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Статті в журналах з теми "Sub-national parties"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 3 червня 2025

Оновлено: 31 липня 2025

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1

Makarin, Alexey, Ricardo Piqué, and Fernando Aragón. "National or sub-national parties: Does party geographic scope matter?" Journal of Development Economics 146 (September 2020): 102516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2020.102516.

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2

Shrimankar, Dishil. "Why regional parties succeed at the sub-national level in India." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 3 (2020): 387–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120912665.

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Анотація:

Existing scholarship in comparative politics has either focused on regionalism or on political and economic decentralisation to explain the growth of regional parties. Using quantitative evidence from India, I show that a hitherto ignored explanation, the level of regional branch autonomy within polity-wide parties, also has a significant impact on the growth of regional parties. When regional branches of polity-wide parties have autonomy, regional parties find it difficult to grow. In contrast, regional parties benefit electorally when regional branches of polity-wide parties are less autonom

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3

Harrison, Lisa. "Green parties in Europe — Evidence from sub‐national elections." Environmental Politics 4, no. 2 (1995): 295–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644019508414201.

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4

Dandoy, Régis. "Provincial parties in the 2023 legislative elections in Ecuador." Democracias, no. 12 (May 6, 2024): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.54887/27376192.112.

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A significant portion of political parties competing in the 2023 legislative elections in Ecuador can be considered as provincial parties, i.e., as parties that compete and obtain votes in only one province. Provincial parties have a large impact on both national and sub-national politics and are capable of attracting important vote shares. Based on an empirical analysis of all political parties competing for the provincial seats in the Ecuadorian legislative elections of 2017-2023, this article aims at understanding the electoral performance of provincial parties. It observes that – compared

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5

VAMPA, DAVIDE. "From National to Sub-National? Exploring the Territorial Dimension of Social Assistance in Italy." Journal of Social Policy 46, no. 2 (2016): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279416000659.

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AbstractIn countries that have experienced decentralisation processes, the role that central and sub-national authorities play in the governance of some social policies may vary considerably across regions. In Italy, for instance, whereas some regions (and municipalities) have been very active in financing social assistance programmes, others still overwhelmingly rely on resources directly allocated by the central government. This indicates that, in a ‘regionalised’ system, the development of a sub-national social dimension is not a territorially homogeneous phenomenon. Interestingly, cross-re

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6

Vergara, Alberto. "United by Discord, Divided by Consensus: National and Sub-national Articulation in Bolivia and Peru, 2000–2010." Journal of Politics in Latin America 3, no. 3 (2011): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1100300303.

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From 2000 to 2010, Bolivia and Peru underwent similar processes of political decentralization toward the meso level of the government. Three elections later in Peru and two in Bolivia, the ability of national political parties to articulate interests differs markedly between the two countries. Peru tends toward fragmentation with national parties incapable of participating or successfully competing in subnational elections, while in Bolivia, the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) – and other parties to a lesser extent – are increasingly capable of participating and winning subnational offices. Thi

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7

Lago, Ignacio, and José Ramón Montero. "Defining and measuring party system nationalization." European Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (2013): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773913000027.

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In this paper, we propose a new measure of party system nationalization based on a minimalist definition of the phenomenon. A perfectly nationalized party system is a party system with only national parties or, in other words, without sub-national parties. Instead of the homogeneity of parties’ vote shares or the number of parties throughout the country, our measure captures the aspirations of parties to be national whose proxy is the proportion of districts (weighted by seats) that a party runs a candidate. The measure is compared with existing indicators through a longitudinal analysis of 25

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8

Delsya, Kartika, and Panji Anugrah Permana. "Sub-National Authoritarianism after the New Order: Relationship of Political Recruitment and Political Culture with Political Dynasties in Indonesia." Forum Ilmu Sosial 49, no. 2 (2022): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/fis.v49i2.40833.

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The transition of the Indonesian government from a centralized to a decentralized one, marked by the granting of autonomy to the regions to manage their regions, raises political problems. One of the political problems is the emergence of political dynasties at the sub-national level. The emergence of political dynasties in regional elections at the sub-national level in Indonesia has experienced a significant increase. For this reason, this article will research the emergence of political dynasties in regional elections at the sub-national level in Indonesia. The method used in this research

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9

Giuliani, Marco. "Retrospective voting in the Italian 2013 election: a sub-national perspective." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 1 (2017): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.19.

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The Italian 2013 election ended the period of bipolarism that characterized the so-called ‘Second Republic’, and paved the way for new parties such as the Five Star Movement. We investigate that election, which took place after the technocratic government led by Mario Monti, through the analytical lenses of the retrospective theory of economic voting applied at the provincial level. Local unemployment rates shape the electoral performances of those parties that were more supportive and sympathetic to the caretaker executive, thus confirming a distinction between incumbent and non-incumbent eve

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10

Wilson, Alex. "Direct election of regional presidents and party change in Italy." Modern Italy 20, no. 2 (2015): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2015.1024213.

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This article assesses the impact that direct election of regional presidents has had on party politics in Italy. It finds regional presidents exert a growing personalisation of power within parties at sub-national levels, primarily through their capacity for political nomination and de facto status as party negotiators in the governing coalition. While presidents may shape structures of regional party competition, they remain constrained by coalitional politics and can struggle to assert their authority against powerful governing partners or local powerbrokers rooted in the legislature. They a

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11

Torcal, Mariano, and Fabiola Mota. "The role of political parties in shaping citizens’ political preferences for the territorial organization of the state: the Spanish case." European Political Science Review 6, no. 3 (2013): 477–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773913000210.

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This article discusses how nationalist regional and state-wide parties, responding to different sub-national party systems dynamics, contribute similarly to interregional and individual public opinion disagreements about the model of the state in new, successfully decentralized democracies. Using individual survey data and other regional-level aggregate measures to perform a multilevel analysis in the 17 Spanish regions, we will show that both types of parties (non- and state-wide parties), following certain sub-national party system dynamics, are a very important influential and conditional f

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12

Wahman, Michael, and Catherine Boone. "Captured Countryside? Stability and Change in Sub-National Support for African Incumbent Parties." Comparative Politics 50, no. 2 (2018): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041518822263593.

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13

Conti, Nicolò. "Tied hands? Italian political parties and Europe." Modern Italy 14, no. 2 (2009): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940902797387.

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Italian political parties have been involved for almost three decades in a multi-level electoral game encompassing the election of national, supranational and local institutions. The content of the electoral competition has also changed to include not only nationwide, but also sub-national and supranational issues. This article analyses the interaction between Italian parties and the theme of European integration. The aim is to explore the role of contentious European Union matters in domestic electoral competition, specifically at the time of European elections. Such a role is important to un

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14

Jesuit, David K., Piotr R. Paradowski, and Vincent A. Mahler. "Electoral support for extreme right-wing parties: A sub-national analysis of western European elections." Electoral Studies 28, no. 2 (2009): 279–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2009.01.009.

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15

Hicken, Allen, Ken Kollman, and Joel W. Simmons. "Party System Nationalization and the Provision of Public Health Services." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 3 (2015): 573–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.41.

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In this paper, we examine consequences of party system nationalization. We argue that the degree to which party systems are nationalized should affect the provision of public benefits by governments. When political competition at the national level occurs between parties that represent specific sub-national constituencies, then the outcomes of policy debates and conflicts can lead to an undersupply of nationally focused public services. We test our argument using data on DPT and measles immunization rates for 58 countries. We find that low party system nationalization is a barrier to improveme

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16

Agostinho, Issau. "The Need for Ideological-Based Political Parties in Sub-Saharan Africa. Case Study the MPLA and UNITA of Angola." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 63, no. 2 (2023): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-63-2-68-81.

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The political movements in Africa have gone through a significant transformation throughout decades. When the first movements started in the Sub-Saharan region in earlier decades of the 20th century, they would just act as cultural or social associations, since the colonial order would not allow national political movements to exist in African societies under their rule. But during the 1950-1960s those associations transformed into political movements and parties that ultimately fought for independence and transitional governments, respectively. However, 60 years after the national liberations

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17

Taiwo, Oluwafikunayo D. "The Restrictive Approach to Legal Representation in Arbitration Proceedings and Its Unintended Consequences in Nigeria." Journal of International Arbitration 37, Issue 2 (2020): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2020013.

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The issue of legal representation in arbitration proceedings accounts for one of the sub-factors of ‘formal legal structure’ and ‘national arbitration law’ that disputing parties consider before choosing a seat of arbitration. Indeed, the ability of disputing parties in arbitration to freely select their desired representatives is embedded in the foundational principle of party autonomy. In Nigeria, a literal interpretation of the national arbitration rules prevents parties from selecting persons not admitted to the Nigerian bar as their representatives in arbitration proceedings. This article

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18

Lluch, Jaime. "Internal variation in sub-state national movements and the moral polity of the nationalist." European Political Science Review 4, no. 3 (2011): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000269.

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Variation in secessionism among sub-state nationalists is part of one of the great puzzles of ethnic politics. Sub-state national movements tend to bifurcate and, at times, trifurcate, into two or three basic nationalist orientations: independentist nationalism, autonomist nationalism (and its sub-variants), and federalist nationalism (and its sub-variants). There is a dearth of systematic comparative research into the sources and patterns of internal variation in the political orientations of sub-state national movements. This article investigates why some sub-state nationalists opt for a sec

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19

Huseynov, Tabib. "Mountainous Karabakh: New Paradigms for Peace and Development in the 21st Century." International Negotiation 15, no. 1 (2010): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180610x488164.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the Karabakh conflict’s peace process and suggests a set of approaches to guide future progress. Proceeding from an interest-based framework, the research examines ways to reconcile the power, rights and interests of the conflicting parties. It is argued that a serious shift in the approaches and policies of both the conflicting parties and also the mediators is needed to achieve a breakthrough in the talks. In broader and long-term perspective, stable and sustainable conflict resolution requires the establishment of a power-sharing arrangement that would be based

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20

Lluch, Jaime. "How nationalism evolves: explaining the establishment of new varieties of nationalism within the national movements of Quebec and Catalonia (1976–2005)." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 3 (2010): 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905991003646490.

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The national movements of sub-state national societies are divided into two or three competing political orientations (independentists, autonomists, and federalists), which vary over time. This article compares the process that led to the founding of the ADQ (autonomism) in Quebec, with the process that culminated in the transformation and de facto re-founding of ERC (independentism) in Catalonia during the period 1976–2005. Using the cases of two nationalist parties in two different national movements that have successfully established new political orientations, I analyze the political origi

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21

Idayanti, Ila Mei, Eny Inti Suryani, and Yonnawati Yonnawati. "The Role of Supervision of the Captain in Handling Conflicts from the Pekon Kresnomulyo Apparatus, Ambarawa District, Pringsewu District, 2023." Jurnal ISO: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Humaniora 4, no. 1 (2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.53697/iso.v4i1.1640.

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Effective supervision by a sub-district head is an important element in improving and maintaining the quality of public services at the regional level. This research explores the important role played by a sub-district head in the context of supervision, focusing on their efforts in ensuring the implementation of government policies, and shows that the sub-district head's supervisory role is not only limited to routine monitoring, but also involves coordination with various parties, policy advocacy, and proactive approach to problems as they arise. Conflict management is an important aspect in

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22

Passarelli, Gianluca. "Homogeneity and differentiation in national and regional elections: the case of Italy." Modern Italy 18, no. 3 (2013): 285–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2013.801669.

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Analysis of electoral results implies in many cases differences and similarities between various areas of a polity. Differentiated electoral outcomes are evident not only within each context, but also between two (or more) territorial levels, such as elections at national, regional and provincial level, etc. Nevertheless, studying the territorial electoral discontinuities almost inevitably induces the concept of nationalisation of politics. This article presents a comparison between national and sub-national levels expressed in different electoral results between legislative and regional elect

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23

Chacko, Johann. "In the Province of Faith: Disaggregating Pakistani Religious Parties’ Electoral Performance at the Sub-national and Denominational Levels." Review of Faith & International Affairs 21, no. 3 (2023): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235807.

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24

Tusalem, Rollin F. "Do migrant remittances improve the quality of government? Evidence from the Philippines." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (2018): 336–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118757694.

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Migrant remittances have been linked to improving the quality of government and political accountability in the developing world. The argument is that migrants have the capacity to withhold remittances to their families when they deem that their local governments are blighted with corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency. Relatedly, migrants also empower citizens in sub-national regions by providing funds to family members who become less beholden to clientistic ties with political parties which concomitantly foster state-level corruption. Thus, relatives of migrants also become social agents

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25

Farismana, Riyan. "PENERAPAN K-MEANS CLUSTERING UNTUK PEMETAAN PRODUKTIVITAS PADI DAN PREDIKSI PANEN DI KABUPATEN INDRAMAYU." Journal of Information System, Applied, Management, Accounting and Research 8, no. 3 (2024): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.52362/jisamar.v8i3.1572.

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Indonesia is a country where the majority of people consume rice, making the issue of rice harvest productivity a concern for many parties. Efforts to maintain food security, especially the availability of rice, are a shared responsibility, where efforts that can be made are to maintain and predict rice production results in areas that are National Rice Granaries. Indramayu is one of the national rice producing districts, which has 31 sub-districts with varying amounts of rice production. The large difference in rice production between sub-districts is an important problem that affects rice ha

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26

Dow, Jay K. "Party-System Extremism in Majoritarian and Proportional Electoral Systems." British Journal of Political Science 41, no. 2 (2010): 341–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123410000360.

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This study evaluates the extent of party-system extremism in thirty-one electoral democracies as a function of electoral-system proportionality. It uses data from the Comparative Studies of Electoral Systems project to estimate the extent of party-system compactness or dispersion across polities and to determine whether more proportional systems foster greater ideological divergence among parties. Electoral system characteristics most associated with party-system compactness in the ideological space are investigated. The empirics show that more proportional systems support greater ideological

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27

Reutter, Werner. "Constitutional Politics in East Germany and the Grand Coalition State." Perspectives on Federalism 8, no. 3 (2016): E—23—E—44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2016-0015.

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Abstract Constitutional politics seemingly corroborate the assumption that Germany is a Grand Coalition state. In this perspective German cooperative federalism and the supermajority required for any amendment to the constitution privilege bargaining and intertwined policy-making as modes of conflict resolution and thus support grand coalitions. In this paper I will explore whether this theory can explain constitutional politics in the German Länder. Firstly, I examine how far sub-national constitutional politics match the functioning of cooperative federalism that is a defining feature of the

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28

Kleinen-von Königslöw, Katharina, Senja Post, and Mike S. Schäfer. "How news media (de-)legitimize national and international climate politics – A content analysis of newspaper coverage in five countries." International Communication Gazette 81, no. 6-8 (2019): 518–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048518825092.

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Implementing global climate change policies on the national and sub-national level requires the support of many societal actors. This support depends on the perceived legitimacy of climate policies, which can be sustained by legitimation debates in domestic news media. This article analyses legitimation statements on climate politics in newspapers of five countries for three Conferences of the Parties in 2004, 2009 and 2014 ( n = 369 legitimation statements). According to our data, it is mainly the legitimacy of international climate policies (instead of national ones) which is evaluated in na

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29

Rodríguez-Teruel, Juan. "Ministerial and Parliamentary Elites in Multilevel Spain 1977–2009." Comparative Sociology 10, no. 6 (2011): 887–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913311x607610.

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Abstract In decentralized European parliamentary democracies future governing elites often acquire political experience and attain top positions by passing through sub-national political institutions. In doing so, elites circumvent and reduce the importance of national parliaments. Previous research has advanced several explanations for this pattern: Europe's tradition of bureaucratic government; parties with open methods for selecting parliamentary candidates; the “presidentialization” and Europeanization of national political systems. Since its transition to democracy in 1977, Spain has had

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30

Almeida, Paula Wojcikiewicz. "The Challenges of the Judicial Dialogue in Mercosur." Law and Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 14, no. 3 (2015): 392–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718034-12341306.

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Since its inception, Mercosur has opted for a non-coercive and diplomatic dispute settlement system. State Parties still oscillate between institutionalization based on the European model and the maintenance of an arbitral system for the settlement of disputes. This choice is linked to the possibility and limits of judicial dialogue in Mercosur. In this context, this article aims to analyse the existing horizontal ‘dialogue’ between Mercosur judges and international judges, on the one hand, and the vertical dialogue between Mercosur judges and national judges, on the other hand. In terms of th

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31

bin Zaid, Hamzah, and Devin K. Joshi. "Where does Right-Wing Populism Succeed Sub-Nationally? Explaining Regional Variation within France." Populism 1, no. 2 (2018): 87–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-00001011.

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AbstractWhile many scholars have studied how right-wing populist parties (RWPP) have recently increased their vote shares in national elections in many countries, fewer studies have assessed why some sub-national regions favor RWPP more than others. Addressing this gap in the literature, we analyze regional variation in voter support for one of Europe’s most successful RWPP, the Front National (FN) Party of France which recently made it to the second round of France’s 2017 presidential elections. Our research design examines electoral results across French regions between 1992 and 2017 through

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32

Andriyansyah, M. Fahrudin. "PERAN PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL DALAM PENYELANGGARAAN OTONOMI KHUSUS DI ACEH." Yurispruden 3, no. 1 (2020): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33474/yur.v3i1.4862.

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AbstactAs a national organization, political parties are considered to have failed in carrying out their roles and functions, especially in the implementation of regional autonomy. The existence of political parties that are only national in nature with structures centered in the center often makes the party's orientation ignore local interests. The neglect was due to the institutionalization of political parties so far as merely structuring relations. This pattern positions politicians in political parties in the region as subordinates of the same party politicians at the national level. The

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33

Ulfanora. "Implementation of The Basic Freedom of Contract in Review From The Shariah Alliance." Ekasakti Journal of Law and Justice 2, no. 2 (2024): 97–105. https://doi.org/10.60034/9e3rfq97.

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In civil matters, the parties will not be separated from the legal relationship. The legal relationship itself arises when there are rights and obligations of the parties so that what is agreed can be achieved. The parties are given freedom to make a contract. The contract itself must meet both subjective and objective requirements. One of the subjective conditions, which is the agreement between the parties, must be based on the principle of freedom of contract. The basis of freedom of contract according to Article 1338 BW "All legally made agreements are legally binding on those who make the

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34

Banaszewska, Monika, and Ivo Bischoff. "The Political Economy of EU-funds: Evidence from Poland." Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik 237, no. 3 (2017): 191–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbnst-2017-1105.

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Анотація:

Abstract We provide an empirical study analysing the distribution of EU funds among 2478 Polish municipalities in the period 2007–2011. EU funds are found to be concentrated in smaller municipalities and economically weak sub-regions, and do not increase in the municipalities’ fiscal capacity. Our primary focus rests on the question whether regional governments follow their own political self-interest when allocating EU funds even though national parties only play a minor role in Polish local politics and thus the conventional logic of supporting aligned governments does not apply. Difference-

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35

Saez, Lawrence, and Zaad Mahmood. "Business and labor market flexibility in India: the importance of caste." Business and Politics 18, no. 2 (2016): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap-2014-0045.

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Since the enactment of economic liberalization in India in the early 1990s, variation in investment climate and labor market reforms across sub-national states has been linked to the increasing relevance of business in policy making. This article argues that the influence of business on policy is conditioned by wider political dynamics. We argue that the reform orientation of states correspond to the position of business classes and caste-based groups within the support base of political parties. We show that caste identification plays an important role on the position of political parties tow

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36

Noyoo, Ndangwa. "Structural adjustment programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1980s and 1990s." RBEST Revista Brasileira de Economia Social e do Trabalho 4 (November 20, 2022): e022012. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/rbest.v4i00.16536.

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Анотація:

The paper discusses the World Bank’s and International Monetary Fund’s Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1980s and 1990s. Most countries in this region did not demonstrate autonomy in regard to national economic management and public policy processes, but acquiesced to the economic austerity prescriptions of the international financial institution, which were supposed to have resuscitated their economies. The paper seeks to provide some insights pertaining to how multilateral financial agencies engaged national governments, not as partners in a contractual re

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Tawalbeh, Walaa Jawdat, Hadi Mohammed Altawalbeh, and Lama Khaled Maabreh. "The Effectiveness of Technological Education in Preparing Students of the Faculty of Education from Their Point of View: Irbid National University as a Model." Science of Law 2025, no. 2 (2025): 352–56. https://doi.org/10.55284/y14smv51.

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This study aimed to explore the effectiveness of technological education in preparing students of the Faculty of Education from their own perspectives, using Irbid National University as a model. The qualitative approach was adopted due to its appropriateness to the objectives and nature of the study, and interviews were conducted with ten students from the Faculty of Education at Irbid National University. Through the analysis of the interviews, a set of main and sub-traits was identified. The study revealed that the methods of technological education employed in preparing education students

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Shopola, Arthur, and Pandelani Harry Munzhedzi. "Politics and conflicts in South African cooperative government." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 13, no. 2 (2024): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v13i2.3229.

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Globally, there is welter of evidence demonstrating that cooperative government is likely achievable where the same political party in charge of the national government is also a power holder at sub-governments level. This has been the experience of the South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC) which has been in charge of the national government and the majority of provinces for 30 years, except in few instances where opposition parties are in control. Since the ANC lost Western Cape (WC) province to the Democratic Alliance in 2004, cooperative government has been a difficult practice due

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Lathif, Sirajuddin. "Variations of Productive Waqf Management Model in Indonesia: A Literature Study." Munazzama: Journal of Islamic Management and Pilgrimage 4, no. 1 (2024): 74–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/mz.v4i1.21152.

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This research examines different productive waqf management models in Indonesia. The study used a qualitative approach, focusing on literature. The findings revealed that the most commonly-implemented productive waqf management model was the productive investment one, which involved land and building rentals. In second place was the profit-sharing financing model, which included collaborations with third parties such as cooperatives, outsourcers, and other institutions. The study also identified the social infrastructure development model, by which buildings such as schools and places of worsh

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Grishin, Nikolai. "Regional Opposition in Russia: Aliens in a Hybrid Regime." Russian Politics 1, no. 3 (2016): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00103003.

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This paper views the regional political opposition in Post-Soviet Russia as a specific phenomenon that contradicts the practices of the existing political regime and differs from the opposition at the national level. The Russian regional opposition is considered in the context of the heterogeneity of the political process at the federal and sub-national levels: it is a phenomenon that is more relevant to a democratic regime than a hybrid authoritarian polity. The article analyzes the methods used by the authorities to limit the abilities of the regional opposition. Due to institutional factors

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Krishnappa, Ramya, and Pukhraj Agarwa. "Panchayat System in Karnataka: Democracy, Representation and Political Parties." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, no. 11 (2023): e1752. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i11.1752.

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Abstract: As far as the Indian sub-continent is concerned local governance/panchayat has an elaborate history. The rural population have for long practiced this system of governing themselves through their representatives. The mode of working and the powers vested in the local bodies, have not been uniform throughout. The federation conferred constitutional status to the local governance bodies in 1993 and this system has progressed in an interesting way. Karnataka, a southern State in India has been ahead of time in enacting legislations dealing with local governance. Even before the amendmen

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Mahyuni, Eling, Azwar Azwar, and Indra Rahmat. "Aktualisasi Program Modal Usaha oleh PNM (Permodalan Nasional Madani) Mekar terhadap Pemberdayaan Perempuan di Nagari Surantih Kecamatan Sutera Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan." Asian Journal of Science, Technology, Engineering, and Art 1, no. 1 (2023): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.58578/ajstea.v1i1.1656.

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The actualization of Mekar's National Madani Capital Program (PNM) is to provide group-based empowerment services for women micro entrepreneurs, through improving financial management to achieve family goals and prosperity. The purpose of this study is to describe the implementation and factors that influence the implementation of the Mekar national civil capital (PNM) program for the community in Nagari Surantih, Sutera sub-district, Pesisir Selatan district. The theory used in this study is the functional structural theory put forward by Talcot Parson. The type of research used is qualitativ

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Z., Rodrigo Mardones. "The Congressional Politics of Decentralization." Comparative Political Studies 40, no. 3 (2007): 333–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006290108.

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This article explains why legislators in a centralized polity support decentralizing laws. Using Chile as a case study, it assesses two standard explanations for this support: party nomination procedures, which is disregarded; and electoral strategies, which is accepted. A novel finding is that party ideology is also a predictor of support for decentralization, with parties of the Right less likely to offer it. The author also argues that a legislator with a sub-national rather than national background is more likely to back such reforms in an attempt to enhance his or her reputation within th

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Jawad Kazem Al-Khalisi. "Partisan media discourse and its impact on community security." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, pic4 (2023): 467–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/tjfps.v3ipic4.245.

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The research deals with the media and its most influential role in societies in the world, and perhaps Iraq is among the countries in which democratic change and openness took place at the media level since 2003. The absence of a firm censor has led to a state of media chaos prevailing in most areas and on a large scale, far from professional ethics. Particularly the media owned by parties and political blocks are establishing a political reality in which there are many problems that require objective and rational solutions from the relevant authorities to limit this conflict between par

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Cafaggi, Fabrizio. "From a status to a transaction-based approach? Institutional design in European contract law." Common Market Law Review 50, Special Issue (2013): 311–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2013050.

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The Common European Sales Law (CESL), currently under examination at the European Parliament, is intended to introduce a regime for cross-border sales that individual Member States can extend to domestic transactions (Art.13), aiming to promote harmonization by choice rather than by command. It constitutes an opt-in system that parties can adopt (Art.8), as an alternative to the CISG in B2B transactions, and an alternative to national regimes in B2B transactions. The analysis of pre-contractual information in European contract law (ECL), with special reference to the CESL, is used to substanti

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BOSETTI, VALENTINA, and STEVEN K. ROSE. "Reducing carbon emissions from deforestation and forest degradation: issues for policy design and implementation." Environment and Development Economics 16, no. 4 (2011): 357–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355770x11000143.

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There is a new international policy focus on reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD), as well as promoting forest conservation, the sustainable management of forests and the enhancement of forest carbon stocks (REDD-plus). The recent Conference of Parties meeting of 196 countries of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in Cancun, Mexico (December 2010) was able to advance initiatives on REDD-plus even while there was limited progress on fossil fuel related aspects of an international climate change agreement. The Cancun meeting recognis

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Negm, Namira. "AU AIM Strategy and the Fragmentation of IUU Fishing Regulations in Africa: the Case of West Africa." International Community Law Review 22, no. 3-4 (2020): 449–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341441.

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Abstract In Africa, the west suffers the most from Illegal, Unreported, and unregulated fishing which necessitated national, regional, and continental efforts to put in place legal mechanisms to halt the situation. This resulted in the fragmentation of rules dealing with IUU, with AU’s 2050 African Maritime Strategy and the Lomé Charter being the grand Continental ones. This article will provide a brief assessment of the legal mechanisms of the African Union vis-à-vis the rules of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the fragmentation or harmonization of those rules. The

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Schniewind, Aline, Markus Freitag, and Adrian Vatter. "Big Cabinets, Big Governments? Grand Coalitions and Public Policy in the German Laender." Journal of Public Policy 29, no. 3 (2009): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x09990092.

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AbstractThe inauguration of Germany's grand coalition of Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and the Social Democrats (SPD) raises questions about the public policy performance of a coalition of ideological opposite. This paper turns attention to influence of coalition governments on the size of government in the German Laender from 1992 to 2005. We investigate whether grand coalitions at the sub-national level in Germany systematically affect government spending for education (including cultural affairs) and internal security. The article argues that the effects of grand coalitions on the size of t

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Bellucci, Paolo. "Changing Models of Electoral Choice in Italy." Modern Italy 12, no. 1 (2007): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940601134841.

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Scholars argue that the realignment of the electorate which took place with the transition to the so-called Italian Second Republic followed mainly a traditional partisan pattern, with electors of the former centre ruling parties (the Christian Democrats and the Socialists) turning to vote for the new centre and right parties (Forza Italia and the National Alliance), while left-wing voters continued to hold their traditional allegiance. Behind this apparent electoral turmoil there would appear to be little in the way of voter mobility. Such a reading implies continuity in the motivations of vo

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Raharjo, Mulianto, Anang Kurnia, and Hari Wijayanto. "Study on Accuracy of Paddy Harvest Area Estimation on Area Sampling Frame Method." Indonesian Journal of Statistics and Its Applications 6, no. 1 (2022): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/ijsa.v6i1p41-49.

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There was unsynchronized national rice data until 2017, which indicating that influenced by the differences in calculation methods between government agencies. The Indonesian Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS Statistics), the most responsible agency for national rice data, collected rice plant areas data using the paddy statistical assessment method (SP-Padi). Subjective elements from various parties potentially influenced the result of this assessment method. The development of a new method to overcome this matter has been started by the government since 1993. In 2018 the method, which is nam

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