Academic literature on the topic '國有民營'

《十二年國民基本教育課程綱要》已於108學年正式開始實施，素養導向教育是此波教育改革的核心焦點。校長若能採取素養導向領導，將有助於發展素養導向課程與教學，進而落實學生的核心素養學習。因此，本文先探討素養導向領導的重要性；其次，分析素養導向領導的意義；再則，探究校長素養導向領導的關鍵；最後，本研究發展出校長素養導向領導的策略，包括掌握自發互動共好理念、共塑素養願景與目標、營造素養教學環境、提升教師素養專業、統領素養課程發展、確保素養教學品質。

During the 1980s, many Taiwanese firms moved to the prc or Southeast Asia due to rising production costs in Taiwan. This trend of firm relocation caused many Taiwanese people to move to the prc or Southeast Asia as entrepreneurs, firm managers, or accompanying family members. While many studies have explored the experiences of Taiwanese immigrants in the prc, studies on the lives of Taiwanese people in Southeast Asia are still limited. This pilot study is based on my fieldwork in Jakarta, Indonesia in 2015. Through conducting 24 interviews and participant observation of Taiwanese people affiliated with the Jakarta Taipei School (hereinafter jts), I argue that a certain number of Taiwanese people live their lives as ‘privileged migrants’ in Jakarta as most respondents lead a life that is of significantly higher quality than most locals. Those who marry rich Sino-Indonesians are accorded a status higher than what was available to them in Taiwan. Their life experiences show the intertwining relationship between international migration and social mobility. While some studies have suggested the importance of ethnic affinity in the process of integration, respondents’ complicated perception on the native Indonesians and Sino-Indonesians predicts that more studies on the issue of ethnicity in the field of privileged migration and overseas Chinese are necessary. 由於生產成本上升，台灣很多勞力密集產業自1980年代起便遷往中國大陸或東南亞地區。這樣的產業遷移吸引不少台灣人以企業經營者、高階管理人，或隨行家屬的身分前往相關國家。當不少研究關注移居中國大陸的台灣人時，關於台灣人在東南亞生活現狀的討論卻是非常有限。這份研究是以筆者2015年在雅加達針台北學校進行田野調查的資料為基礎，經過初步分析之後完成。藉由對24位受訪者進行訪談及參與觀察，筆者認為不少台灣人在當地享有相當優渥的生活。與當地華人通婚的受訪者，更擁有在台灣無法獲得的生活條件與發展機會。這些受訪者的遷移經驗顯示，社會階層的向上流動是有可能與地理邊界的跨國流動發生連結。此外，受訪者對印尼華人與印尼原住民的不同反應，更顯示族群因素依然是優勢移民及海外華人研究的重要議題。 (This article is in English.)

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.即將到來的新世紀，使中國醫院經營面臨著許多新的問題和嚴峻挑戰。首先，醫學教育與知識經濟的發展很不適應。其次，醫院設備與社會需要很不適應。第三，醫院經營模式與市場運行很不適應。第四，醫療服務模式與人口結構變化很不適應。第五，醫務勞動補償模式與醫務勞動消耗很不適應。醫院經營面臨的上述問題是涉及國家與醫院兩個方面多層次的發展戰略與策略的問題，也是涉及全國各行各業和廣大人民切身利益的問題。解決問題的根本出路在於改革。首先，應真正解放思想和更新概念，擺正衛生事業在國民經濟和社會發展中的地位。第二，應改革醫學教育制度和內容，把醫學高科技教育作為學位教育和繼續教育的重點；同時搞好人事制度改革。第三，應積極地引進高新技術設備，努力提高醫院基本設施和診療儀器的現代化水平。第四，應盡快改革醫院經營體制，建立和完善新的經營模式與經營機制。為此，應着重搞好醫院布局和組織結構調整，以及醫療服務結構的調整；實行醫院的所有權與經營權分離，讓醫院法人組織和法定代表依法自主經營；按照市場經濟規律的要求，建立和完善醫院經營的動力機制、醫療技術機制、自我約束調控機制、法人領導機制。第五，應改革醫療衛生服務體制，建立適應人口結構和疾病譜變化的新的防治服務模式。為此，應擴大預防工作範圍和擴大保健人群範間，建立醫院、社區、家庭相結合的醫療衛生保健服務模式。At the threshold of a new millennium, China's hospitals face a series of problems in their management. This essay attempts to analyze these problems and explore appropriate solutions to them.First, the contemporary Chinese pattern of medical education is not suitable to the rapid growth of medical knowledge. Ever increasing new theories, methods, and technologies in diagnosis, therapeutics, and prognosis promote the quality of medical care tremendously. However, most health care professionals in China's hospitals are unable to follow up-to-date developments of medical information. Very few medical scientist s or physicians in China's medical care field are recognized as leading or authoritative in the world. The solution to this problem calls for an emphasis on and respect for the values of human resources in medicine, improvement of current medical education, and establishment of a mechanism for reeducating medical professionals.Second, the current pattern of hospital management is not suitable to the market. The manner of hospital management in China is the product of China's central-planning mode of economy. Each hospital belongs to a central or local government, or to a state-owned enterprise.It does not have power to make decisions about its own management. Neither does it care about cost-benefit balancing because hospital financing relics entirely on government revenue. However, new problems have occurred during Chin's transition to a free market economy from the centrally-planned economy since the 1980s. Though many enterprises have been allowed to manage themselves according to the circumstances of the market, hospitals have been emphasized as welfare providers that cannot be allowed to make money. The government continues to set strict low prices for medical services and, at the same time, does not provide sufficient financing to hospitals. As a result, hospitals have to make their ends meet by increasing unnecessary medication prescriptions and overusing high-technology diagnostic and therapeutic instruments. Overtreatment and waste in hospital care have generated universal complaints. Accordingly, serious reform must be made in the direction of appropriately adjusting the ownership of hospitals as well as changing the ways of hospital management so that they can adapt themselves to the need of the health care market.Finally, there are other serious problems involved in China's hospital management. These problems are multi-faceted. For instance, medical facilities and instruments have not been up-to--dated and cannot meet the needs of patients in medical care, the structure of hospital services does not suit the need of the ever-increasing numbers of senior citizens in China, etc. The only way to resolve these problems is reform. This requires ordinary Chinese citizens as well as Chinese leadership to free themselves from the restrictions of the previous centrally-planned economic theory and to seek a new health care model.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 15 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

Kumemura Village, or Kuninda, has been known as the community of Chinese immigrants with a more than five-hundred year background of scholar-bureaucrat aristocracy in Lewchew, or Ryukyu. They supposedly originated from a group of 36 families from the Southern Chinese Min (閩) ethnic group since 1392. Although much research has been conducted on the subject matter throughout the years, there is almost no scholar who would tackle it on the concept of a “Chinatown.” There are basically two reasons to account for such tendency in academics. Firstly, unlike most Chinese immigrant groups in other parts of the world, the 36 Min Families who had moved to Lewchew did not leave the country of their own accord, for neither private nor economic reasons, but in fact, were ordered by Emperor Hongwu to emigrate for political reasons. Furthermore, Kuninda-chu, the descendants of 36 Min Families, have almost, in the same way as other Okinawa people regard them over the years, never seen themselves as “overseas Chinese.”However, this paper argues that there are still plenty of similarities between Kuninda-chu and other overseas Chinese in the world. The two main points for this paper are: firstly, Kuninda-chu relied excessively on the Chinese World Order and tributary system for its maintenance, so its survival rested primarily on the existence of this political structure, and was eventually disintegrated upon the collapse of the system. Secondly, Chinese culture was largely brought by Kuninda-chu to Ryukyu during the Ming and Qing Dynasties, but it is still kept alive and observed in Okinawa society to this day and in stark contrast with the Yamaonchu, the Japanese in the mainland of Japan, it directly helped shaping and forming the Okinawa people’s self-identity as Uchinan-chu.Truly, Kuninda no longer exists in the Okinawa society today, but Kuninda-chu’s descendants have been upholding their unique ethic image through various traditional activities organized by different groups, Kume-Sosekai notwithstanding. Moreover, Kuninda-chu is also one of the earliest overseas Chinese groups who had assimilated successfully into the local Okinawa community. It is clear that Kuninda is one of the most paramount alternative cases for the studies of overseas Chinese.過去有關琉球「久米村」的歷史研究，鮮有學者以「唐人街」的概念來探討它的歷史與社會形態。其原因係「久米村人」或稱「閩人三十六姓」擁有有別於一般認知的華僑特徵。其一、儘管「久米村人」來自於中國著名僑鄉福建，然而這些移民最初並非個人的意志，亦非家庭因素而來到琉球，因爲他們是「官派」移民。其二、早期第一代閩僑「出外」的目的，乃以經濟為主要誘因，然「閩人三十六姓」則是受明太祖洪武帝派遣，前來琉球以輔助王國之營運及維繫與中國的關係，其政治目的十分清晰。其三、「閩人三十六姓」的子孫之間幾乎不存在「華僑」意識，更多的視自己為琉球人的一部分，而其他琉球人亦如此視之。然而本文認爲「久米村人」與一般認知上的華僑、華人還是有許多共通之處。本文聚焦兩個主要面向，來探討「久米村」及「久米村人」在僑居地琉球的變遷與影響。兩大論點包括一、儘管「久米村」對琉球王國的發展功不可沒，然而過於仰賴「中華世界體系」的存在，故因該體制的興起而生，亦因該體制的衰亡而瓦解；二、「久米村人」是將中國文化大量帶進琉球的重要推手，中國文化至今仍在沖繩社會傳承，並在沖繩人形塑自我認同上發揮不可或缺的重要影響。儘管「久米村」已不復存在，然而擁有500年歷史的「久米村」留下了龐大有跡可尋的歷史紀錄，而「久米村人」的後裔至今仍透過許多聯誼組織，低調地繼續維繫著在琉球社會中獨特族群的形象，而「久米村人」也是歷史上華僑最早「落地生根」的族群之一，提供了華僑、華人研究不可多得的重要個案。 (This article is in Chinese.)

碩士
佛光人文社會學院
經濟學研究所
93
Abstract Under the global economical freedom development, the wave of privatization that has washed over the national defense industries, and the less budget of the important foreign procurement. The MND under the Executive Yuan shall follow national defense policies to consolidate efforts of the private sector to develop defense industries shall first consider those built domestically, many of the problems with the ordnance base could be solved by transferring functions to the private sector, and such a step would be consistent with national policy. MND try to convert the organic base to a responsive, innovative, efficient manufacturing base, capable of meeting national security requirements while relying to the maximum practical extent on the inherent advantages of competition and private ownership of capital. Therefore, this research through the way of theories, literatures and live investigation etc. We aim to certain plant execute contractor-operated, we discuss some topic, such as：operation research, module analysis, supervision and some risk exists that transferring functions to the private sector etc. This study has some conclusions, owing to nation industries was found major in special mission requirements, not only limited to the rules but also within the bounds of organization, lead to operate stuffy gradually. Throughout government-owned, contractor-operated (GOCO) plant option, it can offer many benefits such as managements, performances and flexibilities. But the transformation will faces some issues, for example, the problems of legislation, employee dismiss, contract-operated, and national security etc, all we should advance planning. The proposed strategy will not solve all the problems identified in the base. Regardless of who owns the manufacturing assets, the Army should resource materiel procurement in ways that enhance the stability and efficiency of its base.