with international best practice corporate governance principles. In particular the study examines the extent of compliance by SOEs with best practice corporate governance principles as recommended under the King Code of South Africa. The King Code (2002) of Corporate Governance is generally considered as a benchmark for best practice corporate governance not only in the Southern African region but also across the African continent.Using a compliance checklist of 53 provisions from the Code, the study finds that 68.7% of Botswana SOEs have a compliance score of 51% and above while the remaining 31.3% applied less than 50% of the provisions in the King Code checklist. The study also finds that compliance with the Code increased from an average of 57% in 2009 to 60% in 2012. Further the study finds that SOEs tended to comply more with provisions on risk management and less on provisions on integrated sustainability reporting.The results of this study have implications on governance practices of SOEs in Botswana in general. For instance, the results may possibly indicate that, even though governance structures of SOEs in Botswana are crafted through Acts of parliament, on the whole they adhere to international best practice corporate governance principles. The results could also be a signal to local and international investors that Botswana SOEs are not lagging behind in terms of compliance with good governance practices.

The study aimed at investigating the extent to which English is used as a medium of teaching and learning Life Sciences in a South African rural high school. As the government has given recognition to the country’s multilingual, multi-ethnic and multicultural composition, School Governing Bodies are mandated to choose any of the eleven official languages as a medium of instruction (RSA, Act 108 of 1996), but the power of deciding which language to use as a medium of instruction has been taken by teachers to shield their own shortcomings. To be able to explore and understand the prevailing situation, the researchers employed a qualitative design which translated into researchers observing classes, evaluating learners’ written texts and interviewing the teachers as methods of collecting data. The findings are that: first, learners’ and teachers’ proficiency levels in English are very low, as such, the English language is not a pivot of learning and teaching in the South African education system. This emanates from the fact that although in theory the majority of the South African schools have adopted English as a medium of instruction, in practice, this is far from the truth as teachers employ code alternation in the form of code switching, code mixing and sentence translation as viable means of scaffolding the learning of content subjects.

AbstractObjective:This study aimed to determine the knowledge, perceptions and practices of dietitians in South Africa regarding the Regulations Relating to Foodstuffs for Infants and Young Children (R991).Design:A mixed methods, cross-sectional design was used.Setting:Quantitative data were collected using an online survey (n 282) and qualitative data by means of two focus group discussions (n 12).Participants:Participants were dietitians registered with the Health Professions Council of South Africa.Results:Dietitians’ average knowledge score was 64·8 % ± 12·5. Those working in infant and young child feeding had a 5 % higher knowledge score (95 % CI 1·4, 8·6, P = 0·01). Perceptions towards the Regulations were generally positive, and the majority of practices were compliant. Positive perceptions seemed to correlate with compliant practices. The most frequently selected enabler to the implementation of the Regulations was ‘Increase in other initiatives which support, protect and promote breastfeeding’, and the most frequently selected barrier was ‘Lack of awareness of the Regulation among health care providers’. The major themes from the focus group discussions comprised: less knowledge among dietitians and mothers about products controlled under the Regulations, non-compliance of other health care providers, the dietitians’ role in support and enforcement, the discrepancy between practice in private and public sectors and a lack of enforcement.Conclusions:South Africa has taken a bold step in legislating the International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes and should upscale programmes to ensure consistent monitoring and enforcing of the Regulations.

The revised Dutch Corporate Governance Code of 2016 (hereafter “the Code”) comprises provisions regarding the existence of an internal audit function. Following the comply or explain principle of the Code, Euronext Amsterdam listed companies with a registered office in the Netherlands either have established an internal audit function or have to explain why they did not. Our research shows that the number of listed companies with an internal audit function has since grown. In 2016 53% of Euronext Amsterdam listed companies with their registered office in the Netherlands have established an internal audit function; in 2018 this figure is 64%. More than half of these listed companies have an in-house independent internal audit function, whereas other companies have internal audit functions with different characteristics, such as a combined internal audit and risk management function or have outsourced the internal audit function. The majority of the companies without an internal audit function provide inadequate arguments for this absence. They thereby do not meet the standards as set forth in the Code. In most cases, the argument for not having an internal audit function is: “the organization is too small”. This is not a valid argument, as the Code specifically addresses this situation stating that in case the size of a company is not suited for an internal audit function, outsourcing may be an appropriate alternative. We conclude that management boards should give this topic better thought and give better insight in their judgement by explaining the arguments. We therefore advocate that the principle of “comply or explain” should be “comply and explain”. Such is the case in the South African corporate governance code (King IV). The effect will be that management boards mindfully have to elaborate on how they obtain independent assurance on the company’s governance, risk management and control systems.

IntroductionAlthough health labour migration is a global phenomenon, studies have neglected the flow of health workers into low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs). In compliance with the data-monitoring recommendation of the WHO Global Code of Practice on the International Recruitment of Health Personnel (Code), we estimated post-Code physician net migration (NM) in South Africa (SA), and SA’s net loss of physicians to Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries from 2010 to 2014.MethodsWe sourced data from the National Reporting Instrument reports, the OECD and the General Medical Council. Using the numbers of foreign nationals and international medical graduates (IMGs) registered in SA, and SA medical graduates registered in OECD countries (South African-trained international medical graduates (SA-IMGs)) as respective proxies for immigration and emigration, we estimated ‘NM’ as the difference between immigrant physicians and emigrant physicians and ‘net loss’ as the difference between OECD-trained IMGs and OECD-based SA-IMGs.ResultsIn 2010, SA hosted 8443 immigrant physicians, while OECD countries hosted 14 933 SA-IMGs, yielding a NM of −6490 physicians and a NM rate of −18% in SA. By 2014, SA-based immigrant physicians had increased by 4%, while SA-IMGs had decreased by −15%, halving the NM rate to −9%. SA-to-OECD estimated net loss of physicians dropped from −12 739 physicians in 2010 to −10 563 in 2014. IMGs represented 46% of 2010–2014 new registrations in SA, with the UK, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of the Congo serving as leading sources. Registrants from conflict-scarred Libya increased >100-fold. More than 3400 SA-IMGs exited OECD-based workforces.ConclusionNM is a better measure of the brain drain than simply the emigration fraction. Strengthened health personnel data management and reporting through implementation of the Code-related system of National Health Workforce Accounts will further increase our understanding of health worker mobility in LMICs, with policymakers empowered to make more informed policies to address shortage.

The South African Government has instituted a policy of multicultural education (ME) to ensure inclusivity and equal learning opportunities for all learners. This paper aimed to explore teachers’ perspectives on the medium of instruction in a multicultural classroom. The paper was extracted from a thesis that examined multiculturalism in selected schools in South Africa. A sample of 18 participants was purposively selected from two urban schools that have learners from different socio-cultural backgrounds in the Eastern Cape. The paper used the interpretive paradigm, which aligns with the qualitative approach. Data were analyzed thematically. The findings revealed that as a universal language, most participants preferred using English in the classroom. However, they sometimes code-switch to IsiXhosa and/or Afrikaans (two of the 11 official languages in South Africa) if the need arises. The participants also revealed attempts at balancing the use of English with learners’ first language, mostly during breaks, sporting, and cultural events, but they admitted this does not equal ME. Finally, the participants indicated that preference to teach in English was due to its universalism. Consequently, African languages have become receptors and not creators of knowledge. The paper concludes that despite the ME policy, teachers are not keen to practice it because of a lack of skills. It is recommended that the country be zoned into language areas and teachers be taught in at least two dominant languages of each region, excluding the English language, to ensure equal educational opportunities.

Despite the clarity of the South African Schools Act (SASA) 84 of 1996 on the need to craft and implement a learners’ Code of Conduct by school governing bodies (SGBs), there seems to be a gap between the espoused learner disciplinary policies and practice at schools. Using the case study research design, the knowledge scope on education policies by the school disciplinary committees (SDCs) was examined at two secondary schools in a predominantly rural South African district. The study employed a qualitative approach to gather data from purposefully selected informants using focus group and face-to-face interviews. The study sample was composed of 35 participants who were school disciplinary policy duty bearers, comprising 10 SGBs, 10 school management teams (SMTs) and 10 SDC members, as well as five class teachers. The main findings from the thematically analysed narrative data pointed to inadequate knowledge of policies by most SDC committee members. In addition, although the two schools had learners’ codes of conduct that were aligned to SASA, the SDCs were loosely adhering to the provisions of the disciplinary policies in their operations. The gap between the espoused policy and policy in action was found to be due to the policy duty bearers’ inadequate knowledge of the national policy that governs school discipline. This calls for the Department of Basic Education (DBE) to offer policy enhancement workshops for SDCs and to employ a policy monitoring instrument on the functioning of SCDs.

In South African labour law, as is the position in other international jurisdictions, the contract of employment is founded on an employment relationship between employer and employee. This case note discusses the nature and scope of the implied term of trust and confidence in the relationship in relation to managerial employees, with particular emphasis on breach of fiduciary obligations as well as incompatibility (MacGregor “Racial Harassment in the Workplace: Context as Indicata SA Transport and Allied Workers Union obo Dlamini & Transnet Freight Rail” 2009 Industrial Law Journal 650). This obligation of mutual trust and confidence cuts both ways (Western Platinum Refinery Ltd v Hlebela (2015) 36 ILJ 2280) and means that the employer must not behave arbitrarily or unreasonably, or so as to destroy the necessary basis of mutual confidence (Malik v BCCI [1998] AC 20 35 and Woods v WM Car Services (Peterborough) Ltd 1981 IRLR 347).Since the dawn of democracy in 1994 and influenced by constitutional changes in government, South African labour law has been drastically transformed. The new government, led by the African National Congress, had to come up with a legislative framework to deal with racism. Although the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (LRA) does not explicitly deal with the question of racism at work, the importance of forging harmonious employment relationships is covered in the misconduct and incapacity in Schedule 8 of the LRA (Code of Good Practice: Dismissal). To this day, racism at the workplace remains a scourge and for this reason this case note examines the Rustenburg Platinum Mine v SAEWA obo Bester 2018 (5) SA 78 (CC)) case as its focal point. The effect of racism requires that a balance be struck between an employer’s interest in managing its business as it sees fit and the employee’s interest in not being unfairly and improperly exploited.

Equal pay for equal work and work of equal value is recognised as a human right in international law. South Africa has introduced a specific provision in the EEA in the form of section 6(4) which sets out the causes of action in respect of equal pay claims. The causes of action are: (a) equal pay for the same work; (b) equal pay for substantially the same work; and (c) equal pay for work of equal value. In addition to the introduction of section 6(4) to the EEA, the Minister of Labour has published the Employment Equity Regulations of 2014 and a Code of Good Practice on Equal Pay for work of Equal Value. This constitutes the equal pay legal framework in terms of the EEA. The Regulations sets out the factors which should be used to evaluate whether two different jobs are of equal value. It further provides for the methodology which must be used to determine an equal pay dispute and it sets out factors which would justify a differentiation in pay. The Code provides practical guidance to both employers and employees regarding the application of the principle of equal pay for work of equal value in the workplace, inter alia. Regulation 7 sets out factors which would justify pay differentiation. These factors are: (a) seniority (length of service); (b) qualifications, ability and competence; (c) performance (quality of work); (d) where an employee is demoted as a result of organisational restructuring (or any other legitimate reason) without a reduction in pay and his salary remains the same until the remuneration of his co-employees in the same job category reaches his level (red-circling); (e) where a person is employed temporarily for the purpose of gaining experience (training) and as a result thereof receives different remuneration; (f) skills scarcity; and (g) any other relevant factor. If a difference in pay is based on any one or more of the above factors then it is not unfair discrimination if it is fair and rational. This is spelt out in regulation 7(1). In Pioneer Foods (Pty) Ltd v Workers Against Regression 2016 ZALCCT 14 the seniority (length of service) factor was at the fore in the Labour Court. The Labour Court, on appeal, reversed an arbitration award in which the Commissioner found that paying newly appointed drivers at an 80% rate for the first two years of employment as opposed to the 100% rate paid to drivers working longer than two years in terms of a collective agreement amounted to unfair discrimination in pay. The CCMA, in essence, regarded the factor of seniority as a ground of discrimination as opposed to a ground justifying pay differentiation. Pioneer Foods is noteworthy as it is one of the first reported cases from the Labour Court dealing with the relatively new equal pay legal framework. It raises the following important equal pay issues: (a) is seniority a ground of discrimination or a ground justifying pay differentiation? And (b) what is the role of a collective agreement and good industrial relations when determining an equal pay claim? The purpose of this note is to critically analyse these issues and guidance will be sought from South African Law, Foreign law and relevant ILO materials in this regard.

This study aimed to explore the perceived barriers to physical activity among college students Study Design: Qualitative research design Eight focus group discussions on 67 college students aged 18-24 years (48 females, 19 males) was conducted on College premises. Data were analysed using inductive approach. Participants identified a number of obstacles to physical activity. Perceived barriers emerged from the analysis of the data addressed the different dimensions of the socio-ecological framework. The result indicated that the young adults perceived substantial amount of personal, social and environmental factors as barriers such as time constraint, tiredness, stress, family control, safety issues and much more. Understanding the barriers and overcoming the barriers at this stage will be valuable. Health professionals and researchers can use this information to design and implement interventions, strategies and policies to promote the participation in physical activity. This further can help the students to deal with those barriers and can help to instil the habit of regular physical activity in the later adult years.

This paper utilises two dimensions of Legitimation Code Theory, Specialisation and Semantics, to describe and analyse aspects of the poetry pedagogy of a South African home language subject English teacher. The Specialisation analysis illuminates how, while the lesson is oriented towards social relations in its focus on cultivating learners’ literary gaze, the teacher’s pedagogy exhibits varying emphases on epistemic relations and social relations in different phases of the lesson. These concepts facilitate more precise description of the pedagogy, which assists in clarifying and explicating the nature of the pedagogy of a teacher working with a cultural heritage orientation to literary instruction. Analysis within the Semantic dimension enables the tracking of pulses of shifts in abstraction and particularity through the lesson. This highlights the ways in which the teacher moves between more and less abstract and concrete forms of knowledge, which implicitly models ideational networks required for higher levels of close textual analysis.

Context: Corporate governance in South African municipalities is severely lacking and retrograding. The audit committee should essentially be an oversight committee that acts on behalf of the municipal council to ensure that key controls are operating, ethical practices are reinforced, key accounting estimates and judgements are properly made, and that internal and external audits are effective. However, the Municipal Finance Management Act requires that the audit committee acts in an advisory capacity to among others, the municipal management. This statutory requirement is in contrast to international governance code best practice for audit committees. Purpose: The aim of this study was to establish how municipal audit committee members perceive their role and whether they realise the self-review threat brought about by the role conflict between legislation and internationally accepted best practice. Design: A web-based survey questionnaire was used to collect primary data from municipal audit committee members. Findings: The study found that municipal audit committee members seem to be unaware of the self-review threat their perspectives on their role hold. Practical implications: Results of the study may assist policy makers and other stakeholders in drafting regulations and legislation governing the functioning and establishment of independent municipal audit committees in South Africa. Originality: Although the conflicting roles of assurance (oversight) and consulting (advisory) have received attention in the disciplines of external auditing and internal auditing, similar attention is needed in the case of South African municipal audit committees.

The overall aim of this study is to appraise the current practice of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) on firms operating in the South African construction market. Primary and secondary sources of data were utilized. The primary data were collected via of questionnaire survey issued to 12 different firms operating within the South African construction sector and secondary data obtained from related and reliable scholarly literature such as journal articles, conference papers, reports, books etc. Out of 60 questionnaires issued, 50 were acquired back, and all surveys received were valid. Descriptive statistical analysis was used for the collected primary data. The study reveals that common CSR variables that are practiced by South African construction firms using certified product/material verified by the independent third party. These include supporting government initiatives on public welfare; Occupational health, business ethics and code of conduct; welfare and safety; Purchasing green material and the most important CSR variables are contractual obligations are met, and product and service providers are paid in a timely manner; Using certified product/material verified by the independent third party; Ensuring fair treatment of workers at work irrespective of race, gender, and disability; and consult employees about crucial business activities. The implementation of CSR activities offers a great solution for many problems that are being faced by the South African construction firms as well as the South African society.

Teaching and teacher education in South Africa have emerged from a highly fragmented past. Teachers from diverse backgrounds, experiences and qualifications find themselves working together in schools where they do not necessarily have access to a common language of practice, nor a shared understanding of professional teaching practices. To address these challenges, the South African Council of Educators (SACE) has developed a set of professional teaching standards for use in the South African context. This is not the first time a policy framework has tried to articulate and direct teachers’ work. This paper analyses four other frameworks that have been used to regulate, monitor and evaluate the work of South African teachers over the past two decades. These other frameworks are The Roles of the Educator and Their Associated Competences, the SACE Code of Professional Ethics, the Integrated Quality Management System (IQMS) and the Basic Competences of a Beginner Teacher. Our analysis shows how these frameworks present teaching in ways that constrain teacher professionalism in some ways. They address some aspects of professional teaching while ignoring others. In particular, none of them adequately acknowledge the relations between knowledge, skills, judgement and the ethical orientations that underpin professional teaching. The ways in which previous frameworks have constrained teacher professionalism has important implications for SACE if its set of professional teaching standards is to more successfully enhance teacher professionalism in the South African context.

Orientation: This article focuses on the contemporary ethical challenges in coaching psychology in the South African context.Research purpose: The primary objective was to qualitatively explore the contemporary ethical challenges faced by coaching psychologists when coaching clients and organisations and develop an exploratory framework of ethical challenges.Motivation for the study: There may not be sufficient practical guidance to resolving the ethical challenges coaching psychologists encounter when coaching clients within organisations.In addition, available codes of ethics may not fundamentally cover all important ethical challenges, particularly in the South African context.Research approach, design and method: An interpretative paradigm with an explorative approach was applied. Semi-structured interviews and the Delphi technique were used to gather data from 16 participants who were purposively selected: six coaching psychologists were interviewed, whilst feedback from 10 expert panel members was obtained using the Delphi technique. The data was analysed using thematic analysis.Main findings: The findings point to a number of common ethical challenges in coaching psychology, as well as the typical ethical principles used by psychologists who coach as a guide to best ethical practice. The exploratory framework represents the broad systemic outline of factors that contribute to the ethical challenges and articulates these from the coach’s, coachee’s and organisation’s perspective.Practical/managerial implications: The framework can be applied by professionals and coaching clients and can be utilised proactively in identifying potential ethical challenges in the coaching relationship.Contribution/value-add: The framework identifies ethical principles that could be used as the foundation for a code of ethics in coaching psychology.

Abstract Objectives Globally, several strategies for compliance testing and within-group exposure variability have been suggested. This study aimed to evaluate the performance of the South African Mining Industry Code of Practice (SAMI CoP) approach for grouping and compliance testing against international standards. Methods A total of 28 homogenous exposure groups (HEGs) with 728 underground coal mine workers’ eight-hour time-weighted average coal dust concentration data were obtained. Compliance testing was assessed using 10% exceedance above occupational exposure limit (OEL) for SAMI CoP, and the 95th percentile of the lognormal distribution was computed for the European Standardization Committee (CEN) and American Industrial Hygiene Association (AIHA). Comparison of the homogeneity of the HEGs was done between SAMI CoP which mandates that both the arithmetic mean (AM) and 90th percentile must fall in the same exposure band to certify homogeneity and the global geometric standard deviation (GSD) and Rappaport ratio (R-ratio) with specific acceptability criteria. To test the homogeneity of exposure within job titles, eight non-homogenous HEGs that have two or more job titles with three measurements were investigated using GSD and the SAMI CoP criteria. Results A total of 21 HEGs out of 28 were non-compliant to the OEL across SAMI CoP, CEN, and AIHA criteria. Compliance to the OEL was observed for seven HEGs according to the SAMI CoP approach, whereas only one HEG was compliant according to both the SAMI CoP and CEN approaches. The GSD criterion and SAMI CoP revealed that 11 and 6 HEGs were homogenous, respectively, and only on 4 occasions, the 2 approaches agreed. The job titles of the majority of non-homogenous HEGs in both SAMI CoP and GSD were actually homogenous. Five out of 10 sub-groups have their AM above that of HEG B. Other HEGs had at least one of their AM and 90th percentile values above that of their respective parent HEGs. Conclusions All three approaches mainly confirmed non-compliance of HEGs. SAMI CoP tended to show compliance of HEGs more than CEN. Non-homogenous HEGs had many job titles that were homogenous according to both SAMI CoP and GSD criteria. There was no perfect agreement of homogeneity by all the indicators. For both future constitutions of HEGs as well as a retrospective assessment of high exposure groups, homogeneity can be improved by using job titles.

Background: Hypertension is a global health burden affecting developed and developing countries, and South Africa is no exception.Aim: This article aims to highlight the language and content used in health education on hypertension in primary healthcare (PHC) by health promoters and in pamphlets.Methods: The study design was quantitative descriptive. The population comprised a purposive selected sample of 12 health promoters in 12 PHC clinics and 50 pamphlets relating to health education on hypertension. An audio recorder was used to record health education provided by health promoters. Quantitative content analysis and frequency distribution was used to analyse the data.Results: The health promoters used various South African languages mixed with English (code switching). Patients were taught about lifestyle modifications and encouraged to adhere to management therapy. The switching in language usage may affect the understanding of those who do not speak the local language and that may explain the reason for lack of hypertension-suited life modification required by health education.Conclusion: It is important that heath education on hypertension should be standardised so that the content of health education in clinic A is similar to that in clinic B. Information contained in pamphlets should be summarised and standardised to the content presented by health promoters.

Abstract Recent research has pointed to the increasing impact of digitally derived data on forced migration processes, including legal mechanisms for accessing social media profiles of asylum seekers. These developments raise the issue of data privacy, specifically how asylum seekers understand data privacy and protect their data. This article pays particular attention to cultural variants of data privacy. Culture, here, refers to a communication culture linked to displacement, with safety as a key code and variant of data privacy. For the asylum seekers and refugees from South(east) Asia, the Middle East and African nations, safety was a concern in daily digital practice. Safety was a relational way of being, exercised through selective contacts and playful presentations of the self. Those presentations were deeply embedded in the logics of social media and stood in contrast to narratives of persecution, potentially posing problems for asylum claim determination in the future. Based on the lack of awareness of asylum seekers about data privacy and safety, a data safety workshop was designed, available on GitHub.

An employment relationship creates certain rights and protection for the respective parties concerned. For example, an employee has the right not to be unfairly dismissed or subjected to unfair labour practices in the execution of his or her duties. On the other hand, an employer has the right to lay down rules in order to regulate the conduct required from its employees. The Code of Good Practice recognises this right of the employer: Dismissal , which requires all employers to adopt disciplinary rules that establish the standard of conduct required from employees. If an employee fails to adhere to the required rules or standards, the employer has recourse in the form of discipline. Disciplinary action is usually initiated in response to poor work performance or unwarranted behaviour by workers and is aimed at restraining employees from behaving in a manner that could hamper production and the functioning of the organisation. When an employer exercises the right to discipline, regard must be had to the employee’s right to be treated fairly. It is therefore important that disciplinary procedures should maintain a proper balance between the rights of the respective parties in the disciplining process.The aim of this note is to compare the procedures for disciplining conventional employees in terms of the LRA with the procedures to discipline magistrates in terms of the Magistrates Act. The purpose of the comparison is to evaluate whether the disciplinary regime applicable to magistrates effectively ensures that they are appropriately and timeously disciplined when necessary in order to ensure a well-functioning judiciary. The note will commence with an outline of the legislative and regulatory framework of the respective disciplinary processes. This will be followed by an evaluation of whether the disciplinary regime governing magistrates contributes to a well-functioning judicial system. The note will conclude with recommendations regarding streamlined processes that would provide role players in the judiciary with certainty about the applicable remedies and the appropriate dispute resolution institutions where their disputes may be resolved.

This paper explores South African hip-hop activist Emile YX?'s work to suggest that he presents an alternative take on mainstream US and South African hip-hop. While it is arguable that a great deal of mainstream hip-hop is commercially co-opted, it is clear that a significant amount of US hip-hop (by Angel Haze or Talib Kweli, for example) and hip-hop beyond the US (by Positive Black Soul, Godessa, Black Noise or Prophets of da City, for example) present alternatives to its co-option. Emile YX? pushes for an alternative to mainstream hip-hop's aesthetics and politics. Foregoing what Prophets of da City call “mindless topics” (Prophets of da City “Cape Crusader”), he employs hip-hop to engage audiences critically about social and political issues, including language and racial identity politics. Significantly, he embraces AfriKaaps, which is a challenge to the hegemonic speech variety of Afrikaans. From Emile's perspective, AfriKaaps preceded Afrikaans because it was spoken by slaves during the Cape colonial era and was later culturally appropriated by Afrikaner Nationalists in the apartheid era to construct white, Afrikaner identity as pure and bounded. AfriKaaps in hip-hop therefore presents an alternative to mainstream US-centric hip-hop in South Africa (via AKA or Cassper Nyovest, for example) as well as Afrikaner Nationalist representations of Afrikaans and race by promoting multilingual hip-hop aesthetics, which was initially advanced by Prophets of da City in the early '90s.Pursuing Alternative TrajectoriesEmile YX?, a former school teacher, started out with the Black Consciousness-aligned hip-hop crew, Black Noise, as a b-boy in the late 1980s before becoming an MC. Black Noise went through a number of iterations, eventually being led by YX? (aka Emile Jansen) after he persuaded the crew not to pursue a mainstream record deal in favour of plotting a career path as independent artists. The crew’s strategy has been to fund the production and distribution of their albums independently and to combine their work as recording and performing artists with their activism. They therefore arranged community workshops at schools and, initially, their local library in the township, Grassy Park, before touring nationally and internationally. By the late 1990s, Jansen established an NGO, Heal the Hood, in order to facilitate collaborative projects with European and South African partners. These partnerships, not only allowed Black Noise crew members to continue working as hip-hip activists, but also created a network through which they could distribute their music and secure further bookings for performances locally and internationally.Jansen’s solo work continued along this trajectory and he has gone on to work on collaborative projects, such as the hip-hop theatre show Afrikaaps, which looks critically at the history of Afrikaans and identity politics, and Mixed Mense, a b-boy show that celebrates African dance traditions and performed at One Mic Festival at the Kennedy Center in Washington DC in 2014 (48 Hours). This artist’s decision not to pursue a mainstream record deal in the early 1990s probably saved Black Noise from being a short-lived pop sensation in favour of pursuing a route that ensured that Cape hip-hop retained its alternative, Black Consciousness-inspired subcultural edge.The activism of Black Noise and Heal the Hood is an example of activists’ efforts to employ hip-hop as a means of engaging youth critically about social and political issues (Haupt, Stealing Empire 158-165). Hence, despite arguments that the seeds for subcultures’ commercial co-option lie in the fact that they speak through commodities (Hebdige 95; Haupt, Stealing Empire 144–45), there is evidence of agency despite the global reach of US cultural imperialism. H. Samy Alim’s concept of translocal style communities is useful in this regard. The concept focuses on the “transportability of mobile matrices – sets of styles, aesthetics, knowledges, and ideologies that travel across localities and cross-cut modalities” (Alim 104-105). Alim makes the case for agency when he contends, “Although global style communities may indeed grow out of particular sociohistoric originating moments, or moments in which cultural agents take on the project of creating ‘an origin’ (in this case, Afrodiasporic youth in the United States in the 1970s), it is important to note that a global style community is far from a threatening, homogenizing force” (Alim 107).Drawing on Arjun Appadurai’s concepts of ethnoscapes, financescapes, ideoscapes and mediascapes, Alim argues that the “persistent dialectical interplay between the local and the global gives rise to the creative linguistic styles that are central to the formation of translocal style communities, and leads into theorizing about glocal stylizations and style as glocal distinctiveness” (Appadurai; Alim 107). His view of globalisation thus accommodates considerations of the extent to which subjects on both the local and global levels are able to exercise agency to produce new or alternative meanings and stylistic practices.Hip-Hop's Translanguaging Challenge to HegemonyJansen’s “Mix en Meng It Op” [“Mix and Blend It / Mix It Up”] offers an example of translocal style by employing translanguaging, code mixing and codeswitching practices. The song’s first verse speaks to the politics of race and language by challenging apartheid-era thinking about purity and mixing:In South Africa is ek coloured and African means black raceFace it, all mense kom van Africa in the first placeErase all trace of race and our tribal divisionEk’s siek en sat van all our land’s racist decisionsMy mission’s om te expose onse behoort aan een rasHou vas, ras is las, watch hoe ons die bubble barsPlus the mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sirStir daai potjie want ons wietie wattie mixtures wereThis illusion of race and tribe is rotten to the coreWhat’s more the lie of purity shouldn’t exist anymoreLook at Shaka Zulu, who mixed all those tribes togetherMixed conquered tribes now Amazulu foreverHave you ever considered all this mixture before?Xhosa comes from Khoe khoe, do you wanna know more?Xhosa means angry looking man in Khoe KhoeSoe hulle moet gemix het om daai clicks to employ(Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”; my emphasis)[In South Africa I am coloured and African means black raceFace it, all people come from Africa in the first placeErase all trace of race and our tribal divisionI’m sick and tired of all our land’s racist decisionsMy mission’s to expose the fact that we belong top one raceHold on, race is a burden, watch as we burst the bubble Plus the mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sirStir that pot because we don’t know what the mixtures wereThis illusion of race and tribe is rotten to the coreWhat’s more the lie of purity shouldn’t exist anymoreLook at Shaka Zulu, who mixed all those tribes togetherMixed conquered tribes now Amazulu foreverHave you ever considered all this mixture before?Xhosa comes from Khoe khoe, do you wanna know more?Xhosa means angry looking man in Khoe KhoeSo they must have mixed to employ those clicks]The MC does more than codeswitch or code mix in this verse. The syntax switches from that of English to Afrikaans interchangeably and he is doing more than merely borrowing words and phrases from one language and incorporating it into the other language. In certain instances, he opts to pronounce certain English words and phrases as if they were Afrikaans (for example, “My” and “land’s”). Suresh Canagarajah explains that codeswitching was traditionally “distinguished from code mixing” because it was assumed that codeswitching required “bilingual competence” in order to “switch between [the languages] in fairly contextually appropriate ways with rhetorical and social significance”, while code mixing merely involved “borrowings which are appropriated into one’s language so that using them doesn't require bilingual competence” (Canagarajah, Translingual Practice 10). However, he argues that both of these translingual practices do not require “full or perfect competence” in the languages being mixed and that “these models of hybridity can be socially and rhetorically significant” (Canagarajah, Translingual Practice 10). However, the artist is clearly competent in both English and Afrikaans; in fact, he is also departing from the hegemonic speech varieties of English and Afrikaans in attempts to affirm black modes of speech, which have been negated during apartheid (cf. Haupt “Black Thing”).What the artist seems to be doing is closer to translanguaging, which Canagarajah defines as “the ability of multilingual speakers to shuttle between languages, treating the diverse languages that form their repertoire as an integrated system” (Canagarajah, “Codemeshing in Academic Writing” 401). The mix or blend of English and Afrikaans syntax become integrated, thereby performing the very point that Jansen makes about what he calls “the lie of purity” by asserting that the “mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sir” (Emile XY? “Mix en Meng It Op”). This approach is significant because Canagarajah points out that while research shows that translanguaging is “a naturally occurring phenomenon”, it “occurs surreptitiously behind the backs of the teachers in classes that proscribe language mixing” (Canagarajah, “Codemeshing in Academic Writing” 401). Jansen’s performance of translanguaging and challenge to notions of linguistic and racial purity should be read in relation to South Africa’s history of racial segregation during apartheid. Remixing Race/ism and Notions of PurityLegislated apartheid relied on biologically essentialist understandings of race as bounded and fixed and, hence, the categories black and white were treated as polar opposites with those classified as coloured being seen as racially mixed and, therefore, defiled – marked with the shame of miscegenation (Erasmus 16; Haupt, “Black Thing” 176-178). Apart from the negative political and economic consequences of being classified as either black or coloured by the apartheid state (Salo 363; McDonald 11), the internalisation of processes of racial interpellation was arguably damaging to the psyche of black subjects (in the broad inclusive sense) (cf. Fanon; Du Bois). The work of early hip-hop artists like Black Noise and Prophets of da City (POC) was therefore crucial to pointing to alternative modes of speech and self-conception for young people of colour – regardless of whether they self-identified as black or coloured. In the early 1990s, POC lead the way by embracing black modes of speech that employed codeswitching, code mixing and translanguaging as a precursor to the emergence of music genres, such as kwaito, which mixed urban black speech varieties with elements of house music and hip-hop. POC called their performances of Cape Flats speech varieties of English and Afrikaans gamtaal [gam language], which is an appropriation of the term gam, a reference to the curse of Ham and justifications for slavery (Adhikari 95; Haupt Stealing Empire 237). POC’s appropriation of the term gam in celebration of Cape Flats speech varieties challenge the shame attached to coloured identity and the linguistic practices of subjects classified as coloured. On a track called “Gamtaal” off Phunk Phlow, the crew samples an assortment of recordings from Cape Flats speech communities and capture ordinary people speaking in public and domestic spaces (Prophets of da City “Gamtaal”). In one audio snippet we hear an older woman saying apologetically, “Onse praatie suiwer Afrikaan nie. Onse praat kombius Afrikaans” (Prophets of da City “Gamtaal”).It is this shame for black modes of speech that POC challenges on this celebratory track and Jansen takes this further by both making an argument against notions of racial and linguistic purity and performing an example of translanguaging. This is important in light of research that suggests that dominant research on the creole history of Afrikaans – specifically, the Cape Muslim contribution to Afrikaans – has been overlooked (Davids 15). This oversight effectively amounted to cultural appropriation as the construction of Afrikaans as a ‘pure’ language with Dutch origins served the Afrikaner Nationalist project when the National Party came into power in 1948 and began to justify its plans to implement legislated apartheid. POC’s act of appropriating the denigrated term gamtaal in service of a Black Consciousness-inspired affirmation of colouredness, which they position as part of the black experience, thus points to alternative ways in which people of colour cand both express and define themselves in defiance of apartheid.Jansen’s work with the hip-hop theater project Afrikaaps reconceptualised gamtaal as Afrikaaps, a combination of the term Afrikaans and Kaaps. Kaaps means from the Cape – as in Cape Town (the city) or the Cape Flats, which is where many people classified as coloured were forcibly relocated under the Group Areas Act under apartheid (cf. McDonald; Salo; Alim and Haupt). Taking its cue from POC and Brasse vannie Kaap’s Mr FAT, who asserted that “gamtaal is legal” (Haupt, “Black Thing” 176), the Afrikaaps cast sang, “Afrikaaps is legal” (Afrikaaps). Conclusion: Agency and the Transportability of Mobile MatricesJansen pursues this line of thought by contending that the construction of Shaka Zulu’s kingdom involved mixing many tribes (Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”), thereby alluding to arguments that narratives about Shaka Zulu were developed in service of Zulu nationalism to construct Zulu identity as bounded and fixed (Harries 105). Such constructions were essential to the apartheid state's justifications for establishing Bantustans, separate homelands established along the lines of clearly defined and differentiated ethnic identities (Harries 105). Writing about the use of myths and symbols during apartheid, Patrick Harries argues that in Kwazulu, “the governing Inkatha Freedom Party ... created a vivid and sophisticated vision of the Zulu past” (Harries 105). Likewise, Emile YX? contends that isiXhosa’s clicks come from the Khoi (Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”; Afrikaaps). Hence, the idea of the Khoi San’s lineage and history as being separate from that of other African communities in Southern Africa is challenged. He thus challenges the idea of pure Zulu or Xhosa identities and drives the point home by sampling traditional Zulu music, as opposed to conventional hip-hop beats.Effectively, colonial strategies of tribalisation as a divide and rule strategy through the reification of linguistic and cultural practices are challenged, thereby reminding us of the “transportability of mobile matrices” and “fluidity of identities” (Alim 104, 105). In short, identities as well as cultural and linguistic practices were never bounded and static, but always-already hybrid, being constantly made and remade in a series of negotiations. This perspective is in line with research that demonstrates that race is socially and politically constructed and discredits biologically essentialist understandings of race (Yudell 13-14; Tattersall and De Salle 3). This is not to ignore the asymmetrical relations of power that enable cultural appropriation and racism (Hart 138), be it in the context of legislated apartheid, colonialism or in the age of corporate globalisation or Empire (cf. Haupt, Static; Hardt & Negri). But, even here, as Alim suggests, one should not underestimate the agency of subjects on the local level to produce alternative forms of expression and self-representation.ReferencesAdhikari, Mohamed. "The Sons of Ham: Slavery and the Making of Coloured Identity." South African Historical Journal 27.1 (1992): 95-112.Alim, H. Samy “Translocal Style Communities: Hip Hop Youth as Cultural Theorists of Style, Language and Globalization”. Pragmatics 19.1 (2009):103-127. Alim, H. Samy, and Adam Haupt. “Reviving Soul(s): Hip Hop as Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy in the U.S. & South Africa”. Culturally Sustaining Pedagogies: Teaching and Learning for Educational Justice. Ed. Django Paris and H. Samy Alim. New York: Teachers College Press, Columbia University, 2017 (forthcoming). Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Modernity. London: University of Minnesota Press, 1996.Canagarajah, Suresh. Translingual Practice: Global Englishes and Cosmopolitan Relations. London & New York: Routledge, 2013.Canagarajah, Suresh. “Codemeshing in Academic Writing: Identifying Teachable Strategies of Translanguaging”. The Modern Language Journal 95.3 (2011): 401-417.Creese, Angela, and Adrian Blackledge. “Translanguaging in the Bilingual Classroom: A Pedagogy for Learning and Teaching?” The Modern Language Journal 94.1 (2010): 103-115. Davids, Achmat. The Afrikaans of the Cape Muslims. Pretoria: Protea Book House, 2011.Du Bois, W.E.B. The Souls of Black Folk. Journal of Pan African Studies, 1963, 2009 (eBook).Erasmus, Zimitri. “Introduction.” Coloured by History, Shaped by Place. Ed. Zimitri Erasmus. Cape Town: Kwela Books & SA History Online, 2001.Fanon, Frantz. “The Fact of Blackness”. Black Skins, White Masks. London: Pluto Press: London, 1986. 48 Hours. “Black Noise to Perform at Kennedy Center in the USA”. 11 Mar. 2014. <http://48hours.co.za/2014/03/11/black-noise-to-perform-at-kennedy-center-in-the-usa/>. Haupt, Adam. Static: Race & Representation in Post-Apartheid Music, Media & Film. Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2012.———. Stealing Empire: P2P, Intellectual Property and Hip-Hop Subversion. Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2008. ———. “Black Thing: Hip-Hop Nationalism, ‘Race’ and Gender in Prophets of da City and Brasse vannie Kaap.” Coloured by History, Shaped by Place. Ed. Zimitri Erasmus. Cape Town: Kwela Books & SA History Online, 2001.Hardt, Michael and Antonio Negri. Empire. London & Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000.Hart, J. “Translating and Resisting Empire: Cultural Appropriation and Postcolonial Studies”. Borrowed Power: Essays on Cultural Appropriation. Eds. B. Ziff and P.V. Roa. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997.Harries, Patrick. “Imagery, Symbolism and Tradition in a South African Bantustan: Mangosuthu Buthelezi, Inkatha, and Zulu History”. History and Theory 32.4, Beiheft 32: History Making in Africa (1993): 105-125. Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London: Routledge, 1979.MacDonald, Michael. Why Race Matters in South Africa. University of Kwazulu-Natal Press: Scottsville, 2006.Salo, Elaine. “Negotiating Gender and Personhood in the New South Africa: Adolescent Women and Gangsters in Manenberg Township on the Cape Flats.” Journal of European Cultural Studies 6.3 (2003): 345–65.Tattersall, Ian, and Rob De Salle. Race? Debunking a Scientific Myth. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2011.TheatreAfrikaaps. Afrikaaps. The Glasshouse, 2011.FilmsValley, Dylan, dir. Afrikaaps. Plexus Films, 2010. MusicProphets of da City. “Gamtaal.” Phunk Phlow. South Africa: Ku Shu Shu, 1995.Prophets of da City. “Cape Crusader.” Ghetto Code. South Africa: Ku Shu Shu & Ghetto Ruff, 1997.YX?, Emile. “Mix En Meng It Op.” Take Our Power Back. Cape Town: Cape Flats Uprising Records, 2015.

Welcome to Volume 4(1) of the International Journal for Educational Integrity. Last year finished in a frenzy of activity at the 3rd Asia-Pacific Conference on Educational Integrity: Creating a Culture of Integrity, held at the University of South Australia, 7-8 December 2007. Professor Cathy Small from Northern Arizona University opened the conference with her thought-provoking presentation, 'The culture of the university: Challenges and implications for academic integrity', based on her undercover year as a college freshman. This was followed by thirty-five papers and workshops, including excellent keynote addresses by Professor Brian Martin from the University of Wollongong, Professor Bob Birrell from Monash University, and Emeritus Professor Robert Crotty from the Ethics Centre of South Australia. The full proceedings are available in CD-Rom by contacting tracey.bretag@unisa.edu.au. The next conference, scheduled for late 2009, will be held at the University of Wollongong in New South Wales, Australia. Further details will be provided in the coming months via this journal and the Asia-Pacific Forum on Educational Integrity. I would like to take this opportunity to welcome members of a newly established Editorial Board of the IJEI: Robert Crotty, Ethics Centre of South Australia; Fiona Duggan, Higher Education Academy JISC Academic Integrity Service, UK; Rebecca Moore Howard, Syracuse University; Brian Martin, University of Wollongong; Helen Marsden, University of Canberra; Don McCabe, Rutgers University; Miguel Roig, St. John's College, New York; and Daniel Wueste, Center for Academic Integrity, Clemson University. The current issue of the journal offers an eclectic mix of international and interdisciplinary insights. Kate Chanock, an Academic Language and Learning (ALL) adviser from La Trobe University in Melbourne, explores survey data which sought to provide an explanation for why many students unwittingly plagiarise. Chanock then shares her own teaching practice as a means of "mediating the gap between students' and lecturers' understandings of the purposes of attribution in scholarly writing". Sue McGowan from the University of South Australia, and Margaret Lightbody from the University of Adelaide, provide insights from Commerce as they make the case for ongoing plagiarism education for English as an additional language (EAL) students. McGowan and Lightbody outline an assignment "specifically developed to assist EAL students in a second-year financial accounting course delivered in Hong Kong, to develop an understanding of plagiarism issues within the context of their study discipline". The final two papers come from African nations, and inevitably overshadow some of the integrity issues confronting Western academics. While this is not the first time that African scholars have submitted work for consideration to the journal, this is the first time that authors, reviewers and editors have worked hand-in-hand, over multiple revisions and submissions, and an extended time period, to ensure that the final work meets international academic publishing standards. We trust that readers will agree that the message being told in both papers is important, and that academics in more privileged institutions have a responsibility to collaborate with our colleagues to ensure that these stories reach a wide audience. Anthony Nwaopara, Anthony Ifebhor and Frank Ohiwerei from Ambrose Alli University Ekpoma in Nigeria, dare to speak out about the shocking breaches of academic integrity occurring everyday in Nigeria. 'Proliferating illiteracy in the universities: A Nigerian perspective' argues that the current crisis in the Nigerian educational system is "contributing to a downward spiral in academic standards, and in particular... to decreasing literacy among Nigerian students". The authors provide a rare inside view of the underfunded Nigerian education system which exists in a broad culture of corruption, and is dominated by examination fraud, violence on campus, sexual harassment and a range of entrenched social problems. One recommendation, among others offered by the authors to ameliorate this situation, is for university authorities, administrators, lecturers, students and parents to maintain a strict code of personal ethics in all educational endeavours. By fortuitous coincidence, this suggestion is taken up by Blessing Chapfika from Masvingo State University, Zimbabwe, in his paper, 'The role of integrity in higher education'. Chapfika maintains that 'virtue ethics' as opposed to rules-based approaches to ethics, plays a crucial role in higher education. Without referring to specific behaviours or cases, Chapfika makes a strong case for the centrality of the key virtue - integrity - for both teachers and learners. I do hope you enjoy the current issue of the International Journal for Educational Integrity, and encourage you to consider submitting a paper for review. The December issue of the journal will be a special issue, guest edited by Dr Fiona Duggan, from the Higher Education Academy JISC Academic Integrity Service in the United Kingdom. Dr Duggan is seeking papers focusing on supporting and promoting academic integrity in European Higher Education Institutions. Please send your submissions directly to her at fhduggan@gmail.com. The submission deadline is 8 September 2008. Other papers not related to the Special Issue, can be submitted to the journal via the automatic tracking system, or directly to me at tracey.bretag@unisa.edu.au. Tracey Bretag, IJEI Editor April 2008 List of reviewers 2007-2008 Bambaccus, Mary. University of South Australia Barthels, Alex. University of Technology, Sydney Cadman, Kate. University of Adelaide Di Matteo, Don. University of South Australia Dick, Martin. RMIT, Melbourne Duggan, Fiona. JISC Advisory Service, U.K. East, Julianne. La Trobe University Foster, Gigi. University of South Australia Harris, Howard. University of South Australia Hastie, Brianne. University of South Australia Higgins-Desbiolles, Freya. University of South Australia Hinton, Leone. Central Queensland University Kennelly, Robert. University of Canberra Li, Laubi. University of South Australia Marsden, Helen. University of Canberra Matthews, Brian. Flinders University Morrow, Margaret. SUNY Plattsburgh, New York, U.S.A. Muller, Robert. Flinders University O’Callaghan, Terry. University of South Australia Palmer, Carolyn. Flinders University Sharman, Jason. Griffith University Smith, Erica. Charles Sturt University Van Hooft, Stan. Deakin University Wache, Dale. University of South Australia Winefield, Tony. University of South Australia.

I. First Brexit, then Trump: Has the past year or so ushered in a “wave” (Weisberg), a “barrage” (Desmond-Harris) or a “deluge” (Sidahmed) of that notoriously noxious affect, hate? It certainly feels that way to those of us identified with progressive social and political causes—those of us troubled, not just by Trump’s recent electoral victory, but by the far-right forces to which that victory has given voice. And yet the questions still hanging over efforts to quantify emotional or affective states leaves the claim that there has been a clear spike in hate moot (Ngai 26; Massumi 136-7; Ahmed, Promise 3-8). So let’s try asking a different question. Has this same period seen a rise, across liberal media platforms, in the rhetorical work of “hate-attribution”? Here, at least, an answer seems in readier reach. For no one given to scrolling distractedly through liberal Anglophone media outlets, from The New York Times, to The Guardian, to Slate, will be unfamiliar with a species of journalism that, in reporting the appalling activities associated with what has become known as the “alt-right” (Main; Wallace-Wells; Gourarie), articulates those activities in the rubric of a calculable uptick in hate itself.Before the U.S. Presidential election, this fledgling journalistic genre was already testing its wings, its first shudderings felt everywhere from Univision anchor Jorge Ramos’s widely publicized documentary, Hate Rising (2016), which explores the rise of white supremacist movements across the South-West U.S, to an edition of Slate’s Trumpcast entitled “The Alt-Right and a Deluge of Hate,” which broached the torment-by-Twitter of left-wing journalist David French. In the wake of the election, and the appalling acts of harassment and intimidation it seemed to authorize, the genre gained further momentum—leading to the New Yorker’s “Hate Is on the Rise After Trump’s Election,” to The Guardian’s “Trump’s Election led to Barrage of Hate,” and to Vox’s “The Wave of Post-Election Hate Reportedly Sweeping the Nation, Explained.” And it still has traction today, judging not just by James King’s recent year-in-review column, “The Year in Hate: From Donald Trump to the Rise of the Alt-Right,” but by Salon’s “A Short History of Hate” which tracks the alt-right’s meteoric 2016 rise to prominence, and the New York Times’ recently launched hate-speech aggregator, “This Week in Hate.”As should already be clear from these brisk, thumbnail accounts of the texts in question, the phenomena alluded to by the titular term “hate” are not instances of hate per se, but rather instances of “hate-speech.” The word “hate,” in other words, is being deployed here not literally, to refer to an emotional state, but metonymically, as a shorthand for “hate-speech”—a by-now widely conventionalized and legally codified parlance originating with the U.N. Declaration to describe “violent or violence-inciting speech or acts that “aim or intend to inflict injury, or incite prejudice or hatred, against persons of groups” because of their ethnic, religious, sexual or social affiliation. And there is no doubt that, beyond the headlines, these articles do incredibly important work, drawing connections between, and drawing attention to, a host of harmful activities associated with the so-called “alt-right”—from a pair of mangled, pretzel-shaped swastikas graffiti-ed in a children’s playground, to acts of harassment, intimidation and violence against women, African-Americans, Latinos, Muslims, Jews, and LGBTQ people, to Trump’s own racist, xenophobic and misogynistic tweets. Yet the fact that an emotion-term like hate is being mobilized across these texts as a metonym for the “alt-right” is no oratorical curio. Rather, it perpetuates a pervasive way of thinking about the relationship between the alt-right (a political phenomenon) and hate (an emotional phenomenon) that should give pause to those of us committed to mining that vein of cultural symptomatology now consigned, across the social sciences and critical humanities, to affect theory. Specifically, these headlines inscribe, in miniature, a kind of micro-assessment, a micro-geography and micro-theory of hate. First, they suggest that, even prior to its incarnation in specific, and dangerous, forms of speech or action, hate is in and of itself anathema, a phenomenon so unquestioningly dangerous that a putative “rise” or “spike” in its net presence provides ample pretext for a news headline. Second, they propose that hate may be localized to a particular social or political group—a group subsisting, unsurprisingly, on that peculiarly contested frontier between the ideological alt-right and the American Midwest. And third, they imply that hate is so indubitably the single most significant source of the xenophobic, racist and sexist activities they go on to describe that it may be casually used as these activities’ lexical proxy. What is crystallizing here, I suggest, is what scholars of rhetoric dub a rhetorical “constellation” (Campbell and Jamieson 332)—a constellation from which hate emerges as, a) inherently problematic, b) localizable to the “alt-right,” and, c) the primary engine of the various activities and expressions we associate with them. This constellation of conventions for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movement has coalesced into a “genre” we might dub the genre of “hate-attribution.” Yet while it’s far from clear that the genre is an effective one in a political landscape that’s fast becoming a political battleground, it hasn’t appeared by chance. Treating “hate,” then, less as a descriptive “grid of analysis” (Sedgwick 152), than as a rhetorical projectile, this essay opens by interrogating the “hate-attribution” genre’s logic and querying its efficacy. Having done so, it approaches the concept of “alternatives” by asking: how might calling time on the genre help us think differently about both hate itself and about the forces catalyzing, and catalyzed by, Trump’s presidential campaign? II.The rhetorical power of the genre of hate-attribution, of course, isn’t too difficult to pin down. An emotion so thoroughly discredited that its assignment is now in and of itself a term of abuse (see, for example, the O.E.D’s freshly-expanded definition of the noun “hater”), hate is an emotion the Judeo-Christian tradition deems not just responsible for but practically akin to murder (John 3:1). In part as a result of this tradition, hate has proven thoroughly resistant to efforts to elevate it from the status of an expression of a subject’s pestiferous inner life to the status of a polemical response to an object in the world. Indeed, while a great deal of the critical energy amassing under the rubric of “affect theory” has recently been put into recuperating the strategic or diagnostic value of emotions long scorned as irrelevant to oppositional struggle—from irritation and envy, to depression, anger and shame (Ngai; Cvetkovich; Gould; Love)—hate has notably not been among them. In fact, those rare scholarly accounts of affect that do address “hate,” notably Ahmed’s excellent work on right-wing extremist groups in the United Kingdom, display an understandable reluctance to rehabilitate it for progressive thought (Cultural Politics). It should come as no surprise, then, that the genre of “hate-attribution” has a rare rhetorical power. In identifying “hate” as the source of a particular position, gesture or speech-act, we effectively drain said position, gesture or speech-act of political agency or representational power—reducing it from an at-least-potentially polemical action in or response to the world, to the histrionic expression of a reprehensible personhood. Yet because hate’s near-taboo status holds across the ideological and political spectrum, what is less clear is why the genre of hate-attribution has achieved such cachet in the liberal media in particular. The answer, I would argue, lies in the fact that the work of hate-attribution dovetails all too neatly with liberal political theory’s longstanding tendency to laminate its social and civic ideals to affective ideals like “love,” “sympathy,” “compassion,” and, when in a less demonstrative humor, “tolerance”. As Martha Nussbaum’s Political Emotions has recently shown, this tradition has an impressive philosophical pedigree, running from Aristotle’s philia (16), John Locke’s “toleration” and David Hume’s “sympathy” (69-75), to the twentieth century’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, with its promotion of “tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups.” And while the labour of what Lauren Berlant calls “liberal sentimentality” (“Poor Eliza”, 636) has never quite died away, it does seem to have found new strength with the emergence of the “intimate public sphere” (Berlant, Queen)—from its recent popular apotheosis in the Clinton campaign’s notorious “Love Trumps Hate” (a slogan in which “love,” unfortunately, came to look a lot like resigned technocratic quietism in the face of ongoing economic and environmental crisis [Zizek]), to its revival as a philosophical project among progressive scholars, many of them under the sway of the so-called “affective turn” (Nussbaum; Hardt; Sandoval; hooks). No surprise, then, that liberalism’s struggle to yoke itself to “love” should have as its eerie double a struggle to locate among its ideological and political enemies an increasingly reified “hate”. And while the examples of this project we’ve touched on so far have hailed from popular media, this set of protocols for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movements is not unique to media circles. It’s there in political discourse, as in ex-DNC chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz’s announcement, on MSNBC, that “Americans will unite against [Trump’s] hatred.” And it’s there, too, in academic media studies, from FLOW journal’s November 2016 call for papers inviting respondents to comment, among other things, on “the violence and hatred epitomized by Trump and his supporters,” to the SCMS conference’s invitation to members to participate in a pop-up panel entitled “Responding to Hate, Disenfranchisement and the Loss of the Commons.” Yet while the labor of hate-attribution to which many progressive forces have become attached carries an indisputable rhetorical force, it also has some profound rhetorical flaws. The very same stigma, after all, that makes “hate” such a powerful explanatory grenade to throw also makes it an incredibly tough one to land. As Ahmed’s analysis of the online rhetoric of white supremacist organizations should remind us (Cultural Politics), most groups structured around inciting and promoting violence against women and minorities identify, perversely, not as hate groups, but as movements propelled by the love of race and nation. And while left-wing pundits pronounce “hate” the signature emotion of a racist, misogynist Trump-voting right, supporters of Trump ascribe it, just as routinely, to the so-called “liberal elite,” a group whose mythical avatars—from the so-called “Social Justice Warrior” or “SJW,” to the supercilious Washington politico—are said to brand “ordinary [white, male] Americans” indiscriminately as racist, misogynistic, homophobic buffoons. Thus, for example, The Washington Post’s uncanny, far-right journalistic alter-ego, The Washington Times, dubs the SPLC a “liberal hate group”; the Wikipedia mirror-site, Conservapedia, recasts liberal objections to gun violence as “liberal hate speech” driven by an “irrational aversion to weapons”; while one blood-curdling sub-genre of reportage on Steve Bannon’s crypto-fascist soapbox, Breitbart News, is devoted to denouncing what it calls “ ‘anti-White Racism.’” It’s easy enough, of course, to defend the hate-attribution genre’s liberal incarnations while dismissing its right-wing variants as cynical, opportunistic shams, as Ahmed does (Cultural Politics)—thereby re-establishing the wellspring of hate where we are most comfortable locating it: among our political others. Yet to do so seems, in some sense, to perpetuate a familiar volley of hate-attribution. And to the extent that, as many media scholars have shown (Philips; Reed; Tett; Turow), our digital, networked political landscape is in danger of being reduced to a silo-ed discursive battleground, the ritual exchange of terminological grenades that everyone seems eager to propel across ideological lines, but that no one, understandably, seems willing to pick up, seems counter-productive to say the least.Even beyond the genre’s ultimate ineffectiveness, what should strike anyone used to reflecting on affect is how little justice it does to the ubiquity and intricacy of “hate” as an affective phenomenon. Hate is not and cannot be the exclusive property or preserve of one side of the political spectrum. One doesn’t have to stretch one’s critical faculties too far to see the extent to which the genre of hate-attribution participates in the emotional ballistics it condemns or seeks to redress. While trafficking in a relatively simple hate-paradigm (as a subjective emotional state that may be isolated to a particular person or group), the genre itself incarnates a more complex, socially dynamic model of hate in which the emotion operates through logics of projection perhaps best outlined by Freud. In the “hate-attribution” genre, that is, hate—like those equally abjected categories “sentimentality,” “worldliness” or “knowingness” broached by Sedgwick in her bravura analyses of “scapegoating attribution” (150-158)—finds its clearest expression in and through the labor of its own adscription. And it should come as no surprise that an emotion so widely devalued, where it is not openly prohibited, might also find expression in less overt form.Yet to say as much is by no means to discredit the genre. As legal scholar Jeremy Waldron has recently pointed out, there’s no particular reason why “the passions and emotions that lie behind a particular speech act” (34)—even up to and including hate—should devalue the speech acts they rouse. On the contrary, to pin the despicable and damaging activities of the so-called “alt right” on “hate” is, if anything, to do an injustice to a rich and complex emotion that can be as generative as it can be destructive. As Freud suggests in “Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego,” for example, hate may be the very seed of love, since the forms of “social feeling” (121) celebrated under the liberal rubric of “tolerance,” “love,” and “compassion,” are grounded in “the reversal of what was first a hostile feeling into a positively-toned tie in the nature of an identification” (121; italics mine). Indeed, Freud projects this same argument across a larger, historical canvas in Civilization and its Discontents, which contends that it is in our very struggle to combat our “aggressive instincts” that human communities have developed “methods intended to incite people into identifications and aim-inhibited relationships of love” (31). For Freud, that is, the practice of love is a function of ongoing efforts to see hate harnessed, commuted and transformed. III.What might it mean, then, to call time on this round of hate-attribution? What sort of “alternatives” might emerge when we abandon the assumption that political engagement entails a “struggle over who has the right to declare themselves as acting out of love” (Ahmed, Cultural Politics 131), and thus, by that same token, a struggle over the exact location and source of hate? One boon, I suggest, is the license it gives those of us on the progressive left to simply own our own hate. There’s little doubt that reframing the dangerous and destructive forms of speech fomented by Trump’s campaign, not as eruptions of hate, or even as “hate-speech,” but as speech we hate would be more consistent with what once seemed affect theory’s first commandment: to take our own affective temperature before launching headlong into critical analysis. After all, when Lauren Berlant (“Trump”) takes a stab at economist Paul Krugman’s cautions against “the Danger of Political Emotions” with the timely reminder that “all the messages are emotional,” the “messages” she’s pointing to aren’t just those of our political others, they’re ours; and the “emotions” she’s pointing to aren’t just the evacuated, insouciant versions of love championed by the Clinton campaign, they’re of the messier, or as Ngai might put it, “uglier” (2) variety—from shame, depression and anger, to, yes, I want to insist, hate.By way of jump-starting this program of hate-avowal, then, let me just say it: this essay was animated, in part, by a certain kind of hate. The social critic in me hates the breathtaking simplification of the complex social, economic and emotional forces animating Trump voters that seem to actuate some liberal commentary; the psychologist in me hates the self-mystification palpable in the left’s insistence on projecting and thus disowning its own (often very well justified) aggressions; and the human being in me, hating the kind of toxic speech to which Trump’s campaign has given rise, wishes to be able to openly declare that hatred. Among its other effects, hate is characterized by hypervigilance for lapses or failings in an object it deems problematic, a hypervigilance that—sometimes—animates analysis (Zeki and Romoya). In this sense, “hate” seems entitled to a comfortable place in the ranks of what Nick Salvato has recently dubbed criticism’s creative “obstructions”—phenomena that, while “routinely identified as detriments” to critical inquiry, may also “form the basis for … critical thinking” (1).Yet while one boon associated with this disclosure might be a welcome intellectual honesty, a more significant boon, I’d argue, is what getting this disclosure out of the way might leave room for. Opting out of the game of hurling “hate” back and forth across a super-charged political arena, that is, we might devote our column inches and Facebook posts to the less sensational but more productive task of systematically challenging the specious claims, and documenting the damaging effects, of a species of utterance (Butler; Matsuda; Waldron) we’ve grown used to simply descrying as pure, distilled “hate”. And we also might do something else. Relieved of the confident conviction that we can track “Trumpism” to a spontaneous outbreak of a single, localizable emotion, we might be able to offer a fuller account of the economic, social, political and affective forces that energize it. Certainly, hate plays a part here—although the process by which, as Isabelle Stengers puts it, affect “make[s] present, vivid and mattering … a worldly world” (371) demands that we scrutinize that hate as a syndrome, rather than simply moralize it as a sin, addressing its mainsprings in a moment marked by the nerve-fraying and life-fraying effects of what has become known across the social sciences and critical humanities as conditions of social and economic “precarity” (Muehlebach; Neil and Rossiter; Stewart).But perhaps hate’s not the only emotion tucked away under the hood. Here’s something affect theory knows today: affect moves not, as more traditional theorists of political emotion have it, “unambiguously and predictably from one’s cognitive processing,” but in ways that are messy, muddled and indirect (Gould 24). That form of speech is speech we hate. But it may not be “hate speech.” That crime is a crime we hate. But it may not be a “hate-crime.” One of the critical tactics we might crib from Berlant’s work in Cruel Optimism is that of decoding and decrypting, in even the most hateful acts, an instance of what Berlant, herself optimistically, calls “optimism.” For Berlant, after all, optimism is very often cruel, attaching itself, as it seems to have done in 2016, to scenes, objects and people that, while ultimately destined to “imped[e] the aim that brought [it to them] initially,” nevertheless came to seem, to a good portion of the electorate, the only available exponent of that classic good-life genre, “the change that’s gonna come” (“Trump” 1-2) at a moment when the Democratic party’s primary campaign promise was more of the free-market same. 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