Dissertations / Theses on the topic '中國革命'

Establishment of libraries and schools was initially the core activity of the revolutionaries in Macao; and modernized Cantonese dramas were used as a means to promote the idea of overthrowing the Qing Dynasty. Whilst local residents were barely enlightened by such effort, members of Chinese United League initiated a military force in Macao to invade Shiqi and successfully took over Xiguan, respectively in the vicinity of and in Guangzhou, in November of 1911.<br>In the 1920's, led by Sun Yat-sen, the military government of Guangzhou provided armed support to the Chinese labors in Macao and sent battleships to garrison duty in the inner harbor in preparation of reclaiming the territory in 1922. Such effort, however, was put to a halt when the Presidential Palace was bombarded by an army headed by Chen Jionming.<br>Since the "Nationalist revolution" (Guomin geming) concept got its first hearing in the Revolutionary Tactics of Chinese United League (Tongmeng hui Geming Fanglue), it became a popular slogan used by revolutionaries from early 1900's to mid-1920's. During the period, South China region was the hub of revolutionary movement; and, with its colonial identity, Macao played a unique role in it.<br>Subsequent to establishment of the Republic of China, a significant number of members of the Chinese Revolutionary Party (Zhonghua Gemingdang) fled to Macao to pursue the anti-Yuan Shikai movement. With the major revolutionaries being closely watched over and suppressed by the Macao Portuguese government as well as the warlord administration in Guangdong, most of the military uprisings planned in Macao eventually came to failure.<br>When the First United Front of the Chinese Nationalist Party and the Communist Party of China was formed, members of both parties arrived at Macao to support the Guangzhou-Hong Kong General Strike of 1925 as well as to plan for a strike in Macao. However, due to the struggle between the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party and subsequent Northern Expedition, Macao's role in the "Nationalist revolution" diminished and finally came to an end in 1926.<br>何偉傑.<br>Adviser: Choi Chi Cheung.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 71-01, Section: A, page: 0291.<br>Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong,2009.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 293-342).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>He Weijie.

本論文選取畫家符羅飛（1897-1971）進行研究，旨在通過文字及圖像史料復原這一被視作“歷史失蹤者的藝術家個案，並將其放在20 世紀中國藝術與革命互動關係的語境中進行考察。文章依據時序及符羅飛活動地點與内容的變化，分爲五個章節，結合文獻考據、視覺分析及藝術社會學等研究方法，分別探討他於20 世紀20 至60 年代在上海、意大利、香港及華南等地的藝術創作與社會活動，並著重觀察這位以藝術積極投入社會革命、且擁有明確政治信仰的畫家及其代表的群體，是如何通過主動轉變藝術面貌，從而與20 世紀中國社會的大變動連成一體。本文認爲：符羅飛於抗戰期間攜傾向古典寫實的那不勒斯畫派畫風及自創的水墨寫生歸國，但其藝術救國活動最初並未達至理想效果；直到40 年代中期才在通過不斷地寫生、辦展，逐漸吸收國統區漫畫與木刻中流行的德國表現主義元素，脫胎出具有強烈視覺刺激和道德感召力、又符合中共革命訴求的代表性藝術面貌，在特定的政治人群中得到廣泛承認，在此過程中輿論因素的影響不可忽視；同時，他的彩墨實驗等游離於政治目標之外的藝術活動打破了“革命畫家"的刻板印象；而他在政權鼎革後因未能適應高度一元化的藝壇新秩序而湮沒於混亂時世的最終命運，又折射出五四以來自由知識分子傳統與中共黨文化之間不可調和的矛盾。<br>This thesis is a monographic study on the artist Fu Luofei (1897-1971), aiming to reconstruct his life and art with textual and visual historical materials, with focus on the interaction between art and revolution in the twentieth-century China. The five chapters of this thesis examine Fu’s artistic and social activities in Shanghai, Italy, Hong Kong and South China from the 1920s to 1960s chronologically, and mainly investigate how this artist, who had definite political belief and was willing to devote his art to social revolution, involved in and acted on the transformation of Chinese society in the twentieth century through continuously transforming his artistic styles.<br>As this study demonstrates, Fu brought back from Italy the representational painting style of the Neapolitan School and the achievement of his ink experiment in the late 1930s. However, his attempt on “saving the nation by art" did not succeed until mid-1940s. At that time, Fu established his signature style by absorbing the visual elements of German Expressionist paintings, one of the prevailing styles for cartoons and woodcut prints in the Kuomintang ruled areas. His signature style, which was strong in visual stimulation as well as in moral and emotional appeal, was developed through unceasing exchanges with the leftist critics and echoed with the political demand of the Chinese Communist Party. Meanwhile, as is rarely known, Fu also painted in the form of traditional guohua (Chinese national painting), which reveals a not-so-revolutionary side of the “revolutionary artist". His tragedy after the establishment of the People’s Republic vividly illustrates the irreconcilable conflicts between the May Fourth tradition of intellectual independence and the political culture of the CCP.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>陳鶯.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 294-307) and index.<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>Chen Ying.<br>導言 --- p.1<br>Chapter 第一章 --- 留學意大利（1930-1938） --- p.12<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 文獻回顧：留意傳奇與疑問 --- p.12<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 歐遊前傳：上海美專及其它 --- p.17<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 那不勒斯：特殊的選擇 --- p.22<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 美術學院内外 --- p.29<br>Chapter 第五節 --- “求真"與“人情"：學院傳統及留意畫作 --- p.49<br>Chapter 第六節 --- 東方學院：在中意之間 --- p.67<br>Chapter 第七節 --- 歸國始末 --- p.84<br>Chapter 第二章 --- 一九三八年在香港（1938-1939） --- p.103<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 登場 --- p.103<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 抗戰救國理想的首次實踐 --- p.107<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 中國筆作西洋畫 --- p.117<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 社會網絡：文化人、政經界及同鄉會組織 --- p.127<br>Chapter 第五節 --- 結果與現實 --- p.135<br>Chapter 第三章 --- 從歐洲學院到中國現實（1939-1948） --- p.140<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 北上行蹤 --- p.140<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 風格改造：形式與内容 --- p.144<br>Chapter （一） --- 1941年桂林展 --- p.145<br>Chapter （二） --- 1943年“現實主義浪漫派"巡展 --- p.152<br>Chapter （三） --- 1946至1948年穗港展 --- p.158<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 代表性風格的面貌 --- p.164<br>Chapter （一） --- 代表性風格的兩種類型 --- p.165<br>Chapter （二） --- 保留的與捨棄的 --- p.171<br>Chapter （三） --- 新風格形成期間所受之影響 --- p.173<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 風格選擇的成因：表現主義與中國“現實" --- p.180<br>Chapter 第四章 --- 重訪香江（1947-1949） --- p.189<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 再度居港與文化人南下潮 --- p.188<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 人間畫會：組織結構及主要活動 --- p.193<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 左翼文藝標準的強化 --- p.202<br>Chapter 第四節 --- “國畫"：代表性風格以外的藝術嘗試 --- p.210<br>Chapter 第五節 --- 短暫的美國夢 --- p.218<br>Chapter 第六節 --- 迎接新中國 --- p.226<br>Chapter 第五章 --- 政治氣候的轉變（1949-1971） --- p.235<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 從體制外到體制内 --- p.235<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 過渡時期：以舊風格唱新語句 --- p.241<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 代表性畫風的瓶頸 --- p.249<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 描繪新生活 --- p.257<br>Chapter 第五節 --- 傳奇落幕 --- p.265<br>Chapter 結語 --- 自畫像：個人命運與時代洪流 --- p.271<br>中文參考文獻 --- p.294<br>外文參考文獻 --- p.304<br>Chapter 附錄一 --- 符羅飛藝術活動年表 --- p.308<br>Chapter 附錄二 --- 人名索引 --- p.321<br>圖版目錄 --- p.329<br>圖版 --- p.351

動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段？本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素：交換、強制、動員，重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念，進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下，三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型，它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。<br>運用這一理論分析框架，作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性，這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化，決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後，仍舊是行之有效的治理手段，並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是，隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長，以及黨組織自身的日益科層化，在改革開放時期，動員逐漸被有意識的弱化，由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。<br>Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term ‘mobilization’ in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior’s motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues.<br>Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party’s political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ruling position, and it constituted a major legitimate basis of the party’s ruling of the country together with the faithful pursuit of effective ‘mass line’ tactics. However, as the party’s coercion capacity and material resources grew over the years and it was getting more hierarchical, mobilization has been weakened and ignored, which led to the gradual failing of the party’s daily mass work and social control.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>汪衛華.<br>"2013年7月".<br>"2013 nian 7 yue".<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 179-191).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstract in Chinese and English.<br>Wang Weihua.<br>內容摘要 --- p.i<br>绪 言 --- p.1<br>Chapter 一、 --- 本文主题与研究目的 --- p.1<br>Chapter 二、 --- 城市动迁的悲喜剧 --- p.3<br>《蜗居》：强制拆迁悲剧 --- p.3<br>《乔迁之喜》：动迁本来面目 --- p.6<br>Chapter 三、 --- 动迁=“动员搬迁 --- p.8<br>Chapter 第一章 --- 作为工作方法的动员：概念与分析框架 --- p.12<br>Chapter 一、 --- 动员三义 --- p.12<br>Chapter 二、 --- 交换 --- p.17<br>Chapter 三、 --- 解决公共问题的三种手段 --- p.19<br>Chapter 四、 --- 作为集体行动的社会动员 --- p.25<br>Chapter 五、 --- 作为发展手段的社会动员 --- p.28<br>Chapter 六、 --- 常规政治与动员政治 --- p.30<br>Chapter 第二章 --- 中国共产党的社会动员 --- p.36<br>Chapter 一、 --- 群众运动与社会动员 --- p.36<br>Chapter 二、 --- 群众路线与社会动员 --- p.39<br>发动者 --- p.40<br>发动者与动员对象的关系 --- p.42<br>动员对象--群众 --- p.43<br>Chapter 三、 --- 阶级分析与社会动员 --- p.45<br>阶级情感 --- p.46<br>情感与利益 --- p.47<br>Chapter 四、 --- 组织特性与社会动员 --- p.50<br>Chapter 五、 --- 客观条件 --- p.53<br>Chapter 六、 --- 微观机制与宏观效果：纵向历史比较的价值 --- p.57<br>Chapter 第三章 --- 动员之起：从对抗政治到非对抗政治 --- p.61<br>Chapter 一、 --- 安源经验：组织核心与动员技巧 --- p.61<br>Chapter 二、 --- 农民运动：有组织动员与自发暴力 --- p.69<br>Chapter 三、 --- 查田运动：社会动员 --- p.76<br>查田运动 --- p.77<br>群众工作方法 --- p.81<br>“左倾偏向 --- p.83<br>基本经验：通过乡村基层政权网络进行社会动员 --- p.85<br>Chapter 四、 --- 延安道路：中共群众动员模式的定型 --- p.89<br>延安道路 --- p.89<br>抗战背景下党组织的发展 --- p.91<br>动员式治理的初步实践：大生产与减租减息 --- p.99<br>“大胆放手 --- p.103<br>Chapter 五、 --- 本章小结 --- p.108<br>Chapter 第四章 --- 动员之承：动员式治理与科层化 --- p.112<br>Chapter 一、 --- 动员式治理主导地位的确立：客观条件与主动选择 --- p.113<br>以动员式治理为主导的客观条件 --- p.114<br>对动员式治理的主动选择 --- p.117<br>Chapter 二、 --- 动员组织与科层化的党和国家：矛盾的结合体 --- p.121<br>三重矛盾 --- p.122<br>两种组合 --- p.127<br>Chapter 三、 --- 动员青年建设边疆：动员治理与科层管理结合的经验 --- p.129<br>青年垦荒队的示范意义与实际效果 --- p.129<br>大跃进时期的支边移民 --- p.132<br>Chapter 四、 --- 作为参照的水库移民：欠制度化 --- p.137<br>前三十年水库移民概况 --- p.137<br>水库移民返迁问题 --- p.139<br>Chapter 五、 --- 动员失灵？案例比较与本章小结 --- p.142<br>Chapter 第五章 --- 动员之转：群众路线言与行 --- p.145<br>Chapter 一、 --- 不再发动群众的群众路线 --- p.145<br>Chapter 二、 --- 《人民日报》中反映出的变化 --- p.147<br>Chapter 三、 --- 组织基础的变化 --- p.153<br>党员队伍的过度壮大 --- p.153<br>基层组织的转型 --- p.154<br>向专业化迈进 --- p.157<br>Chapter 四、 --- 上海城市居民委员会变迁的实例：再行政化？ --- p.158<br>改革开放前的上海城市居委会 --- p.158<br>“两级政、三级管理与“四级网络 --- p.161<br>居民委员会的功能转型 --- p.165<br>Chapter 五、 --- 本章小结 --- p.169<br>Chapter 第六章 --- 重拾群众动员？结论与展望 --- p.170<br>人民主体地位，人民首创精神：官方话语回归的信号 --- p.171<br>动员何以重要 --- p.172<br>动员传统还可能恢复吗？ --- p.174<br>替代方案？ --- p.177<br>参考文献 --- p.179

蘇燕薇.<br>論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998.<br>參考文獻: leaves 105-109.<br>中英文摘要.<br>Su Yanwei.<br>Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 頁數<br>Chapter (一) --- 名稱的源流 --- p.1<br>Chapter (二) --- 研究方向的設定 --- p.2<br>Chapter (三) --- 各章内容與有關研究成果的批評 --- p.4<br>Chapter (四) --- 研究方法與史料 --- p.13<br>註釋 --- p.14<br>Chapter 第二章 --- 從中華革命黨到中國國民黨臨時行動委員會的成立<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 譚平山與中華革命黨 --- p.19<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 鄧演達與臨委會的建立 --- p.22<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 鄧演達的“三民主義´ح與平民革命思想 --- p.30<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 人際網絡的建立 --- p.3 6<br>Chapter 第五節 --- 組織的發展 --- p.39<br>註釋 --- p.44<br>Chapter 第三章 --- 中國國民黨臨時行動委員會在三十年代的發展<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 綱領的建立 --- p.48<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 臨委會與“福建事變´ح --- p.56<br>註釋 --- p.66<br>Chapter 第四章 --- 從中華民族解放行動委員會到中國農工民主黨<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 内部分歧 --- p.69<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 戰鬥綱領與策略 --- p.71<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 内部的統一與外部的聯繫 --- p.76<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 農工黨和國共：策反與合作 --- p.82<br>註釋 --- p.91<br>Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.94<br>註釋 --- p.104<br>參考書目 --- p.105

All in all, modernization, marketization, and policy fluctuation can explain the development and change of civic associations in 1980s and 1990s. The policy fluctuations plays the key, and has been more significant in the late 1990s. But as to the state-society relations, it also shows that it is not a zero-sum game, but a win-win game in recent years.<br>Civil associations have been a window to state-society relations in China, which catch eyes and minds of students of China since middle-1990. The theoretical perspectives always adopted include civil society and corporatism, which pay more attention to the political aspects of civic associations. Based on case studies, previous research does not explain the variations of civic associations both in time and spaces.<br>In analyzing the first period, various sources of data are collected to verify the prevailing modernization hypothesis and transition hypothesis. Emphasis has put on the impact of political fluctuations in 1980s. Data shows, the higher level the association registered, the more sensible they are when facing the fluctuations. Based a time series comparison, the sensitivity to fluctuation is also a function of the types of associations. Business associations, recreational associations are more sensible than others. Marketization is closely related to the development of business associations and professional association. State played a key role in the development of them. Modernization is a key factor in the development of academic associations and recreational associations. However, in a cross-sectional analysis, modernization also accounts for a part of variations of associational density between different areas, but the correlation is weak. The balance of power between state and society brought by market transition shows no correlation with the difference of associational density in the cross-sectional analysis.<br>In understanding the development of associations in the second period, data comes from a nationwide sampling survey and the Statistical Yearbook of Chinese Civil Affairs. Comparing to the situation in 1980s type by type, it is shown that policy change and political fluctuation are the most important explanations for the development of associations in 1990s. It finds that during the re-registration and houseclean campaign, the total number of associations dropped greatly. But more grassroots association were accepted and the autonomy of civic associations are also strengthened. But a panel analysis of provincial associational density between 1992 and 2003 shows that economic development and marketization are positive to the associational density after controlling the policy fluctuations. But there is no significant relations between the social modernization and associational density. When a interaction between the covariates and the policy change are considered, all except the urbanization are not significant related to the associational density.<br>To fill in both empirical and theoretical gaps, my research intends to analyze the macro political economy of civic associations in China. After reviewing the history and mapping out the landscape of civic associations, I put forward a comprehensive theoretical framework integrating modernization, marketization, and policy fluctuation as independent variables to interpret the development of civic association in Reform China. It has been divided into two periods: 1978&sim;1991 and 1992&sim;2004.<br>何建宇.<br>論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2007.<br>參考文獻(p. 192-203).<br>Adviser: Shaoguang Wang.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-08, Section: A, page: 3583.<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>School code: 1307.<br>Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007.<br>Can kao wen xian (p. 192-203).<br>He Jianyu.

這項研究探討信息科技在中國的技術政治。研究試圖書寫電子計算機作為一種新的電子信息科技在中國早期設置過程的技術政治社會史，並在理論層面上尝试构建一個拓展了的「技術、社會、與勞動」的進路。源於冷戰的地緣政治結構，不像韓國、台灣、或香港等其他亞洲國家和地區 ，在1980年代改革開放以前，中國大陸的計算機工業已經經歷了近30年（1955-1984）連續且激進的獨立發展。特別需要指出的是，中國社會主義時代的計算機發展不僅僅是爲了滿足冷戰中的國防需要和技術民族主義意識形態下社會動員的需要，同時高度嵌入了有關階級政治和技術哲學的社會主義「社會實驗」當中。而隨著文革群眾運動的終結和中國的「改革開放」，鄧小平為首的國家決策層爲了回應來自外部的壓力和來自社會主義內部的危機，用實用主義的技術發展觀取代了社會主義的技術民主實踐。1984年，隨著阿尔文.托夫勒（Alvin Toffler）的《第三次浪潮》（The Third Wave）風靡中國大陸，革命中國的計算機工業和技術政策逐步被隨新自由主義全球化而來的「信息社會」和「矽谷模式」所取代。<br>作為一個技術和文化的雙重物件，電子計算機及其衍生科技（臺式計算機、筆記本電腦、智慧手機、平板電腦等）是理解當代資本主義生產、消費、與勞動關係的指標性科技。然而在社會主義中國的革命現代化進程中，它卻曾經一度拐入了一條另類的發展路徑。中國的信息化（informationalization）或曰計算機化（computerization）過程中的技術路線鬥爭和轉型是如何發生的，這一進程與中國「從毛到鄧」的獨特現代化道路之間是怎樣的關係？時至今日，批判的傳播研究對這段歷史依然所知甚少。本文試圖重訪這個歷史轉折，探查計算機在中國的早期技術政治史。通過追蹤關鍵的歷史事件、人物、思潮、和政策，論文試圖探尋冷戰架構下東西方技術政治之間的交鋒，如何在被計算機仲介的生產與勞動關係中顯影。從這個「閃回」中得到的知識，有助我們將對今日中國信息產業和信息勞動的理解，重新納入中國革命現代性的潮起潮落之中。<br>This paper traces the political and social history for the installation process of digital technology in China, in order to shed light on the ways in which computer interacted with the transformation of Chinese socialism. Due to geopolitical structure of the Cold War, unlike other East Asian countries, before 1980s China had developed its independent computer industry for more than 30 years. This development was not just under the rubric of techno-nationalism, which mainly helps to fulfill military and national defense aims, but also embedded into proletariat political debates. Maoist China developed a dialectical approach to technology, in which the most powerful productive power is the revolutionary proletariat class per se, not the machine or technology. So the process of socialist technology development, like the process of socialist culture and arts development is also a dialectical process, which must follow mass line to not just develop productive force, but also transform production relations and create socialist subjectivity. Instead, the post-Mao leadership under Deng Xiaoping responded to external Cold War pressures and the profound internal crises of state socialism by a massive market-oriented "reform and open-up" process. It is during the same period that the self-reliant computer industry system was replaced step-by-step by a western-oriented system, signified by the popularity of Alvin Toffler’s The Third Wave. In this context, computer became a machine for labor control and scientific management, no longer a machine for people’s emancipation.<br>With a focus on technology politics of computer in China during 1955-1984, this study examines how the concept of computer was introduced into the country and conceived by key players at the time, how such discourses led to the production and consumption of computer by different actors, and how this process triggered the transformation of hegemony and practice related to computer-mediated labor relationship, and finally how such a historical formation was conditioned by the post-cold war structure in East Asia, as well as struggles between Maoist socialist legacy and transborder neo-liberalism ethic. This dissertation revisits this transformation, traces its Key Figures and several historical moments, which shows debates and struggles on computer as the articulation of technology and class politics. Reflections from this flashback will rehistorize China’s working-class formation in its electronic industry nowadays into the ebbs and flows of China’s revolutionary modernity.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>王洪喆.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-360).<br>Abstracts also in English.<br>Wang Hongzhe.

賀江楓.<br>"2013年8月".<br>"2013 nian 8 yue".<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 327-339).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstract in Chinese and English.<br>He Jiangfeng.

家族、移民和革命，是考察中國的僑鄉社會，尤其是民國時期的僑鄉社會所不可或缺的三大元素。傳統的華人華僑研究，多把華僑與國民黨的革命活動聯繫起來，以突出華僑對國民黨革命的重要性。然而，這些研究往往忽略了華僑跟共產黨領導的革命的繫連。在當代的潮汕地區，爲了吸引華僑投資家鄉與促進僑鄉的文化旅遊發展，部分僑鄉重構鄉村參與共產黨革命的歷史，建立起「紅色僑鄉」。<br>「紅色僑鄉」這個文化標籤的建立，成爲僑鄉、僑居地與國家之間的文化、政治關係的象徵符號。本文主要以廣東澄海後溝村為個案研究，由此討論僑鄉社會如何塑造自身的歷史與文化。本文嘗試指出，第一次國共合作破裂之後，共產黨在鄉村中秘密動員、組織農民階級對抗「地主階級」，鄉民參加革命能夠起到協調地域社區權力結構中力量的不平衡的作用。自20年代中后期在僑鄉社會中形成的關係網絡延續至抗日戰爭及解放戰爭，與海外移民網絡共同影響著鄉村的宗族和地域社會。當代僑鄉的紅色革命形象，是國家自上而下的意識形態工程所塑造的，也是地方家族、移民在追尋自身利益與政治認同的結果。<br>Lineage, migration and revolution are three major elements to study emigrant communities in China, especially in the Republican period. Traditional studies on overseas Chinese focus on the relationship between overseas Chinese and KuoMinTang’s revolutionary activities and highlight the importance of overseas Chinese to KMT revolution. However, these studies often ignore the relationship between overseas Chinese and revolutionary activities led by Chinese Communist Party. In the Chaoshan region, some of the emigrant communities, in order to attract overseas Chinese investment and develop cultural tourism, attempt to establish a "Red Emigrant Community" status through reconstructing the history of village’s participating in CCP’s revolution.<br>"Red Emigrant Community", or Hongse qiaoxiang, is a cultural label linking emigrant communities and the State. This thesis, using Hougou village as an example explores how emigrant communities shape their own "red" history and culture. After the first cooperation of KMT and CCP, CCP secretly began to mobilize and organize peasants against landlords in villages. Villager’s participation in revolutionary activities could be seen as a balance of power in the local community. Together with their overseas networks, emigrant communities’ revolutionary networks, which were formed in the 1920s and continued through the WWII and the Liberation, influenced villages’ lineage and regional structures. Red Emigrant Community is not only a top-down National projects. It is a result of pursuing interests and seeking political identity by local lineage and overseas Chinese.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>王惠.<br>Parallel title from added title page.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-187).<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>Wang Hui.