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1
Giugni, Marco, Marko Bandler, and Nina Eggert. "Contraintes nationales et changement d’échelle dans l’activisme transnational." Lien social et Politiques, no. 58 (February 6, 2008): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017550ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Résumé Cet article explore chacun des trois éléments principaux du programme de recherche classique pour l’étude des mouvements sociaux (opportunités politiques, structures de mobilisation et processus de cadrage) afin d’évaluer leur rôle dans l’activisme transnational. L’idée d’émergence d’une société civile globale est sous-jacente dans plusieurs analyses du mouvement pour une justice globale. Un certain nombre d’auteurs prétendent que le nouveau cycle de protestation (transnational) témoigne de l’émergence d’un mouvement de mouvements ainsi que d’une société civile mondiale et reflète le déclin des formes de protestation qui s’adressent au plan national. Ce type d’argument ne gagne pas notre faveur ; selon nous, il néglige l’impact crucial de certains facteurs locaux et surestime l’idée de l’émergence de la société civile transnationale. Nous défendons plutôt l’idée que chacun des cycles de manifestations repose sur des structures de mobilisation et des épisodes do contestation préalables
2
Jakobson, Mari-Liis, and Tõnis Saarts. "Populist Online Mobilisation Strategies in Transnational Settings." Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest N° 2, no. 2 (January 11, 2023): 55–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/receo1.533.0055.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La droite radicale populiste se transnationalise sur de nombreux fronts, notamment en traitant les migrants transnationaux comme des partisans potentiels et des militants de campagne. Comment le Parti populaire conservateur d’Estonie et sa branche finlandaise utilisent-ils médias et réseaux sociaux pour mener une campagne auprès de l’opinion publique, accroître leur visibilité et mobiliser leur électorat? L’analyse du matériau empirique mobilisé pour l’enquête suggère que si une telle transnationalisation crée des défis idéologiques pour la droite radicale, ceux-ci sont surmontés par les militants qui se servent pour cela du discours populiste et de diverses stratégies de publication et de commentaire.
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Schwarz, Christoph H. "Crise au Maroc, mobilisation dans la diaspora : la politisation comme processus biographique transnational." Cultures & conflits 134 (2025): 85–106. https://doi.org/10.4000/13mr4.
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Le mouvement Hirak al-Rif, qui produisit des manifestations massives en 2016-2017 dans la ville d’Al-Hoceïma, trouva un fort écho dans le reste du Maroc mais aussi à l’échelle transnationale. Dès la première manifestation à Al-Hoceïma, un mouvement de soutien en Europe commença à émerger, principalement dans la diaspora marocaine et en particulier chez les Irifiyen, des personnes originaires du Rif. Malgré ce soutien transnational, les forces de sécurité marocaines réprimèrent le mouvement en mai 2017, et les dirigeants du Hirak furent condamnés à de longues peines de prison. Cet article vise à contribuer au débat sur le lien entre crise et politisation dans une perspective transnationale. Basé sur une recherche ethnographique et des récits de vie, il propose une analyse approfondie et emblématique des répercussions du Hirak dans la biographie d’un partisan du mouvement en Allemagne.
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Adamson, Fiona B. "Globalisation, Transnational Political Mobilisation, and Networks of Violence." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 18, no. 1 (April 2005): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557570500059548.
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5
Østergaard-Nielsen, Eva, and Irina Ciornei. "Political parties and the transnational mobilisation of the emigrant vote." West European Politics 42, no. 3 (November 30, 2018): 618–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2018.1528105.
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Tarrow, Sydney. "Cosmopolites enracinés et militants transnationaux." II Solidarités des militants : des figures du changement, no. 58 (February 6, 2008): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017553ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
RésuméLes cosmopolites enracinés forment aujourd’hui une partie importante des groupes et des individus impliqués dans le militantisme social. S’appuyant sur les changements technologiques, l’intégration économique et les réseaux culturels, ce phénomène trouve son expression la plus frappante dans la mobilisation de jeunes militants à des manifestations organisées hors de leur propre pays, ce qu’on nomme le militantisme transnational. À partir de la définition relationnelle (et non cognitive) du cosmopolitisme, plusieurs figures du « cosmopolitisme enraciné » sont présentées, qui correspondent à autant de formes distinctes de militantisme transnational.
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Tarrow, Sydney. "Cosmopolites enracinés et militants transnationaux." Thème 3 – Luttes sociales, no. 75 (May 11, 2016): 202–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1036305ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Les cosmopolites enracinés forment aujourd’hui une partie importante des groupes et des individus impliqués dans le militantisme social. S’appuyant sur les changements technologiques, l’intégration économique et les réseaux culturels, ce phénomène trouve son expression la plus frappante dans la mobilisation de jeunes militants à des manifestations organisées hors de leur propre pays, ce qu’on nomme le militantisme transnational. À partir de la définition relationnelle (et non cognitive) du cosmopolitisme, plusieurs figures du « cosmopolitisme enraciné » sont présentées, qui correspondent à autant de formes distinctes de militantisme transnational.
8
Alff, Henryk. "Renegotiating Integration: Dual Citizenship and the Mobilisation of Social Networks of Mongolia’s Kazakhs." Inner ASIA 15, no. 1 (2013): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-90000057.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article explores the highly disputed modes of migration and integration of Mongolia’s Kazakhs after the break- up of the Soviet Union in 1991. Over the past two decades, Kazakh migrants from Mongolia and their kin, still living predominantly in the remote Bayan- Ölgiy aymag [province], have developed transnational social networks. During multi- sited ethnographic fieldwork from 2006 to 2009, interviews with migrants and their relatives in and around Almaty and in Ölgiy revealed how circular migration of a significant proportion of Western Mongolia’s Kazakh population during the past two decades is interrelated to novel patterns of transnational social interaction. Enriching the existing literature, this article looks more specifically at the context in which transnational ties are enacted, both utilising and subverting official state policies. It aims to deconstruct dominant perceptions of the non- migrant population and state rhetoric in Kazakhstan that depict such practices as signifying refusal of ‘integration’. By so doing, I want to argue that these practices serve as a vital factor in livelihood strategies of migrants to cope with socio- economic uncertainty, predatory state bureaucracies and divergent discourses of integration.
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Kerényi, Szabina, and Máté Szabó. "Transnational influences on patterns of mobilisation within environmental movements in Hungary." Environmental Politics 15, no. 5 (November 2006): 803–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644010600937249.
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10
Anderson, Jeremy. "Intersecting arcs of mobilisation: The transnational trajectories of Egyptian dockers’ unions." European Urban and Regional Studies 20, no. 1 (January 2013): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776412459862.
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This commentary explores the development of Egypt’s dockers’ unions since February 2011 in terms of two interlinked trajectories. On the one hand, the Egyptian revolution has provided the primary impetus for dockers’ industrial activism, as, like many other workers throughout Egypt, they have taken advantage of the political space suddenly opened up. However, although the Egyptian revolution may seem the most obvious driving force behind the growth of unions on the country’s docks, these advances also conform to a regional pattern. Since 2007 a campaign by the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) has seen new unions formed and collective bargaining rights won in many ports across the region, including in Bahrain, Jordan and Morocco. It is argued that the technical and industrial resources made available through the ITF’s activities and networks have, therefore, played an important role. The uncertain political environment in Egypt, however, threatens to stunt both the growth of independent unions, and curtail the support they receive from the international labour movement.
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Roman, Raluca Bianca. "From Christian Mission to Transnational Connections: Religious and Social Mobilisation among Roma in Finland." Social Inclusion 8, no. 2 (June 4, 2020): 367–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i2.2782.
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Based on the analysis of archival material, and combined with ethnographic fieldwork conducted among the Finnish Kaale (the Finnish Romani population) since 2011, this article looks at the historical intertwining of Roma religious and social activism in Finland from the beginning of the 20th century. A focus is placed on the role of the Gypsy Mission (Mustalaislähetys), nowadays Romani Mission (Romano Missio), in shaping both historical and present-day Roma policy, activism and mobilisation within the country. Founded in 1906, and initially led by non-Roma Evangelicals, its impact has nevertheless moved beyond a strictly Roma-focused/non-Roma-led mission. While rarely mentioned, Kaale were active participants within the organisation, and some of the earliest Roma activists were shaped within its midst. Furthermore, Roma mobilisation in the country continues to have a religious undertone, particularly in the contemporary transnational humanitarian work conducted by Finnish Kaale missionaries among Roma communities in Eastern Europe. Tracing the legacy of present-day religious mobilisation among Roma in Finland, as well as Finnish Roma’s active involvement in shaping Roma-projects elsewhere in Europe, is therefore crucial in revealing not only contrasts in how Roma activism may have manifested during the interwar period in Europe (from political to religious, from Roma-led to Roma-focused) but points to the present-day influence of Evangelical missions in shaping particular visions of the ‘future’ among Roma communities across Europe.
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Pritchard, Bill. "The Transnational Corporate Networks of Breakfast Cereals in Asia." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 32, no. 5 (May 2000): 789–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a32113.
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Network perspectives have recently been proposed as a theoretical base for research in economic geography. However, there is an unclear relationship between the advocacy of network approaches and the development of methodological tactics to frame related empirical research. By reference to one episode of corporate spatial behaviour—the establishment of a manufacturing facility in Thailand by the US-headquartered breakfast-cereal company, Kellogg—an organising framework for network-inspired economic geography is suggested. Kellogg's entry into Thailand is analysed in terms of the construction and mobilisation of relational networks producing five overlapping geographies: (1) geographies of place; (2) geographies of intrafirm trade and relations; (3) regional geographies of accumulation; (4) geographies of interfirm relations; and (5) geographies of consumption.
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Sarlin, Simon. "The Anti-Risorgimento as a transnational experience." Modern Italy 19, no. 1 (February 2014): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2013.871422.
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The struggle led after 1860 by the Anti-Risorgimento (understood as the conservative opposition to Italian unification) went beyond the frontiers of new Italy. The transnationality of this campaign manifested itself in numerous ways, from international networks of financial support and militancy that were closely associated with counter-revolution and supported by the international structures of the Roman Catholic Church, to forms of transnational mobilisation such as armed volunteerism. This internationalisation of anti-Unity fighting was a conscious strategy of the movement's leaders. They relied on a tradition of solidarity and exchange within the ultraconservative camp – a sort of ‘white international’ – to further the transnational construction of a European identity of counter-revolution. In Italy, the victory of the nationalist movement endowed various anti-liberal forces with a common adversary and common goals; yet the strategy adopted by the Papacy (still a temporal power until 1870), in relation to the cause of the dispossessed sovereigns, was not devoid of ambiguity.
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Matras, Yaron. "Transnational policy and ‘authenticity’ discourses on Romani language and identity." Language in Society 44, no. 3 (June 2015): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404515000202.
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AbstractRomani is a fascinating test case for the role that language plays in the process of identity consolidation in a transnational context. Standardisation is no longer inherently connected to the ‘territorialisation’ of language. Instead, we witness a bottom-up process in which individuals take ownership of language and negotiate language practices. Status regulation and language planning can be instigated and even implemented by institutions other than national states. All of this leads to pluralism of form rather than unification. Yet language remains a key locus for political mobilisation. It allows players to claim authenticity, it offers opportunities for intervention by external facilitators, and it provides a discussion platform through which traditional images can be challenged and recognition can be awarded. (Romani, language planning, standardization, language policy, transnationalism)*
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Baser, Bahar, Ann-Catrin Emanuelsson, and Mari Toivanen. "(In)visible spaces and tactics of transnational engagement: A multi-dimensional approach to the Kurdish diaspora." Kurdish Studies 3, no. 2 (October 31, 2015): 128–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v3i2.411.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Kurdish diaspora has been transnationally active and efficient in terms of raising awareness of the plight of the Kurds in Europe and elsewhere. However, there is a clear need to situate the current analysis of the diaspora in the context of rapidly changing political landscapes that includes both local and global power relations conditioning the diaspora’s transnational participation, political mobilisation and action. This special issue contributes to the abundant stream of research by including articles that touch upon various issues regarding Kurdish diasporic behaviour. We hope this will provide new openings for scholars working on the Kurdish diaspora. We present articles from diverse disciplines in social sciences including sociology, anthropology, and political science. This interdisciplinary approach not only enriches the analysis related to Kurdish diaspora mobilisation, but also highlights new perspectives emerging from this initiative. Keywords: Kurdish diaspora; Kurdistan; transnational engagement; political mobilisation; belonging.Meydanên (ne)diyar û rêbazên çalakvaniya siyasî ya fera-neteweyî: Nirxandineke pir-rehendî li ser diyasporaya kurdDiyasporaya kurd ji bo bilindkirina asta hişyariya li ser kambaxiya rewşa kurdan li Ewrûpa û li cihine din bi rengekî fera-neteweyî çalak û karîger bûye. Lê belê, pêdiviyeke berçav bi wê yekê heye ku nirxandina heyî ya diyasporayê di nav wê çarçoveya dîmenên siyasî de bi cih bikin ku bi lez diguhere û ku, bi hewandina pêwendiyên hêzê yên mehelî û gerdûnî, şikl û şertên beşdariya diyasporayê ya navneteweyî û tevger û çalakiyên wê yên siyasî diyar dike. Ev jimareya taybet a kovarê, bi rêya belavkirina gotarên li ser rehendên cihê yên diyasporaya kurd, li wê pêla adan a vekolînan zêde dike. Em bi hêvî ne ku rê û deriyên nû veke li vekolerên diyasporaya kurd. Em gotarên ji dîsîplînên cihê yên zanistên civakî pêşkêş dikin, ji wan sosyolojî, antropolojî û zanistên siyasî. Ev boçûna navber-dîsîplînî nirxandina çalakvaniya diyasporayê dewlemendtir dike, lê her wiha rê dide peydabûn û geşedana perspektîvên nû li ser vê meydana lêkolînê. بەشداری سیاسییانەی رادیكاڵ و تاراوگەی ناوخۆیی كورد لە توركیائەم گوتارە شیكردنەوەیەكە لە سەر مۆبایلیزە كردنی سیاسییانەی تاراوگەی ناوخۆیی كورد لە دەرەوەی دەڤەرە كوردییەكان لە توركیا. ئەم لێكۆڵینەوەیە لەو پێشنیازە دەكۆڵێتەوە كە دەلێت، تاراوگە پشتیوانی لەو ئەكتەرە سیاسییانە دەكات كە زیاتر رادیكاڵن. ئەم گوتارە باس دەکا لە مۆبایلیزە كردن لە لایەن پ.ك.ك وە لە رۆژاوای توركیا و ئەو شێوانەی کە ئەو ڕێکخراوەیە بە ڕەچاوکردنیان توانیویەتی ناسنامەیەکی بەرفراوانی كۆمەڵی كوردی ببووژێنێتەوە. ئەم لێكۆڵینەوەیە بەر لەوەی تاوتوێی رۆڵی چەوساندنەوە لە لایەن دەوڵەتەوە بکات و سەرنج بداتە هەڵاواردنی ئینتنیکی و پەراوێز خستنی ئابووری-كۆمەڵایەتی لە سەر كۆچبەرە كوردەكانی ئەو ساڵانەی دوایی، شێوازە مێژووییەكانی كۆچ كردنی كورد راڤە دەكا. لە كۆتاییدا، ئەم گوتارە پێشنیار دەكات كە ھۆكاری بە دەستھێنانی ئەو پشتگیریە جەماوەرییەی پ.ك.ك لە ناو كوردی رۆژئاوای توركیا دەگەڕێتەوە بۆئەو ستراتیژییە تایبەتە فەزایی و ئایدیۆلۆژییانەی كە ئەو ڕێکخراوەیە پەیڕەوی كردووە، نەك فاكتەرە بەربڵاوە ژینگەییەکان (contextual).
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Hundle, Anneeth Kaur. "Postcolonial Patriarchal Nativism, Domestic Violence and Transnational Feminist Research in Contemporary Uganda." Feminist Review 121, no. 1 (March 2019): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0141778918818835.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the development of a multidimensional, transnational feminist research approach from and within Uganda in relation to a high-profile case of domestic violence and femicide of a middle-class, upper-caste Indian migrant woman in Kampala in 1998. It explores indigenous Ugandan public and Ugandan Asian/Indian community interpretations and the dynamics of cross-racial feminist mobilisation and protest that emerged in response to the Joshi-Sharma domestic violence case. In doing so, it advocates for a transnational feminist research approach from and within Uganda and the Global South that works against the grain of nationalist and nativist biases in existing feminist scholarly trends. This approach lays bare power inequalities and internal tensions within and across racialised African and Asian communities, and thus avoids the romanticisation of cross-racial feminist African-Asian solidarities.
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Cardone, Rebecca. "Empathetic British feminists at the crossroads of colonialism and self-determination." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 39, no. 1/2 (March 11, 2019): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-04-2018-0058.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore women’s resistance to the religion of civilising missions abroad through empathetic feminism. Design/methodology/approach Conceptually, this paper explores three thematic tools for transnational activism in the interwar period: empathy for silent history, intersectionality of race and class, and empowerment through advocacy within power structures. With the theoretical backdrop of Winifred Holtby’s activism inspired by the philosophy of Mary Wollstonecraft, this research compares the political involvement of Frances Emily Newton to Blanche Elizabeth Campbell Dugdale, and how their transnational activism contributed to post-colonial self-determination and the convolution of the Palestinian–Israeli conflict in the rise of the twentieth century nation-state. Findings These three feminists provided alternative narratives of human rights activism during the first wave of British feminism that both enabled transnational activism and planted seeds for empowering self-determination amidst colonial mandates and rising nationalism. Practical implications These women worked at the dovetail of colonialism and self-determination towards the twentieth century nation-state, and as the twenty-first century evolves with greater global integration and interconnectivity, imaginative insight in the transnational context evokes greater opportunities for empathy and compassion across intersectional identities, which in effect enables the mobilisation of positionality to confront structural violence perpetuating silenced voices. Originality/value By contextually evaluating transnational activism in a narrative of nuanced complexities, this research exudes opportunities for propagating universal human rights while maintaining the sensitivity to post-colonial sentiment for empowerment with the support of transnational networks.
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Taylor, Graham, and Andy Mathers. "The politics of European integration: A European labour movement in the making?" Capital & Class 26, no. 3 (October 2002): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981680207800103.
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This paper explores the logical and historical determinants of European integration and reflects on the potential and dangers this presents for labour movement renewal. Through the principle of ‘subsidiarity’ a regulatory gap has been established between political mobilisation at the national level and neo-liberal regulation at the European level. The historical determination of this form is traced through an exploration of the social struggles against neo-liberalism that have developed within member states and transnational mobilizations that bridge this regulatory gap by linking resistance across national boundaries.
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Lim, Adelyn. "Transnational Feminist Practices in Hong Kong: Mobilisation and Collective Action for Sex Workers’ Rights." Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 9, no. 4 (December 2008): 319–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442210802449050.
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Zuern, Elke. "Memorial politics: challenging the dominant party's narrative in Namibia." Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 3 (September 2012): 493–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000225.
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ABSTRACTGreater international attention to human rights, particularly genocide, has offered activists opportunities to draw on transnational networks and norms. Many examples have been documented of the varying successes of domestic movement organisations employing international support. Much less attention has been paid to cases lacking significant organisations, but small groups and even individuals can draw attention to their demands if they effectively engage transnational interest. Genocide offers a particularly potent means of generating attention. Namibia is engaged in domestic debates over crimes committed by German forces over a century ago. In a country with no large opposition party and no significant social movement mobilisation, a number of relatively small groups of activists are indirectly challenging the power of the dominant party by correcting its one-sided narrative of the country's anti-colonial heroes. German efforts to respond to crimes committed in the past offer further opportunities for activists to draw attention to heroes and histories beyond those celebrated by the dominant party.
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Galante, John Starosta. "The ‘Great War’ in Il Plata: Italian Immigrants in Buenos Aires and Montevideo During the First World War." Journal of Migration History 2, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 57–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00201003.
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This paper examines the actions of Italian immigrants in Buenos Aires and Montevideo to support Italy’s mobilisation during the First World War. It focuses on immigrant institutions that participated in activities including military recruitment and welfare collections to assist the Italian side. It also investigates ways Italian immigrants collaborated across the Río de la Plata to mobilise war-related resources. Through its analysis, this article narrows in on a neglected period of time in Italian immigration historiography and uncovers ways events in Italy might have affected immigrant behaviours. It explores the degree of integration that existed between these two communities and within a transnational immigrant network built around ‘Italian’ notions of belonging. More broadly, this paper illustrates the value of scholarly focus on periods of crisis in immigrant homelands. The study of such periods helps advance understandings of social relations within immigrant communities and the transnational networks in which immigrants are situated.
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Podder, Sukanya. "‘Land back to the people or not?’ The variable pathways of civic mobilisation against land grabs in rural Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 61, no. 2 (June 2023): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x22000489.
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AbstractDrawing on empirical research from Pujehun and Port Loko districts in Sierra Leone, this article explains the variable pathways of civic activism mobilised by environmental advocacy, and legal empowerment organisations, in response to two prominent land grabs. By grounding the analysis within the ontology of place, this study examines the dynamic interplay between national politics, global corporate interests, transnational advocacy, and civic agency in each place. The article finds that although the balance of power between these actors matters, the nature of corporate interests involved can be significant in determining the exact trajectory of civic mobilisation, and ultimately its success.
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Iftikhar, Faria. "Communication Networks and the Transnational Spread of Ethnic Conflict." Journal of Education and Social Studies 5, no. 3 (September 30, 2024): 182–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.52223/jess.2024.5319.
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How the interconnectedness of the global system influences the network of ethnic conflict communication is the focus of this work. The study aims at understanding how the analyses of ethnic conflicts gather momentum and spread throughout the world through the review of literature, case studies, and media coverage, social media issues, and deliberate disinformation campaigns. The study employs a qualitative approach, drawing on secondary sources and theoretical frameworks to explore hypotheses that talk about how media coverage is rising in proportion to the ethnic conflict’s transnational diffusion, how social media usage is connected with diaspora mobilisation and conflict extension, and how the purposeful spread of fake news increases the intensity and geographical scope of the conflict. The Rohingya crisis is also one of the best examples of the shifts in communication networks and their impact on the ethnic conflicts by influencing the international community’s perception and response. Communications networks may have the potential to escalate conflict and ‘spread’ wrong information, but they also have the potential to create awareness and tackle conflict. In the light of these observations, the study offers recommendations in the areas of codes of ethical media practices, regulation of use of social media, especially in multi-ethnic societies, to prevent incitement, and techniques of combating disinformation.
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Sorba, Carlotta. "Between cosmopolitanism and nationhood: Italian opera in the early nineteenth century." Modern Italy 19, no. 1 (February 2014): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2013.871420.
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The revival of interest in music evident in recent historiography has led to an investigation of the specifically transnational nature of musical languages and practices. This article explores the possibility of re-reading in a transnational perspective the classical theme of the relationship between the Risorgimento and opera. It focuses on two different points of view: on the one hand, the construction of the librettos as a delicate balance between European romantic narratives and dramatic themes evoking nationalistic sentiments; on the other, the fact that ideas and practices of the theatre as a vehicle of political mobilisation developed in a broad international context where Mazzini and many other nationalists found inspiration in multinational political experiences and discourses. The article concludes by saying that the meanings of terms such as cosmopolitanism and nationalism need to be carefully weighed when we look at nineteenth-century opera production. Only in the closing decades of the century did genuine competition between national traditions arise, which led in Italy to a veritable ‘obsession’ with ‘Italianness’ in music.
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Osman, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed. "Hizbut Tahrir Malaysia: the Emergence of a New Transnational Islamist Movement in Malaysia." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 47, no. 1 (June 26, 2009): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2009.471.91-110.
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This paper looks at the Hizbut Tahrir of Malaysia and places it in the context of the wider and deeper development of Muslim politics and mass mobilisation across Asia and the world at large. While much has been written about the Hizbut Tahrir of Indonesia (HTI), little is known about the HTM. This paper traces the initial arrival of the HT to Malaysia, via the network of Malaysian students and activists who were educated abroad and who have managed to build their own inter-personal networks and relationships outside the parameters of mainstream political Islam and the state apparatus in the country. Furthermore it is interesting to note that HTM in Malaysia takes its own unique stand on Islamic issues with relation to the mainstream Islamic party PAS and the Malay-Muslim UMNO party. The paper therefore attempts to locate the ideological positioning of the HTM in the wider context of Islamist politics in contemporary Malaysia and to analyse its relationship to the wider currents of ethno-communal as well as religious politics in the country as a whole.
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Lim, Adelyn. "Transnational Organising and Feminist Politics of Difference and Solidarity: The Mobilisation of Domestic Workers in Hong Kong." Asian Studies Review 40, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2015.1124841.
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Kesa, Katerina. "Introduction : Radical-Right Populisms in the Baltic Region." Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest N° 2, no. 2 (January 11, 2023): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/receo1.533.0007.
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Ce dossier explore la circulation des idées, acteurs et pratiques entre les formations populistes de droite radicale dans l’espace baltique, et leurs formes de coopération transnationale. Il analyse également les perceptions et représentions des politiques des pays voisins par les acteurs de la droite radicale, et leurs stratégies de mobilisation de communautés nationales diasporiques. Pēteris F.Timofejevs montre que le Parti populaire conservateur d’Estonie (EKRE) et l’Alliance nationale lettone, malgré une hostilité commune à l’égard de la Russie, se sont positionnés différemment par rapport à la politique étrangère et aux choix d’alliances électorales et politiques. Mari-Liis Jakobson et Tõnis Saarts explorent la stratégie d’EKRE envers la diaspora estonienne en Finlande, à travers la notion d’« espace transnational », qui associe médias et réseaux sociaux. Katerina Kesa montre comment ce parti instrumentalise informations et images venant de Suède et de Finlande pour promouvoir une idéologie xénophobe et ultra-conservatrice en Estonie, tout en tentant de se rapprocher de l’extrême-droite dans ces deux pays. Bartłomiej Różycki se penche sur le concept d’« homogénéité nationale » en Pologne et son utilisation par le parti Droit et Justice (PiS), au pouvoir depuis 2015. Forgé avant la seconde guerre mondiale, repris par le régime communiste, il apparaît à la fois dans des initiatives populaires et dans la rhétorique gouvernementale, et favorise les succès électoraux du PiS.
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Weiss, Meredith L. "Winning and Losing in the Modern Era: Identity, Mobilisation, and Empowerment in Southeast Asia." TRaNS: Trans-Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 3, no. 1 (September 24, 2014): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2014.15.
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AbstractIn Southeast Asia as elsewhere, shifts in global, regional, and domestic politics and economies benefit some and disadvantage others. Overall, those individuals and groups defined by their subordinated position in the emerging political economy are at a disadvantage. Moreover, the decline of ideology, particularly with the seemingly hegemonic advance of neoliberalism, has limited space for challenge along those lines. Rather than assume, however, that it is merely the wealthiest ‘one per cent’ whoareadvantaged and empowered in this evolving system, we can weigh what resources and alliances are available to whom. Members of newly-formed categories may benefit from the shifting tides, regardless of class or structural position, for instance given their alignment with prevailing norms or frames, or their access to new media and transnational advocacy networks. Some of those most disadvantaged by the shifting economic context, on the other hand, may be doubly disempowered, as they face added hurdles to identity-building and collective action. This article explores new regimes of domination and resistance from below, focusing on why particular collective identities gain salience at particular moments and what determines which movements or claims take off or fail to thrive.
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O'Hara, Lorna. "Exploring 'artivist' innovations in Ireland's pro-choice campaign." Soundings 76, no. 76 (December 1, 2020): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.76.03.2020.
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This article looks at the artistic practices of feminist pro-choice artivists in Ireland, in the successful mobilisation for repeal of the Eighth amendment. It focuses in particular on the home|work.collective, who in their performances in public places of The Renunciation - a performed reading of abortion stories - helped to make people's lived experiences visible at multiple scales: new technology enabled them to 'stretch' the reach of these performances into digital space, and to leverage the opportunities offered by social media for horizontal organising. The Renunciation's transnational resonance also enabled it to travel to spaces beyond its original performance sites. Through combining political public art and performance with technology, new possibilities emerged for solidarity, visibility and public participation in advancing reproductive rights. Creating and connecting new spaces of solidarity - 'hybrid spaces' - new possibilities for alliance-making were opened up.
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O'Hara, Lorna. "Exploring 'artivist' innovations in Ireland's pro-choice campaign." Soundings 76, no. 76 (December 1, 2020): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.76.03.2020.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article looks at the artistic practices of feminist pro-choice artivists in Ireland, in the successful mobilisation for repeal of the Eighth amendment. It focuses in particular on the home|work.collective, who in their performances in public places of The Renunciation - a performed reading of abortion stories - helped to make people's lived experiences visible at multiple scales: new technology enabled them to 'stretch' the reach of these performances into digital space, and to leverage the opportunities offered by social media for horizontal organising. The Renunciation's transnational resonance also enabled it to travel to spaces beyond its original performance sites. Through combining political public art and performance with technology, new possibilities emerged for solidarity, visibility and public participation in advancing reproductive rights. Creating and connecting new spaces of solidarity - 'hybrid spaces' - new possibilities for alliance-making were opened up.
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Holden, Chris. "Global social policy: an application of welfare state theory." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 34, no. 1 (February 2018): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2017.1413993.
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AbstractGlobal social policy (GSP) takes different forms from those of national welfare states, since it depends on the activities of an array of international organisations and transnational actors. Three broad theoretical approaches have dominated the literature on national welfare state development: those focused on processes of economic development, industrialisation and urbanisation; those focused on class struggle and political mobilisation; and those focused on the effects of political institutions. This article applies each of these broad theoretical approaches to the development of GSP in order to illuminate the nature of GSP, its likely future development, and the constraints upon such development. It is concluded that the dominant forms taken by GSP will continue to be piecemeal, minimalist and essentially neoliberal for as long as an effective global political movement in favour of a more extensive GSP is absent.
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GERMOND, Carine S. "Transnationalising Farming Protest to Avoid Marginalisation? COPA and the Mansholt Plan." Journal of European Integration History 30, no. 1 (2024): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2024-1-59.
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Drawing on extensive multi-archival and multi-institutional research, the article explores how the Committee of Professional Agricultural Organisations (COPA) responded to the multiple challenges presented by the Memorandum ‘Agriculture’ between 1968 and 1972. At this critical juncture, COPA had to show its ability to unite and mobilise Community farmers against the Commission’s first major reform of the Common Agricultural Policy. The article demonstrates that the transnationalisation of farm protests, which culminated in the March 1971 demonstration, was the result of COPA’s attempt to avert marginalisation and address internal contestation by its member organisations. The article also sheds light on the internal, structural, and ideological factors behind the gradual deterioration of the close COPA-Commission alliance, which forced COPA to supplement its traditional insider lobbying strategy with transnational grassroots mobilisation leading up to the March 1971 protests.
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Cebulak, Pola. "Mapping the potentials and pitfalls of using European law for strategic litigation against illiberal reforms." International Journal of Law in Context 20, no. 3 (September 2024): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552324000223.
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AbstractThe toolbox for resisting illiberalism is quite diverse. It includes high-level diplomatic negotiations concerning sanctions to enforce democracy and citizens’ mobilisation for local causes. This article focuses on strategic litigation as legal mobilisation, relying on the language of rights and the rule of law and addressing courts as defenders of liberal democracy. Such mobilisation leads to litigation before national and European courts concerning issues such as media freedom, judicial independence, minority rights or the rights of migrants. In order to be authoritative, however, courts need support from political institutions at national and EU levels from the transnational judicial community and from civil society. The embeddedness in structured civil causes and organisations seems particularly relevant in the context of strategic litigation. This article aims to map out particular factors in the EU legal and institutional systems that directly affect the prospects of strategic litigation against illiberal reforms using EU law.On the one hand, the EU legal system does not provide direct access to the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU). The multilevel system of judicial protection in the EU means that litigation aimed at resisting illiberalism mostly needs to start before national courts, making it vulnerable to political capture of national judiciary. On the other hand, the EU law system is based on the purposive constitutional framework of the Treaties. The tendency to follow a teleological interpretation of the CJEU makes it a promising ground for advocating for new interpretations of the law in light of a changing social context. Finally, EU law is a system with a particular legal culture and a field of experts who are well-versed in applying that culture. This field does not directly overlap with the specialised lawyers who often initiate strategic litigation; who tend to be experts in the fields of migration, transparency or the environment; and who do not have a broader understanding of EU law and its integration logic.
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Inobemhe, Kelvin, and Tsegyu Santas. "#EndSARS Protest." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 4, no. 4 (December 12, 2022): 100–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v4i4.241.
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This paper “#EndSARS Protest: A Discourse on Impact of Digital Media on 21st Century Activism” examines the role of digital media in a new generation of activism with a critical assessment of the protest in Nigeria. Specifically, the paper expands on the meaning of social media activism, finds out ways digital media was deployed in mobilisation and management of the protest and also delves into how social media pose as challenge to activism within the context of series of anti-police brutality protests that took place in Nigeria. Specifically, the study looked at how, despite the failure of mainstream media in the country to give the movement prominence, technology (through social media) helped to encourage transnational activism and global solidarity with respect to #EndSARS. The paper relied on existing literature through the use of library research technique. It utilised the technological determinism theory – that served as its theoretical base or foundation. The paper found, among others, that digital media especially social media played significant roles in mobilisation and management of the protest. It also revealed that due to the power that digital platforms wield, authority may be tempted to introduce some form of regulations that may hinder their use. The paper concludes that, indeed, digital media have tremendous impact on 21st century activism in Nigeria. Therefore, the paper, among others, recommends that government must now realise the powers of communication and technology and therefore embark on constant communication with the people while also addressing pre-existing social ills in the country.
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Einarsdóttir, Jónína. "Iceland’s Involvement in the Anti-Apartheid Struggle." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 12, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.5.
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The transnational anti-apartheid movement was heavily motivated by the postwar emphasis on human rights and decolonisation, and challenged by Cold War politics and economic interests. The aim of this article is to examine Iceland’s involvement in the anti-apartheid struggles with focus on the establishment of the unified anti-apartheid movement SAGA (Suður-Afríkusamtökin gegn apartheid), its organisation and activities. What were the motives of SAGA’s activists and their subjective experiences? The political background in Iceland is outlined as well as a historical overview of anti-apartheid activities including Iceland’s voting on resolutions against apartheid at UN and adoptions of sanctions against the South African regime. Iceland’s involvement in the antiapartheid struggle was contradictory. During two periods Iceland voted for more radical UN resolutions than did other Western countries, including the Nordic ones. Yet, Iceland adopted sanctions against the South African regime later than the neighbours and the same applies to the establishment of a unified anti-apartheid movement. The branding of the African National Congress (ANC) as communists allowed many to ignore the human right breaches of the South African regime. Most of the activists belonged to left-wing groups or the labour movement, and the relative absence of religious organisations and the Students’ Council of the University of Iceland is notable. Embedded in the transnational anti-apartheid network with particular ways of organisation and mobilisation, the activists became emotionally engaged and worked for a moral cause.
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Myles, David, and Kelly Lewis. "Constructing Injustice Symbols in Contemporary Trans Rights Activisms." Kvinder, Køn & Forskning, no. 3-4 (September 30, 2019): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kkf.v28i2-3.116306.
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In this paper, we investigate the role that mourning and commemoration practices play in contemporary trans rights activism. Drawing from visual politics, digital activist culture, as well as media and communication, we analyse how trans rights movements construct injustice symbols that are used for sociopolitical mobilisation and expression. We contend that these symbols are constructed through shared communicative practices, which produce and circulate visuals that possess important memetic qualities (pictures, slogans, hashtags, graffiti, posters, etc.). To do so, we analyse three case studies where the unjust death of a trans person was collectively mobilised for political purposes: Jennifer Laude (Philippines, 1988-2014), Hande Kader (Turkey, 1993-2016), and Marsha P. Johnson (United States of America, 1945-1992). While each case study points to local or national specificities, our comparative analysis also underlines transnational trends in the production of posthumous visuals within contemporary trans rights activism. We conclude by addressing the contentions over the construction of trans symbols who inherently possess intersectional identities.
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Shah, Zahir, and Qazi Masood Ahmed. "The Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment in Pakistan: an Empirical Investigation." Pakistan Development Review 42, no. 4II (December 1, 2003): 697–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v42i4iipp.697-714.
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The changing modes of international transactions and the cross-border mobilisation of factor resources, in pursuance of transnational production, constitute new dimensions for sustained economic growth. Foreign Direct Investment (an influential element of this process) is defined as the source of acquisition of managerial control by a business enterprise of a foreign country over a business activity in a host country [Graham (1982)]. The changing perceptions and more attractive policies of the host developing nations have changed the destinations of FDI flows from industrially developed countries to high growth developing centres. FDI stock held by developing countries has risen from $ 132.95 billion in 1980 to $ 1438.48 billion in 1999. Their share in inward stock has reached to 30.14 percent in 1999 as against 26.2 percent in 1980. FDI inflows during this period were raised from $ 4.42 billion to $ 208.0 billion, at an annual growth rate of 22.5 percent while GDP growth rate for that period was 3.9 percent.
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Mainardi, Arianna. "‘The pictures I really dislike are those where the girls are naked!’ Postfeminist norms of female sexual embodiment in contemporary Italian digital culture." Modern Italy 23, no. 2 (March 25, 2018): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.6.
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This article engages with the postfeminist debate on girls’ sexuality in contemporary Italy. The huge popularity among adolescents of social network sites (SNSs), which involve a vast mobilisation of personal images, has given rise to new concerns and a moralising gender panic about girls’ sexuality. Drawing on critical girls’ studies, and based on the outputs of a qualitative research project, the article discusses the gender discourses that emerge from Italian girls’ digital practices on SNSs, with specific reference to girls’ online self-representation through posting and sharing photos on Facebook and other SNSs. The article explores how sexual regulation works among girls in the digital context by analysing the postfeminist norms of female sexual embodiment in contemporary Italian digital culture. In doing so, the article hopes to contribute to the transnational academic debate in media and cultural studies by showing the discursive and visual conditions of possibility which shape girls’ digital sexual subjectivity on social network sites.
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Loen, Mathea, and Siri Gloppen. "Constitutionalising the Right to Water in Kenya and Slovenia: Domestic Drivers, Opportunity Structures, and Transnational Norm Entrepreneurs." Water 13, no. 24 (December 11, 2021): 3548. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w13243548.
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The international norm development that in 2010 culminated with the UN Resolution on the Human Right to Water and Sanitation changed international law. To what extent did this influence the parallel legal developments evident in many national constitutions across the globe? This article analyses the mobilisation for a constitutional right to water and sanitation in Kenya and Slovenia, identifying the main national and transnational actors involved and assessing their significance for the processes of constitutionalising the right. By analysing two very different cases, tracing their constitutionalisation processes through analysis of archival material, the article provides multifaceted insights into processes of norm diffusion from international norm entrepreneurs to the national level and the agency of domestic actors and their opportunity structures. We find that although the outcomes of the processes in Kenya and Slovenia are similar in that both constitutions contain articles securing the right to water, the framing of the right differs. Furthermore, we conclude that while there is involvement of international actors in both cases, domestic pro-water activists and their normative and political opportunity structures are more important for understanding the successful constitutionalisation of the right to water and differences in the framing of the right.
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Njikang, Kennedy Ebang. "Diaspora, Home-State Governance and Transnational Political Mobilisation: A Comparative Case Analysis of Ethiopia and Kenya’s State Policy Towards their Diaspora." Migration Letters 17, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i1.738.
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Aligned to studies that have established that state-diaspora engagement policies consist of a diversity of measures associated with different aims, this study provides a novel approach to such research. It involves investigating how leadership (through diaspora policies) is structured using language to ensure that the objectives of state-diaspora policies are persuasive enough to draw consensual support from the diaspora. Adopting a rhetorical analysis of multi-case data, this paper compares how the notion of diaspora is used within Ethiopia and Kenya’s state-diaspora policy documents and how their understanding of their diaspora shapes the actual political mobilisation of it. The paper demonstrates that by selecting certain themes and by treating diaspora as a powerful strategy, either by segregating it from or including it in the political activities of a nation, domestic governments can strongly influence the political narrative. Results further show that when the diaspora faces state power not all categories of it are equally accepted or offered the same political rights.
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Syrett, Stephen, and Janroj Yilmaz Keles. "A contextual understanding of diaspora entrepreneurship: identity, opportunity and resources in the Sri Lankan Tamil and Kurdish diasporas." International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behavior & Research 28, no. 9 (October 18, 2022): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijebr-08-2021-0658.
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PurposeWithin the growing study of transnational entrepreneurial practice, existing conceptualisation of diaspora entrepreneurship has often lacked engagement with the particularities of the diaspora condition. This paper seeks to advance theoretical understanding and empirical study of diaspora entrepreneurship through identifying the processes that generate diaspora entrepreneurship across economic, social and political spheres.Design/methodology/approachTo analyse the relationship between the development of venture activity and diaspora (re)production, in depth, qualitative biographical analysis was undertaken with UK-based diaspora entrepreneurs embedded within the particular contexts of the Sri Lankan Tamil and Kurdish diasporas. Skilled and active diaspora entrepreneurs were purposively selected from these extreme case contexts to explore their entrepreneurial agency within and across the business, social and political realms.FindingsResults identified key dimensions shaping the development of diaspora entrepreneurship. These comprised the role of diaspora context in shaping opportunity frameworks and the mobilisation of available resources, and how venture activity served to sustain collective diaspora identity and address diaspora interests. These findings are used to produce an analytical model of the generation of diaspora entrepreneurship to serve as a basis for discussing how heterogeneous and hybrid entrepreneurial strategies emerge from and shape the evolving diaspora context.Originality/valueBy placing the reproduction of social collectivity centre-stage, this paper identifies the particularities of diaspora entrepreneurship as a form of transnational entrepreneurship. This recognizes the significance of a contextualised understanding of entrepreneurial diversity within wider processes of diaspora development, which has important implications for policy and practice development in homeland and settlement areas.
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Chadwick, Andrew, and James Dennis. "Social Media, Professional Media and Mobilisation in Contemporary Britain: Explaining the Strengths and Weaknesses of the Citizens’ Movement 38 Degrees." Political Studies 65, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716631350.
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Digital media continue to reshape political activism in unexpected ways. Within a period of a few years, the internet-enabled UK citizens’ movement 38 Degrees has amassed a membership of 3 million and now sits alongside similar entities such as America’s MoveOn, Australia’s GetUp! and the transnational movement Avaaz. In this article, we contribute to current thinking about digital media and mobilisation by addressing some of the limitations of existing research on these movements and on digital activism more generally. We show how 38 Degrees’ digital network repertoires coexist interdependently with its strategy of gaining professional news media coverage. We explain how the oscillations between choreographic leadership and member influence and between digital media horizontalism and elite media-centric work constitute the space of interdependencies in which 38 Degrees acts. These delicately balanced relations can quickly dissolve and be replaced by simpler relations of dependence on professional media. Yet despite its fragility, we theorise about how 38 Degrees may boost individuals’ political efficacy, irrespective of the outcome of individual campaigns. Our conceptual framework can be used to guide research on similar movements.
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Close-Barry, Kirstie. "Transporting Concepts of ‘Native’ Land as Birthright between Fiji and Australia’s North." Social Sciences and Missions 30, no. 3-4 (2017): 325–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-03003001.
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This article focuses on the experiences at two Methodist communities in the Pacific and their assertions of sovereignty from the 1920s to the 1960s. It explores the connections between two nodes of the Methodist Mission – Fiji and Australia’s Northern Territory – through one missionary, Kolinio Saukuru. While there were moments of great political mobilisation at each site, efforts to assert Indigenous land ownership and autonomy were hampered by persistent racialized views of the ‘native’ amongst missionaries and the colonial state. This article engages with questions emerging from the histories of colonial missions, particularly whether missions aligned with colonial administrations on strategies of governance. However, it also points to the need to think beyond national boundaries when studying mission histories. An examination of the Methodist Overseas Mission using a transnational framework illuminates a network of Indigenous people who worked to protect what some missionaries and anthropologists considered an Indigenous ‘birthright’: the land. This study therefore expands on the existing historiography of colonial missions, of Indigenous labour, and of land rights activism in Fiji and Australia’s north.
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Tchuinou Tchouwo, Carène. "Entrepreneuriat immigrant : la mobilisation régulière des connaissances du pays d’origine et son impact sur l’innovation au sein du pays d’accueil." Revue internationale P.M.E. 37, no. 3-4 (2024): 57–80. https://doi.org/10.7202/1114758ar.
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Cet article vise à comprendre le rôle des connaissances issues du pays d’origine dans les activités d’innovation des entrepreneurs immigrants au sein du pays d’accueil. En mobilisant la littérature sur l’entrepreneuriat transnational de la diaspora et l’innovation ouverte, nous explorons le cas de quatre entrepreneurs africains installés à Montréal. Ces entrepreneurs devaient bénéficier de manière régulière des connaissances du pays d’origine, à travers la mise en place de projets d’innovation avec des acteurs au sein de cet environnement. Les résultats montrent que les connaissances mobilisées par les entrepreneurs dans le pays d’origine proviennent principalement de leur capital social et humain. Le capital social est mobilisé à travers des relations informelles ou formelles avec des membres de la famille, des amis ou des partenaires professionnels, tandis que le capital humain est mobilisé à travers l’expérience de l’entrepreneur. Ces connaissances du pays d’origine permettent aux entrepreneurs d’introduire des innovations de produits/services, de position, de processus et de paradigme au sein du pays d’accueil qui, à leur tour, sont porteuses de retombées économiques et sociales dans le pays d’origine. Cette étude enrichit la compréhension du lien entre l’entrepreneuriat immigrant et l’innovation, tout en mettant en lumière l’impact social et économique des entrepreneurs de la diaspora dans leur pays d’origine.
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Suodenjoki, Sami. "Mobilising for land, nation and class interests: agrarian agitation in Finland and Ireland, 1879–1918." Irish Historical Studies 41, no. 160 (November 2017): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2017.32.
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AbstractThis article explores the comparative history of land agitation and how it evolved and intersected with nationalism and socialism in Finland and Ireland between the Irish Land War and the Finnish Civil War of 1918. Drawing on current scholarship as well as contemporary newspapers and official records, the article shows that an organised land movement developed later and was markedly less violent in Finland than in Ireland. Moreover, while in Ireland the association of landlordism with British rule helped to fuse the land movement with nationalist mobilisation during the Land War, in Finland the tie between the land movement and nationalism remained weak. This was a consequence of Finnish nationalists’ strong affiliation with landowning farmers, which hindered their success in mobilising tenant farmers and agricultural workers. Consequently, the Finnish countryside witnessed a remarkable rise in the socialist movement in the early 1900s. The socialist leanings of the Finnish land movement were greatly influenced by the Russian revolutions, whereas in Ireland militant Fenianism, often emanating from Irish America, affected land agitation more than socialism. As to transnational exchanges, the article also indicates the influence of Irish rural unrest and the related land acts on Finnish public debates and legislation.
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Guéboguo, Charles. "Mobilisations transnationales des communautés homosexuelles en Afrique." Anthropologie et Sociétés 32 (February 19, 2009): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/000229ar.
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Résumé Une observation contemporaine de la société civile africaine laisse entrevoir une dynamique significative où, de plus en plus, les communautés lesbiennes, gaies, bisexuelles, transgenres et intersexuelles (LGBTI) posent des formes revendicatives d’occupation légitime des espaces sociaux en dépit des rigidités sociales qui se veulent anti-homosexuelles. C’est ce qui explique que, alors qu’elle était naguère cachée, la sexualité en général, et l’homosexualité en Afrique sous la forme de mobilisations communautaires en particulier, tutoient désormais les sphères publiques. Ce mouvement socio-sexuel d’un genre nouveau dégage des significations socio-anthropologiques qu’il convient de suivre. Ce travail est une première esquisse analytique qui expose les logiques des relations entre les mobilisations collectives naissantes et les diverses forces internes qui condamnent l’homosexualité, ceci dans le but de faire ressortir les logiques qui contribuent à l’évolution de la condition et des formes de mobilisation pour une plus grande « visibilisation » de l’homosexualité en Afrique ; avec ce paradoxe qu’il faut préciser, à savoir que l’hostilité du contexte social, parfois considérable, contribue à alimenter et à consolider les mobilisations naissantes.
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Sandal, Hakan. "Radical Queer Epistemic Network: Kurdish Diaspora, Futurity, and Sexual Politics." Migration Letters 17, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i1.750.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the ways in which London's queer Kurdish activists imagine Kurdistan(s) and their relation to politics surrounding Kurdish and queer struggles in the United Kingdom. In doing so, the article draws attention to a “radical queer epistemic network” that establishes a transnational link among/across different borders of queer communities in the United Kingdom, such as race and class; “homeland” and “hostland”; present and future. Although there are works focusing on the Kurdish diaspora in Europe and the United Kingdom, there is a gap in the literature when it comes to queer voices and epistemologies. How do Kurdish queer subjects negotiate ethnic, gender and sexual identities whilst imagining and (re)constructing the homeland, hostland, and politics? How do queer Kurds assert their existence and make alliances in the United Kingdom’s political sphere? Can these experiences subvert the orientalist gaze directed towards queer Middle Easterners while critiquing the existing oppressive structures that affect them? This article sheds light not only on the experiences of a segment of the queer Middle East diaspora community in London but also on the mobilisation of the diasporic sexual impulsions within the political sphere through an auto-ethnographic account from London Pride 2017, contributing to the deconstruction of a presumed monolithic group, namely the Kurdish diaspora.
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Cœuré, Sophie. "« Sommes-nous lâches ? » La question des droits de l’homme et des libertés dans les relations franco-soviétiques pendant la présidence de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (1974-1981)." Revue des études slaves 95, no. 1-2 (2024): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/120dx.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cet article questionne les relations entre l’action des gouvernements et les mobilisations transnationales par le bas pour les « refuzniks » juifs privés de visa de sortie et pour les « dissidents » soviétiques, dans le cas des relations entre la France de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (1974-1981) et l’URSS de Leonid Brežnev. La position française de coopération et de « non-ingérence » sur la question des droits de l’homme semblait en dissonance avec la forte politisation intérieure de la question des libertés etdesdroitsenUnionsoviétique.Lesarchives soviétiques révèlent cependant une inquiétude croissante de Moscou face à l’actualité médiatique et politique de la dissidence en France, et la mobilisation des ressources d’influence de l’URSS. Si la question des dissidences resta davantage du domaine des négociations de la CSCE et des mobilisations transnationales que des relations bilatérales, la diplomatie française mit en œuvre des actions « humanitaires » et des interventions discrètes en appui aux dissidents et aux refuzniks soviétiques.
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Mayes, Robyn. "‘We’re Sending you Back’: Temporary Skilled Labour Migration, Social Networks and Local Community." Migration, Mobility, & Displacement 3, no. 1 (August 24, 2017): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/mmd31201717074.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper contributes to the emergent literature on the temporal and dynamic constitution of temporary skilled migrant networks, foregrounding under-researched interrelations between migrant and non-migrant networks. It does so through examination of the lived experience of transnational, temporary skilled labour migrants resident in Ravensthorpe in rural Western Australia (WA) who were confronted with the sudden closure of the mining operation where they were employed. As a result they faced imminent forced departure from Australia. Drawing on qualitative data collected in Ravensthorpe three weeks after the closure, this paper foregrounds the role of this shared, profoundly socially-disruptive event in the formation of a temporary, multi-ethnic migrant network and related interactions with a local network. Analysis of these social relations foregrounds the role of catalysing events and external prompts (beyond ethnicity and the migration act) in the formation of temporary migrant networks, along with the importance of local contexts, policy conditions and employer action. The social networks formed in Hopetoun, and associated mobilisation of social capital, confirm the potential and richness of non-migrant networks for shaping the migrant experience, and foreground the ways in which these interrelations in turn can shape the local experience of migration, just as it highlights the capacity of community groups to act as social and political allies for temporary migrants.that would require migrants to depart after a set number of years and instead recommend a pathway to permanent residence based on duration of stay.
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Waha, La Toya. "Finding the Right Islam for the Maldives: Political Transformation and State-Responses to Growing Religious Dissent." International Journal of Religion 1, no. 1 (November 22, 2020): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ijor.v1i1.1106.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the first glance, the Maldives appear not to be prone to religious conflict. The archipelago state comprises a religiously and ethnically homogenous society, the different islands have been subject to shared Islamic rule for centuries and even constitutionally religious homogeneity is granted by making every citizen a Muslim and religious diversity prevented by limiting naturalisation to a specific Muslim group. Yet, today allegations of a threat to Islam play a major role in political mobilisation, the Maldives are faced with Islamist violence, and Maldivians have joined the Islamic State and al Qaeda in disproportionally high numbers. The paper seeks to find an answer to the question of how the repression of dissent under the Gayoom regime and the expansion and rise of violent Islamism relate in the Maldivian context. Next to the theoretical model, the paper will provide an introduction to the Maldivian political culture and the reasons for changes therein. It will shed light on the emergence of three major Islamic streams in the Maldivian society, which stood opposed to one another by the late 1990s and early 2000s, and show how Gayoom’s state repression of dissent initiated an escalation process and furthered Islamist violent politics. The paper will argue that while state repression of dissent played a significant role in the repertoire selection of Islamic non-state agents, the introduction of fundamentalist Islamic interpretations through migration, educational exchange programmes and transnational actors have laid the ground for violence in the Maldives.