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Статті в журналах з теми "Women’s rights movements":
1
Sümer, Sevil, and Hande Eslen-Ziya. "New waves for old rights? Women’s mobilization and bodily rights in Turkey and Norway." European Journal of Women's Studies 24, no. 1 (July 26, 2016): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506815619878.
Анотація:
This article focuses on the resurgence of women’s movements in Turkey and Norway against the backdrop of their historical trajectories and wider gender policies. Throughout the 2010s, both countries witnessed a similar set of conservative and neoliberal policies that intervened in women’s bodily rights. In both countries, women’s movements responded with mass mobilizations and influenced the political agenda. The proposed restrictions on abortion were interpreted as a restriction on women’s basic bodily rights in both countries. This article argues that a feminist, multidimensional reconceptualization of the concept of citizenship and a definition of abortion as an element of women’s bodily citizenship rights are useful to promote a strong and encompassing argument for mobilization. The comparative analysis shows that the right to control one’s own body has been a unifying issue for women’s movements in Turkey and Norway which are gradually becoming more inclusive.
2
Heinemann, Isabel. "Abortion and adoption as two poles of reproductive decision-making in the United States during the 1980s." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 280–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419854622.
Анотація:
The 1980s were characterized not only by Ronald Reagan’s rhetoric of ‘traditional family values’ but also by a fierce anti-abortion movement that challenged the legalization of abortion. While the women’s movement fought to preserve abortion rights and reproductive choice, an organization that originated with the 1970s women’s rights and self-help movements conceived ‘adoption’ as a moral alternative to abortion. The self-help organization Concerned United Birthparents, founded in 1976 sought the opening of records and moral recognition for ‘birthmothers’ (and later ‘birth-parents’ in general). While their emphasis on adoption as an alternative to abortion seemed to meet with President Reagan’s pro-adoption campaign and the Christian Right’s support for adoption, Concerned United Birthparents nonetheless pursued an agenda of its own, demanding respect and legitimacy for unmarried women’s reproductive decision-making. This article draws primarily on the records of Concerned United Birthparents to develop a new perspective on single women’s changing perception of their reproductive rights and choices in the 1980s. Transforming an originally conservative claim (‘adoption instead of abortion’) into individual ‘adoption rights’ and an inclusive concept of ‘choice’, Concerned United Birthparents drew on the social movements of the period. Moreover, it provided a case for liberal reproductive decision-making within an ultra-conservative political climate that challenges the assumption of an all-encompassing conservative revolution.
3
Lagdaf, Souadou, and Yahia H. Zoubir. "The Struggle of the Women’s Movements in Neo-patriarchal Libya." Oriente Moderno 98, no. 2 (September 7, 2018): 225–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340198.
Анотація:
Abstract After the 2011 revolution, the new Libyan authorities launched a political and constitutional debate, which focused, inter alia, on democracy and the role of women in the new order. The autonomous initiatives of women’s associations, which demanded female quotas and equal rights, is an important aspect of the post-revolution reality and highlights the contradictions between the cultural conditions and the policies of the authoritarian past in a society that for the most part aspires for equal rights, the nature of its neo-patriarchy1 notwithstanding. In this article, the authors analyse the historical trajectory of women’s claims and the contributions of women’s associations to the constitutional debate for women’s rights. Women’s activism has characterised this new era, one full of incongruities, such as the opposition of past ideas against innovative, more modernist, progressive ones.
4
Calvo García, Manuel. "The Role of Social Movements in the Recognition of Gender Violence as a Violation of Human Rights: From Legal Reform to the Language of Rights." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 6 (June 27, 2016): 60–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v0i6.2930.
Анотація:
The history of rights shows that the struggle for the recognition of women’s rights was difficult enough and the recognition of the right of women to a life without gender violence has been even more difficult. With a perspective based in a socio-legal and critical approach, this article defends that the recognition of the right of women to a life free of gender violence must be seen as a conquest of the feminist movement and women’s organizations. It was the struggle of the feminist movement which provided the catalyst for the recognition of women’s rights and the specific right of women to a life free of gender violence and to protection against such violence. But not only the recognition, also the praxis of the right of women to a life free of gender violence is important. The right of women to a life free from gender-based violence cannot be fully realized without the implementation of this right at the international and the local level. The implementation of rights and the existence of social movements involved with the right to a life free from gender violence is decisive to transforms the demands for protection from violence and its eradication to be see not as a question of mercy, but as a question of justice; and putting the individual experiences of gender violence victims within a wider framework from which the abuse can be considered as a social problem.
5
Karimi, Sedigheh. "The Virtual Sphere and the Women’s Movement in Post-Reform Iran." International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 9, no. 05 (May 15, 2018): 20430–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr/2018/9/05/509.
Анотація:
The rapid development of Internet and communication technologies raises the question of what role these media and communication interfaces play in social and political movements and development in individual countries. Although activities in cyberspace, including blogging, participation in social networks and other facilities provided by the Internet for its users are a new phenomenon, they have profound effects on social and political relations in the communities involved. In the information era, Internet is an important part of social movements in democratic societies and local communities. When the government blocks other ways to mobilization, Internet may bring like-minded people together and help them to find support for action. Internet has provided a new space for social movements and the effect of the virtual activities of the users on the actions and, often on the lack of social movements is of high importance.
Meanwhile, the Iranian women’s movement, like other social movements in contemporary Iran, realizes the impact and position of cyberspace and has made use of it. Many activists, for whom other ways for expressing their demands have been blocked, have entered this space and taken advantage of it for expressing their opinions and communicating information to other people. In fact, the dominant socio-political forces and the atmosphere of repression, and fear have led many Iranian women to use the virtual space to campaign for women’s empowerment and equal rights. They have realized that the Internet may inform the outside world of the movement’s goals and activities and facilitate maintaining contact with other members of the movement. In fact, the open space that provides a platform for sharing information and has given the chance to the Iranian women’s rights activists to perform their activities in a space with a decentralized structure where there is less pressure than there is in the real world. Campaigns formed following the cyberspace market boom indicate that cyberspace has indeed ushered in a new era in the history of the Iranian women’s movement.
The present study provides an analysis of the role of the Internet in the activities of the women’s movement and explores the extent to which cyberspace has been assisting the women’s movement in achieving its objectives. By interviewing 50 active women inside Iran, the article investigates whether there has been successful interaction between cyberspace and the Iranian women’s social movement resulting from a dynamic adaptation between functions of social and political groups in the real world and the virtual world. It also examines how factors such as social participation, increasing awareness, changing beliefs, traditional views of women and social mobility have been affected by the application of the Internet, and whether cyberspace has been able to make women’s voices heard in Iran’s patriarchal society.
6
Agnihotri, Indu. "Reading Neera Desai: A Journey Straddling Women’s Studies and the Women’s Movement in India." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 25, no. 2 (May 20, 2018): 234–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971521518763470.
Анотація:
This article attempts a re-reading of Neera Desai’s Woman in Modern India, to trace the evolution of her thoughts on women’s condition in India and the emerging women’s movement. It engages with the pioneering scholar’s efforts to identify the ‘oppressive institutional and ideological legacy’, which held back women’s rights and the achievement of the goals that the freedom struggle had upheld. Desai took note of material conditions and diverse regional and historical contexts as well as the efforts by women’s organisations to contend with the social reality. The linkages with social reform and political movements for change were central to Desai’s understanding of efforts to address their concerns, even as these were located within international efforts to advance women’s rights. Desai’s quest lead her to explore a Feminism going beyond ‘puff, powder and Poshak Parishads …’ as a step towards a direct confrontation with the forces opposing women’s rights. This in turn posited her in opposition to stalwarts from the women’s movement, who demarcated their activism from identification with a ‘feminist’ label. Is that a settled debate today or is there need for a continued engagement with ideological issues within the women’s movement? This key question emerges as a bigger challenge in contemporary India as the women’s movement is sought to be subsumed within the limited framework of the politics of feminism sidetracking, if not altogether erasing, mass based perspectives of mobilizing for change.
7
Moehling, Carolyn M., and Melissa A. Thomasson. "Votes for Women: An Economic Perspective on Women’s Enfranchisement." Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.3.
Анотація:
The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 officially granted voting rights to women across the United States. However, many states extended full or partial suffrage to women before the federal amendment. In this paper, we discuss the history of women's enfranchisement using an economic lens. We examine the demand side, discussing the rise of the women's movement and its alliances with other social movements, and describe how suffragists put pressure on legislators. On the supply side, we draw from theoretical models of suffrage extension to explain why men shared the right to vote with women. Finally, we review empirical studies that attempt to distinguish between competing explanations. We find that no single theory can explain women's suffrage in the United States and note that while the Nineteenth Amendment extended the franchise to women, state-level barriers to voting limited the ability of black women to exercise that right until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
8
Karimi, Sedigheh. "The State of Female Activities in Iran and the Internet." World Journal of Social Science Research 6, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v6n2p217.
Анотація:
<p><em>The rapid development of Internet and communication technologies raises the question of what role these media and communication interfaces play in social and political movements and development in individual countries. Although activities in cyberspace, including blogging, participation in social networks and other facilities provided by the Internet for its users are a new phenomenon, they have profound effects on social and political relations in the communities involved. In the information era, Internet is an important part of social movements in democratic societies and local communities. When the government blocks other ways to mobilization, Internet may bring like-minded people together and help them to find support for action. Internet has provided a new space for social movements and the effect of the virtual activities of the users on the actions and, often on the lack of social movements is of high importance.</em></p><p><em>Meanwhile, the Iranian women’s movement, like other social movements in contemporary Iran, realizes the impact and position of cyberspace and has made use of it. Many activists, for whom other ways for expressing their demands have been blocked, have entered this space and taken advantage of it for expressing their opinions and communicating information to other people. In fact, the dominant socio-political forces and the atmosphere of repression, and fear have led many Iranian women to use the virtual space to campaign for women’s empowerment and equal rights. They have realized that the Internet may inform the outside world of the movement’s goals and activities and facilitate maintaining contact with other members of the movement. In fact, the open space that provides a platform for sharing information and has given the chance to the Iranian women’s rights activists to perform their activities in a space with a decentralized structure where there is less pressure than there is in the real world. Campaigns formed following the cyberspace market boom indicate that cyberspace has indeed ushered in a new era in the history of the Iranian women’s movement. </em></p><em>The present study, covers the period from 2005 to 2017, provides an analysis of the role of the Internet in the activities of the women’s movement and explores the extent to which cyberspace has been assisting the women’s movement in achieving its objectives. By interviewing 50 active women inside Iran, the article investigates whether there has been successful interaction between cyberspace and the Iranian women’s social movement resulting from a dynamic adaptation between functions of social and political groups in the real world and the virtual world. It also examines how factors such as social participation, increasing awareness, changing beliefs, traditional views of women and social mobility have been affected by the application of the Internet, and whether cyberspace has been able to make women’s voices heard in Iran’s patriarchal society.</em>
9
Follet, Joyce C. "Making Democracy Real." Meridians 18, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 94–151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-7297169.
Анотація:
AbstractThis essay offers a historical overview of African American women’s efforts to gain access to contraception, from the early stirrings of the campaign to legalize birth control in the 1910s to the eve of mass movements for racial equality and women’s rights in the 1960s. The birth control struggle becomes a window on the racial, gender, and economic structures black women negotiated in pursuit of sexual and reproductive self-determination at that time. Taking us back a century, and with emphasis on resilience and resistance, their story reminds us of the deep roots and broad vision of black women’s leadership in what has become a women-of-color–led human rights movement for reproductive justice today.
10
Anantharam, Anita. "“I can think, I can wait, I can fast”: Teaching food literature and experiential learning." Arts and Humanities in Higher Education 16, no. 2 (July 24, 2016): 209–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474022215597442.
Анотація:
The idea of self-sufficiency resonates with feminist activists because the political thrust of the various movements for women’s rights—beginning with Mary Wollstonecraft’s plea for women’s access to education in her famous Vindication—hinged on finding sustainable solutions to the stranglehold that social, political, and economic institutions have on women’s lives. If the pivotal movement of feminism, in other words, is about increasing women’s sovereignty in a patriarchal world, the emerging “local/global” food movements provide a dynamic opportunity to understand how the personal can be refashioned into political action. The point of this essay is thus twofold: first, to show that food literature is an excellent medium to teach transnational feminist theories and practices; and second, to offer some of our strategies for feminist civic engagement through reclaiming the idea of “the personal is political.”
Дисертації з теми "Women’s rights movements":
1
Scharla, Løjmand Ida. "Voicing Women’s Rights: Being and Becoming a Women’s Rights Activist in Assam, India." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21191.
Анотація:
This thesis is based on a minor field study (MFS) with the aim of investigating what habitus and forms of capital facilitate women’s rights activism in Assam, India – a state described as highly patriarchal but also a place where women enjoy higher status than elsewhere in the country. Using the concepts of capital and habitus and elements from social movement- and feminist theory, I analyze interviews with eight Assamese women’s rights activists. I conclude that the habitus of social engagement has been embodied early in most participants and that they all possess strong cultural and social capital that enable them to act. The identity of being independent is an integrated part of the participants and it is also what they strive to implement in the communities of women they work with.
2
Brodrej, Selma. "Voices against the prohibition of abortion : A qualitative text analysis of four women’s rights movements in Nicaragua." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-358466.
Анотація:
This thesis examines how four different women's rights organizations in Nicaragua are arguing against the current abortion prohibition (2018). The thesis is based on a qualitative text analysis where an analytical framework has been developed to categorize the different arguments that were found. Moreover, the thesis compares how the relevant organizations are arguing compared with how they argued ten years ago (around 2008). Various ways of arguing against the law were found among the organizations. Some based their arguments on the health-related issues the prohibition leads to. Others focused on a rights-based approach and argued against the law based on feminist theory. Regarding the time comparison, some interesting differences were found. In general, the organizations analyzed in this thesis had a more positive relation to feminism than the ones that seemed to be ruling ten years ago which was a difference note-worthy. Another clear difference was that the "modern" organizations were more supportive of an unlimited access to abortion and not only access to therapeutic abortion, which was more frequent among the organizations earlier.
3
Jones-Virma, Marit. "Women’s rights movements in Ethiopia : The role of activism via social media on traditional gender norms and attitudes." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-45304.
Анотація:
The main aim of this Degree Project was to investigate the role of social media for women’s rights movements in Ethiopia, specifically for the #MeTooEthiopia movement, and whether utilising social media in their operations and mobilisations has enhanced the movements’ ability to raise awareness and challenge traditional gender norms. The research was investigated through the lens of digital activism and via the logic of connective action, by utilising in-depth semi-structured interviews with women’s rights activists in Ethiopia and overseas and undertaking a review of the #MeTooEthiopia movement social media platforms. Through the interviews, it was possible to identify numerous benefits and challenges relating to the country-specific cultural, social and economic context that women’s rights movements in Ethiopia have to operate in. For the #MeTooEthiopia movement specifically, operating an international movement within this context has been challenging, however due to its ability to diversify and adopt to both new and traditional communication technologies, the movement has been able to sustain its momentum and remain active in their attempt to raise awareness and challenge traditional gender norms. The findings also demonstrate that for contemporary women’s rights movements in Ethiopia, raising awareness and bringing along attitudinal change cannot be accomplished by only utilising new technologies. Rather, it is necessary to combine activism via social media with traditional forms of communication, including face-to-face meetings, to be able to have a reach across the wider society.
4
Delgado, Falcon Gaudi. "Advancing Women’s Rights in the Age of Social Media: An Analysis of the #MeToo Movement." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21620.
Анотація:
In 2017, the Me Too campaign, founded ten years earlier to help women of color from low-income communities who were survivors of sexual violence, became a viral social media movement following allegations on Twitter by actress Alyssa Milano of sexual harassment and violence against the powerful Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein. Using the hashtag #MeToo, Milano unwittingly mobilized millions of women to share their stories via social media, and the #Metoo movement subsequently helped to illuminate both the structural and individual aspects of sexual harassment and abuse by men against women within virtually all aspects of society. As the #MeToo movement swept the globe, millions of women shared stories of sexual harassment and abuse through social media platforms, and indictments of the “inappropriate behavior” against women gained center stage. To understand this movement today and how media made it possible, this study analyses the discussion about online media and social movements surrounding the 2019 World Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland. In doing so, this research sheds light on the achievement and impact of the movement. Employing a mixed-method approach providing a feminist epistemological perspective on elements drawn from discourse analysis, comparative discourse analysis, content analysis, and critical discourse analysis, this thesis analyses a sample of ten online reports on how online mass media, and particularly social media, shapes movements for social change. It shows that online media is of great significance in constructing movements for social change because it facilitates the construction and dissemination of a social change discourse and influences how we determine which situations and actions constitute “sexual harassment.” This analysis further shows that feminist principles of gender equality, women’s sexual self-determination, and empowerment no longer define the politics of sexual harassment in the digital age.
5
Bhuyan, Md Mahbub Or Rahman Bhuyan. "Threads of Protest and Resistance: The Impact of Social Movements on the Development of Laws Protecting Women’s Rights in Bangladesh." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1597329273763621.
6
Ní, Chléirigh Eibhlín. "WOMAASHI (We press on): Communications and Activism in the Ada Songor Salt Women’s Association, Ghana." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23146.
Анотація:
The purpose of the project is to create a model for improved and expanded participation in an activist network, The Ada Songor Salt Women's Association (ASSWA) by enhancing communications. ASSWA is an organization of Brave Women (Yihi katseme) salt winners from the Songor lagoon area in south eastern Ghana. They are committed to ensuring that the lagoon and its harvest is a resource for all. ASSWA has found over time that to defend the lagoon and the livelihood of the 45 communities around it, requires that they articulate the experiences and demands of women and marginalized members of the community. This study exmines communications of the ASSWA network within the context of Communications for Change. describes the dialectic within the network, how members discuss issues and resolve differences, how they define and articulate their programmes and demands. It examines if the mobilisation and activism of poor rural women can challenge the dominant discourses of traditional development and patriarchy. Key to learning is abstraction, the linking of issues and abstracting of the problematic causative mechanisms, the project studies this process within the ASSWA context by looking at how the network and its members link their struggles with broader social movements within Ghana and beyond. The continued agency of the ASSWA is challenged by the poverty of the community within which it operates and by its ability to communicate effectively locally, nationally and internationally. As it stands now, the organisation is active but long-term sustainability may be compromised by the lack of dialogic interactions at all levels of engagement. This paper creates a model (theory) for more active participation in based on their identified priorities, needs and requirements, in such a way as to promote ‘power participation’. The research was conducted using a critical realist ontological framework and qualitative interview research methodologies
7
McDaniel, Karen Cotton. "LOCAL WOMEN: THE PUBLIC LIVES OF BLACK MIDDLE CLASS WOMEN IN KENTUCKY BEFORE THE “MODERN CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT"." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/22.
Анотація:
This dissertation looks at the responses of African American club women to the challenging racial environment of Kentucky from the late 1800s through the early decades of the 20th century. It explores their efforts to negotiate the dialectical relationship between local circumstances and national movements. While most discussions of club women argue that their work merely enabled respectability, this dissertation argues that its real significance lies in the way black club women established support systems and communication systems for other forms of activism. The black women's club movement is the communication arena which establishes networks for advancing the direct action protests of the modern Civil Rights Movement.
8
Johansen, Kine Fjell. "The state and civil society in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa : the case of women’s movements." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6875.
Анотація:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Both democracy and civil society is seen to be dysfunctional in many African countries. Political leaders are not accountable to the people and citizens’ participation in the democracies is low. Particularly, women have often been neglected both within formal politics and the civil society. The aim of this thesis has been to investigate the role of the women’s movements in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa. The study has focused on the relationship between the women’s movement and the state, and further addressed the extent to which the women’s movements have been able to direct the state and influence policymaking for improved women’s rights and gender equality in the respective countries. The thesis has found that the relationship between the women’s movements and the state in the three countries inhibits very different characteristics that give rise to varying degrees of success from the work of the women’s movements. Further, the relationship has been subjected to changes in accordance with the overall political developments in the three countries. In Uganda and South Africa the political transitions of the mid 1980s and early 1990s, each respectively represented a period of good connection and communication between the women’s movements and the state. The women’s movements were able to present a strong voice and, thereby, were able to influence the state for the adoption of national gender machineries. After the political transitions, the relationship between the women’s movements and the state in both Uganda and South Africa has, however, become more constrained. In South Africa, the debates on women’s rights and gender equality have been moved from the terrain of the civil society and into the state, leading to a seemingly weakened voice for the women’s movement outside the state. In Uganda, the women’s movement have come to be subjected to pressure for co-optation by the government. The government does not genuinely uphold a concern for increased women’s rights and gender equality, and the women’s movement has at times been directly counteracted. Further, in Kenya, the women’s movement’s relationship with the state is characterised by competition rather than communication. The women’s movement is subjected to high degrees of repression, attempts of cooptation and silencing from the state, and the women’s movement have been effectively restricted from presenting a strong voice and influence the state to any great. The three case- studies illustrates that the political opportunity structures present at a particular time influence the extent to which women’s movements can work effectively in different contexts.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Menige Afrikaland se demokrasie sowel as burgerlike samelewing word as disfunksioneel beskou. Politieke leiers doen geen verantwoording aan die mense nie, en burgers se deelname aan demokrasie is gebrekkig. Veral vroue word afgeskeep in die formele politieke sfeer én die burgerlike samelewing. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die rol van die vrouebewegings in Uganda, Suid-Afrika en Kenia te ondersoek. Die studie konsentreer op die verhouding tussen die vrouebeweging en die staat, en handel voorts oor die mate waarin die verskillende vrouebewegings die staat kan lei en beleidbepaling kan beïnvloed om beter vroueregte en gendergelykheid in die onderskeie lande teweeg te bring. Die tesis bevind dat die verhouding tussen die vrouebewegings en die staat in die drie lande onder beskouing baie uiteenlopende kenmerke toon, wat wisselende grade van sukses in die vrouebewegings se werk tot gevolg het. Voorts verander dié verhouding namate die oorkoepelende politieke bestel in die drie lande verander. Uganda en Suid-Afrika se politieke oorgange in die middeltagtiger- en vroeë negentigerjare onderskeidelik het ʼn tydperk van goeie bande en kommunikasie tussen die vrouebewegings en die staat verteenwoordig. Die vrouebewegings se stem het groot gewig gehad en kon dus die staat beïnvloed om nasionale beleid en werkswyses met betrekking tot gender in te stel. Ná die onderskeie politieke oorgange is die verhouding tussen die vrouebeweging en die staat in sowel Uganda as Suid-Afrika egter aansienlik ingeperk. In Suid-Afrika het die debat oor vroueregte en gendergelykheid van die gebied van die burgerlike samelewing na die staat verskuif, wat die vrouebeweging se stem buite die staat aansienlik verswak het. In Uganda is die vrouebeweging weer onderwerp aan druk van koöpsie deur die regering. Die regering blyk nie werklik besorg te wees oor beter vroueregte en gendergelykheid nie, en die vrouebeweging word by tye direk teengewerk. Daarbenewens word die Keniaanse vrouebeweging se verhouding met die staat gekenmerk deur kompetisie eerder as kommunikasie. Die vrouebeweging het te kampe met heelwat onderdrukking en koöpsie- en muilbandpogings van die staat, en word in effek daarvan weerhou om hul menings te lug en die staat in enige beduidende mate te beïnvloed met die oog op groter doelgerigtheid en beter beleidbepaling wat vroueregte en gendergelykheid betref. Die drie gevallestudies toon dat die politieke geleentheidstrukture op ʼn bepaalde tydstip ʼn uitwerking het op die mate waarin vrouebewegings doeltreffend in verskillende kontekste kan funksioneer.
9
Lin, Ching-Hsiu. "Women and land privatisation, gender relations, and social change in Truku society, Taiwan." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5990.
Анотація:
This research is based upon fieldwork carried out in 2005 and 2006 among Truku people, a Taiwanese indigenous group living in eastern Taiwan. It examines the transformation of the relationship between women and land, and explores meanings related to women’s ownership of land since the government introduced the privatisation of land ownership and cash cropping into Truku society in the 1960s. However, the imposition of these programmes of land reform and capitalisation has generated various types of conflict over land in Truku society. Since the 1960s, Truku people have suffered from loss of lands, arising from various governmental policies on economic development. Hence, many land reclamation movements have arisen, organised by Truku people in order to reclaim their land rights. Furthermore, the transformation of property relations has generated many conflicts over land and inheritance between different households and has created tensions between women and men in terms of land ownership in contemporary society. Most importantly, I reflect on the prevalent idea that women’s right to own land is not sanctioned by ‘traditional’ Truku culture, an argument which, I argue, is problematic, because the idea does not (neatly) fit into actual Truku practices of property transaction. Truku people strategically make use of this narrative of ‘tradition’ in order to strengthen their own tactical position in land disputes which arise between different households. Furthermore, I am critical of the emphasis placed on masculine or male Truku culture in this narrative, which is constructed by Truku activists in land reclamation movements in contemporary Truku society. Through investigation of the processes by which women obtain land in Truku society, I argue that women’s ownership of land cannot simply be regarded as a consequence of the implications of privatisation, but is also a result of kinship practices and their work in cultivating land and maintaining the economic well-being of the household in contemporary society. This research attempts to contribute to anthropological perspectives on property relations, economic anthropology, gender studies, kinship studies and studies of indigenous movements in Taiwan.
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Tripp, Caitlin. "The American Impact on the Evolution of the Japanese Women’s Rights Movement." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/449.
Анотація:
The purpose of this research is to explore the impact of America’s influence on Japanese women’s efforts to obtain equal rights. America’s role in various Japanese women’s rights groups and movements has been the subject of essays and theses in the past, yet the topic is generally centered specifically on the period during the American occupation following World War II in 1945. This paper aims to take a broader look at Japanese Women’s Rights efforts before and after the war to garner a better understanding of the ways in which the American influence aided in the development of the movement. Japanese women have fought for their rights without the aid of American influence, yet the relationship between the two has had benefits for both parties.
Книги з теми "Women’s rights movements":
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Shah, Svati Pragna. Sex work & women's movements. New Delhi: Crea, 2011.
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Nardo, Don. The women's movement. Detroit: Lucent Books, 2011.
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Engdahl, Sylvia. The women's liberation movement. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2012.
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Gold, Susan Dudley. The Women's Rights Movement and Abolitionism. New York: Cavendish Square Publishing, 2016.
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Hopkinson, Deborah. What is the women's rights movement? New York: Penguin Workshop, 2018.
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Gelletly, LeeAnne. Origins of the women's rights movement. Philadelphia: Mason Crest Publishers, 2012.
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Schomp, Virginia. The women's movement. New York: Marshall Cavendish Benchmark, 2007.
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Mountjoy, Shane. The women's rights movement: Moving toward equality. New York: Chelsea House Pub., 2008.
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Mountjoy, Shane. The women's rights movement: Moving toward equality. New York: Chelsea House Pub., 2008.
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Childress, Diana. Equal rights is our minimum demand: The women's rights movement in Iran, 2005. Minneapolis: Twenty-First Century Books, 2011.
Частини книг з теми "Women’s rights movements":
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Turshen, Meredeth. "Women’s Reproductive Rights." In Women's Health Movements, 154–90. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607125_6.
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Turshen, Meredeth. "Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights." In Women’s Health Movements, 191–229. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-9467-6_6.
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Burrell, Barbara. "The First and Second Women’s Rights Movements." In Women and Politics, 15–35. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge series on identity politics: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315719535-2.
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McLarney, Ellen. "Women’s Rights and Equality: Egyptian Constitutional Law." In Women’s Movements in Post-“Arab Spring” North Africa, 109–26. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50675-7_8.
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Kallen, Evelyn. "Equality/Equity-Seeking Protest Movements 1: Women’s Rights." In Social Inequality and Social Injustice, 96–119. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-04427-3_6.
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Ennaji, Moha. "About North African Women’s Rights After the Arab Spring." In Women’s Movements in Post-“Arab Spring” North Africa, 97–107. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50675-7_7.
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Stevenson, Ana. "Women’s Rights, Feminism, and the Politics of Analogy." In The Woman as Slave in Nineteenth-Century American Social Movements, 1–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24467-5_1.
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Stevenson, Ana. "“Bought and Sold”: Antislavery, Women’s Rights, and Marriage." In The Woman as Slave in Nineteenth-Century American Social Movements, 69–114. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24467-5_3.
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Kerkech, Rachida. "Moroccan Women’s Cultural Rights: A Psycho-social Perspective on Cultural Paradoxes." In Women’s Movements in Post-“Arab Spring” North Africa, 267–82. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50675-7_18.
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Stevenson, Ana. "“All Women are Born Slaves”: Antislavery, Women’s Rights, and Transatlantic Reform Networks." In The Woman as Slave in Nineteenth-Century American Social Movements, 23–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24467-5_2.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Women’s rights movements":
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Tokdemir, Serpil, Nitin Agarwal, and Rolf T. Wigand. "Social media, spillover, and Saudi Arabian Women's right to drive movements: Analyzing interconnected online collective actions." In 2016 IEEE/ACM International Conference on Advances in Social Networks Analysis and Mining (ASONAM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/asonam.2016.7752330.
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Paulo, Avner, Carlos Eduardo Oliveira De Souza, Bruna Guimarães Lima e Silva, Flávio Luiz Schiavoni, and Adilson Siqueira. "Black Lives Matter." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Computação Musical. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbcm.2019.10459.
Анотація:
The Brazilian police killed 16 people per day in 2017 and 3/4 of the victims were black people. Recently, a Brazilian called Evaldo Rosa dos Santos, father, worker, musician, and black, was killed in Rio de Janeiro with 80 rifle bullets shot by the police. Everyday, the statistics and the news show that the police uses more force when dealing with black people and it seems obvious that, in Brazil, the state bullet uses to find a black skin to rest. Unfortunately, the brutal force and violence by the state and the police to black people is not a problem only in this country. It is a global reality that led to the creation of an international movement called Black Lives Matter (BLM), a movement against all types of racism towards the black people specially by the police and the state. The BLM movement also aims to connect black people of the entire world against the violence and for justice. In our work, we try to establish a link between the reality of black people in Brazil with the culture of black people around the world, connecting people and artists to perform a tribute to the black lives harved by the state force. For this, the piece uses web content, news, pictures, YouTube’s videos, and more, to create a collage of visual and musical environment merged with expressive movements of a dance, combining technology and gestures. Black culture beyond violence because we believe that black lives matter. such as the Ku Klux Klan, which bring the black population of the world into concern for possible setbacks in their rights. In Brazil, it is not different. Brazil is the non African country with the biggest afro descendant population in the world and one of the last country in the world to abolish slavery. Nowadays, a black person is 3 times more propense to be killed and most part of the murders in the country happened to afro Brazilians. Marielle Franco, a black city councillor from Rio, the only black female representative and one of seven women on the 51-seat council was killed in 2018. The killers were two former policeman. According to Human Rights Watch, the police force in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, killed more than 8,000 people between 2005 and 2015, 3/4 of them were black men. At the same time, the African culture strongly influenced the Brazilian culture and most part of the traditional Brazilian music and rhythms can be considered black music.
Звіти організацій з теми "Women’s rights movements":
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Idris, Iffat. Increasing Birth Registration for Children of Marginalised Groups in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.102.
Анотація:
This review looks at approaches to promote birth registration among marginalised groups, in order to inform programming in Pakistan. It draws on a mixture of academic and grey literature, in particular reports by international development organizations. While there is extensive literature on rates of birth registration and the barriers to this, and consensus on approaches to promote registration, the review found less evidence of measures specifically aimed at marginalised groups. Gender issues are addressed to some extent, particularly in understanding barriers to registration, but the literature was largely disability-blind. The literature notes that birth registration is considered as a fundamental human right, allowing access to services such as healthcare and education; it is the basis for obtaining other identity documents, e.g. driving licenses and passports; it protects children, e.g. from child marriage; and it enables production of vital statistics to support government planning and resource allocation. Registration rates are generally lower than average for vulnerable children, e.g. from minority groups, migrants, refugees, children with disabilities. Discriminatory policies against minorities, restrictions on movement, lack of resources, and lack of trust in government are among the ‘additional’ barriers affecting the most marginalised. Women, especially unmarried women, also face greater challenges in getting births registered. General approaches to promoting birth registration include legal and policy reform, awareness-raising activities, capacity building of registration offices, integration of birth registration with health services/education/social safety nets, and the use of digital technology to increase efficiency and accessibility.
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Voices Rising: Rohingya priorities for an end to their displacement in Myanmar. Oxfam, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.6683.
Анотація:
In central Rakhine State, Myanmar, 130,000 displaced Rohingya and Kaman people have been confined to camps for more than eight years. Without access to basics such as adequate education and healthcare services and largely unable to leave the camps, these communities urgently need real solutions that will support their rights and dignity. The Myanmar government has also recognized the importance of bringing an end to these camps and has taken some steps in this direction. This report explores the current policy commitments made by the Government of Myanmar in relation to durable solutions for displaced Rohingya in Rakhine State. It then focuses on findings from extensive discussions with displaced Rohingya people, particularly women, regarding their priorities for an end to their displacement and opportunities for a better future. The IDPs consistently pointed to the importance of being consulted and engaged as part of any process aimed at closing the camps, of having their rights recognized, particularly in relation to freedom of movement, and of being afforded choice in terms of possible return to their places of origin or another place of their choosing.