Journal articles on the topic '宗教自由'

Linking concepts from networks, identities, and ecology, I draw on material collected during sixty interviews to show how a group of culturally homogeneous Chinese graduate students, when placed in two sociocultural environments in the United States, displayed different processes of religious identity network formation. In a large and heterogeneous community with more possible identities, students showed human agency by forming religious identities less constrained by networks. Human agency is also exemplified in the expansion of their religious circle of friends once they developed a religious identity. Religious identity often preceded networks. However, in a small and homogeneous community, students did emotion work to stay in pro-religious groups, presumably due to the limitations they had in choosing friends, particularly Chinese friends. The formation of networks more likely preceded the emergence of religious identities premised on the coexistence of multiple relationships in dyads and solidarity within primary groups. The narratives demonstrate how ecology matters for the formation of network ties and religious identity. 根据对60个对硕士博士研究生的采访，通过运用网络分析、身份研究、和环境研究领域的概念，本文详述同属一个文化的中国留学生当处于美国两个不同城市文化环境中时，通过生活圈子发展特定身份的不同过程。在一个大型、充满差异的城市里，留学生的身份选择具有多样性。其主体性表现在自主选择宗教认同并扩大有宗教信仰的朋友圈子。他们的宗教认同常常先于他们的宗教朋友圈。而在一个小型、倡导同化的城市里，由于可选择的中国朋友人数少，留学生常常通过控制自我感情来维系与亲宗教的朋友的关系。他们的宗教网络常常先于他们的宗教认同。在这种环境中，当两人有多重社会关系，并处于一个高度团结的小群体中时，宗教认同才得以传播。本研究显示社区规模和文化是重要的影响身份和社会网络的环境因素。 (This article is in English.)

个性化教育是中国大学生教育改革实践的新内涵，作为学校基本办学理念和宗旨，个性化教育应贯穿高校教育的始末，要利用现代教育理念塑造具备自由、自觉和创造性的大学生个体，以推动人才培养现代化。众所周知的是，当代大学生处在一个信息巨大、信息来源广阔、信息种类繁杂的时代，信息不仅会影响学生的生活学习，还会影响学生的思想。高校应利用教育信息时代的机遇，大力发展个性化教育，要充分地考虑教育资源配置、教学方案改革等，要选择最恰当的教育方式，积极开展更具备效力、更具备针对性的个性化教育。

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.自殺的神秘性，一定程度來源於道德難題。自殺的預防與控制有三個階段：自殺預防對策，自殺危機對策，自殺事後對策。三個階段都存在道德難題。在自殺預防階段是人本主義還是自由主義。宗教人本主義和哲學人本主義都有贊成和反對的。自由主義則贊成自殺。因此又衍生自殺預防的有效性問題。在自殺危機干預階段，是救生論還是聽死論。在事後對策階段是人道主義還是功利主義，是動機論還是效果論。判別自殺行為的道德性是一種二難推論。這種二難推理，實際上是一種道德悖論，它不能邏輯方法解決，要用價值分析方法解決。定量分析與定性分析相結合。風險／效益是首選法。People recognized suicide as a mystery. It originates in a certain degree from ethical dilemma which exists in three stages of suicide prevention and controlling: prevention, intervention and postvention. There are so many ethical dilemmas in each stage. It appears as the dilemma between humanism and liberalism in prevention stage. In crisis intervention stage, between life saving and death letting. In postvention stage, between humanism and utilitarianism, motivism and effectism. Differentiate the morality of suicide behavior depends upon manipulating the dilemmas. Since the dilemma is actually a paradox, so that it cannot be solved in logical analysis but value analysis combined with quantitative analysis and qualitative analysis.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 127 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

The last few decades have seen the rise of grassroots groups of lay Buddhists in post-Mao China who, through the composition, exchange, and discussion of Buddhist-themed media, foster moral discourses that critique what they perceive as the materialistic direction of contemporary Chinese society. Disseminated at legal but unregulated spaces within Buddhist temples, these discourses empower the economically marginalized lay practitioners who gather there and provide them with new purpose in life. Practitioners are also able to transmit these moral discourses through networks to other temple spaces. However, they do not yet possess the means to use them to influence the social direction of Chinese society at large. This is due to (1) political restrictions against the circulation of religious-themed materials outside of approved religious activity sites; (2) economic obstacles faced by the practitioners who seek to spread anti-materialistic messages; (3) a lack of organizational cohesiveness among the practitioners; and (4) the influence on practitioners of doctrines within Buddhism that caution against proselytizing to those who do not already possess a pre-fated bond with the Buddha and his teachings. As a result, lay Buddhists do not as yet constitute a social movement in the way the term is conventionally used by sociologists.佛教居士组成的草根社会团体在毛时代之后的几十年快速发展。通过书写、交流与讨论与佛教主题相关的文献，他们促进形成了一套批判当前中国社会拜金主义倾向的道德话语。这套话语在合法且相对自由的佛教寺院中传播，鼓励了经济窘迫的信徒，帮助他们获得新的生活目的。这一道德话语也借由信徒进一步传播给其他的寺院。但是因为以下原因，这些草根团体无力影响中国社会的整体方向：1)宗教政策限制了宗教思想在寺庙以外的传播；2)信徒的经济地位较低，难以宣传反对拜金主义的话语；3)信徒中间缺乏组织凝聚力；4)反对向那些与佛陀无缘的人宣传佛家思想的信条。因此到目前为止，佛教居士团体还没有形成社会学意义上的社会运动。

提要本文尝试将认知隐喻理论引入对外汉语词汇教学，探讨隐喻能力教学对汉语学习者情感形容词的学习效果。通过情感形容词的界定和特征描述，基于对 HSK 动态作文语料库的考察，笔者发现汉语学习者情感形容词的习得存在各类偏误。在 20 类情感形容词中有 10 类出现了一半或过半的偏误词汇数，偏误词汇用例大于 2 的情感类形容词高达 15 类。在认知隐喻理论的视域下，情感形容词概念隐喻有实体隐喻、方位隐喻和通感隐喻三种类型。情感形容词的隐喻性为我们从认知隐喻理论视角开展教学活动提供了契机。通过隐喻能力教学对比实验，并对测试结果进行详细分析与比较，发现实施认知隐喻教学的实验组测试成绩优于对比组。该实验结果表明：通过实施隐喻能力教学，培养学生的隐喻意识，能够有效提高情感形容词的学习效果，即隐喻能力教学对对外汉语学习者的情感形容词习得具有较大影响。基于此，本文从教学大纲、教材编写及教学实践三个方面，针对汉语学习者的情感形容词偏误，为对外汉语情感形容词教学提供切实可行的建议：首先，教学大纲制定者应扩充大纲中隐喻词汇的比例，并开设培养隐喻能力的相关课程。其次，教材编写者在编写词汇时要以培养汉语学习者的隐喻意识为宗旨，循序渐进，由浅入深，让汉语学习者能在大脑中自动建立两个概念域间的联系。最后，教师要将概念隐喻理论巧妙地融入对外汉语教学，强化学生的原型范畴意识，培养词汇扩展能力；通过建立意象图式提高学生的隐喻理解能力；鼓励学生将词汇释义与中国文化相联系，启发其自主分析能力。

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese建立醫患之間的信任關係是解決患者弱勢問題的必由之路。而如何激發信任成為關鍵問題。在這一方面，只要醫療行業能夠認識到要保護它的職業利益和職業自主權就必須培養患者信任，信任的激發就不成問題了。儘管醫患信任的重建必須有這樣一個狹隘的出發點，但維護信任對我們提出了更多的要求－－在醫生職業教育中應該強調珀西瓦爾Percival的同情醫療的態度和技術。在這樣的前提下，未來的醫療從業人員就會把道德、愛心和信任作為職業宗旨的組成要素，做出更衷心的承諾，從而更好地維護醫患信任。DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 30 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.器官移植的問題是當代生命倫理學的一個重要問題。如果從人類自身利益出發，這種被視為拯救危重病人生命的技術，的確是醫學科學的進步，但它涉及的社會倫理道德問題十分廣泛。如果從佛教倫理學——淨土宗的觀點出發，即以緣起論來認識屍體器官移植，則認為器官移植會使死者因強烈的痛苦而生嗔惱，障礙死者往生淨土；佛教的生死分際的判定標準——阿陀那識執受根身則認為腦死亡概念是由於器官移植術而產生的“腦死”名詞。另外，佛教的護生觀和平等觀反對異種移植和器官商業化。站在佛法的角度，器官移植不僅有違“眾生平等”的精神，而且可能成為“殺生利器”。The problem of organ transplantation is an important issue in contemporary bioethics. From the vantage point of view of benefiting the human life, organ transplantation can be seen as lifesaving technology and a sign of a great progress of medical science. Nevertheless, organ transplantation involves profound ethical dimensions and ambiguities. This paper offers a study of organ transplantation from the perspective of Pure Land Buddhism. Shall then employ the Buddhist theories such as dependant origination, karma, reincarnation, and compassion to approach issues regarding cadaver organ transplantation, brain death, xeno-transplantation, and organ trading. Since Buddhist tradition holds the view that the consciousness does not leave the body that is pronounced dead immediately, it would be a problem if the organ is removed from “the dead,” which might interrupt the final destination of rebirth. The paper concludes that organ transplantation is a kind of human technology that violates the basic spirit of Buddhism.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 527 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

荀子思想集百家之所长，隆礼重法，注重实践，是现代社会最理性、最现实的治世思想，是共创人类命运共同体的宝贵智慧源泉，值得我们积极学习。荀子的思想以儒学为主，又吸收道家、法家和名家的精华，开启了由众家学说纷纭向兼容汇通发展的学术潮流，一定程度上促使了中华文化的大融合。荀子思想对中国历史，尤其是思想史产生了深远的影响。在新时代背景下，高举习近平特色社会主义思想旗帜，发展中国特色社会主义文化，是我们每一位文化教育工作者的新时期使命。而发展社会主义文化事业的宗旨就是践行为人民服务事业。为人民服务事业的社会属性、文化属性、精神属性融合了中华文化的精华，是中华文化之根本，之血脉，之人文精神。我们只有更好的通过理性实践应用于社会，"化道于自心-服务于人民"才能更好的用好中华优秀传统文化。

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.儒家的養老觀念具有深刻的思想根源。它有形上根據，也有現實原因。從表現形式上看，儒家的養老觀蘊含在儒家的“孝道”思想之中，由於孝道在儒家那裏既有著形上的天道根源，亦發揮著宗教性的功能，這使得蘊含在這一孝道思想中的養老觀念也兼具了這兩種思想特徵，即儒家養老觀既是形上的天道的要求，同時又具有宗教性關懷的內蘊。基於血親的自然情感因素和人對老年生活狀態的憂慮則構成了儒家養老觀念現實的、直接的緣由。這種由孝道維繫的養老觀念決定了儒家對“老人”界定的特殊性和養老方式的特殊性。在家庭中，“老”是相對於盡孝的義務而言的，而社會層面的“老”則需要加以特殊規定，以便於社會層面的養老實踐。而在養老方式上，這種由孝道維繫的養老觀也決定了家庭或子女是主要的、基本的養老場所和主體，但國家或政府在宣導、維護這種養老觀念上，以及為家庭養老創造必要的物質條件和保障方面，則負有絕對的義務和責任。China’s citizens are growing old at an alarming rate. The increase in the country’s elderly population has created profound social and economic complications that can be solved only by appropriate policies and moral decisions on caring for aging people. Who will take care of the elderly? Should elderly people depend on their families or on the government? The author of this paper shows that filial or familial piety—the Confucian ideal of moral responsibility for one’s elderly relations—is intrinsic to the traditional Chinese value system, and should continue to shape Chinese society today. The author contends that filial piety is the key ethical principle of Confucianism based on its metaphysical foundation of the Dao. Instead of talking about the rights of elderly people, we should emphasize the moral duty of their adult children.However, the traditional emphasis on filial piety has been challenged by social changes in the last few decades, especially since China’s economic reform. There are fewer and fewer households with “three generations under one roof,” due to China’s urbanization and one-child policy. More and more people are choosing to invest in institutional care (such as nursing-home care and residential care) as an alternative to traditional familial care. Despite these changes, the author maintains that filial piety, as the core value of the Confucian ethical system, should play an important role in modern Chinese society. Supporting one’s elderly relations (both emotionally and financially) offers not only a practical solution to the problem of elderly care in China, but also an ethical way for family members to fulfill their moral duties and maintain family solidarity. Although Western approaches to community care that combine formal and informal sources of support may in some cases help to meet the welfare needs of vulnerable elderly people in China, a complete rejection of traditional filial piety is far from appropriate. The author concludes that commitment to the traditional ethical value of filial piety enables people to live together in peace and harmony.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 2849 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in English; abstract also in Chinese.本文探討關於婚姻與家庭生活的不同觀念的社會及文化意義，比較對於婚姻與家庭生活的兩種不同的理解。傳統的理解是契合於具體的宗教與文化之中的，而當代西方俗世的自由主義理解則尋求將婚姻重塑為自主個人之間的一種平等主義的社會契約。前者把家庭視為社會存在的一種規範形式，是圍繞著一夫一妻制婚姻以及他們的生物學子女（甚或收養子女）而形成的；而後者則把家庭看作符合於當代西方流行的社會公正及性別中立原則而合法構成的機構。This paper explores the social and cultural implications of different conceptions of marriage and family life. It compares traditional understandings of marriage and family, set within particular religions and cultures, to a Western secular liberal understanding, which seeks to recast marriage as a sort of egalitarian social contract between autonomous individuals. Rather than appreciating the family as a normative form of social being constituted around the monogamous marriage of husband and wife and their own biological (and perhaps adopted) children, here the family is to be appreciated as an institution legally to be molded more closely in line with currently popular Western principles of social justice and gender neutrality. Claims regarding individual autonomy, gender neutrality, and rights to sexual freedom have come to possess a commanding place within the West’s recasting of the family.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 120 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

A case study of yet unpublished material from the French colonial archives shows that the administration carefully watched the work of Christian missionaries in Cameroon. This surveillance stemmed from the administration’s fear of local rebellion due to the missionaries’ influence. In the North, the fear was that Christian mission would provoke the previously militarily powerful Fulbe to a rebellion similar to those the French had experienced in their North African colonies. The Norwegian missionaries took an active stance against local slavery, and visa applications for nine new missionaries in 1950 became the impetus for intensive surveillance from the French administration. The visa struggle and the struggle over domestic slavery also show that the administration had established a political culture that only reluctantly gave priority to serious human rights issues over respect for local traditions, and that they had established a regime of strict control over religious activities. 在法国殖民地的存档里一份未发表的档案中显示，政府小心地观察在卡麦隆的基督教宣教士的工作。这种监视乃是出自对由于宣教士的影响而会产生的本地叛乱的恐惧。在北部，这种恐惧是怕基督教宣教会引发类似在法国的北非殖民地经历了的军事叛乱。挪威的宣教士们采取积极的姿态反对奴隶制，并且1950年九位宣教士的签证申请加剧了法国政局对他们的密切监视。政府对签证和本地奴隶制的挣扎，显示了其建立的懒于将严重的人权问题置于对本地传统的尊重之上的政治文化，也显示了对宗教活动严格控制的政权。 Un estudio de caso de materiales inéditos de los archivos de las colonias francesas muestra que el gobierno vigiló el trabajo de los misioneros cristianos en Camerún. Esta vigilancia por parte del gobierno se origina por temor a una rebelión local influenciada por los misioneros. En el Norte, el temor era de que la misión cristiana llevaría a los fulbe, ya militarmente poderosos, a una rebelión similar a la que los franceses habían experimentado en sus colonias del norte de África. Los misioneros noruegos tomaron una postura activa contra la esclavitud local y la solicitud de visas para nueve nuevos misioneros en 1950 fue el impulso para la vigilancia por parte de la administración francesa. Las luchas por las visas y contra la esclavitud doméstica también muestran que el gobierno sólo había establecido una cultura política que a regañadientes daba prioridad a temas importantes de derechos humanos sobre el respeto por las tradiciones locales, y que había establecido un régimen de control estricto sobre las actividades religiosas. This article is in English.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.西方醫學界近年有學者提出新的「生物心理社會精神」醫藥模式以回應西方現代醫藥模式的問題。本文首先指出西方傳統之以醫藥為針對身體的正常功能之失效為主，而此一失能是身體之物理生理的表現，因而其他心理或精神的病狀或病態都必須能化約為身體的物理生理情狀，才被認可為疾病。此自然排除了心理或精神，以及由社會宗教價值失調而來的疾病。雖然此模式需要修訂，但此缺失不足以重新引入宗教教義作為診治疾病的判準。本文同時檢討了西方醫學以物種正常功能作為疾病的判準，以及近年流行的「實證醫學」政策診治模式所延續與隱含的仍然是以物理生理為主的醫藥模式，並不真能包含源自文化與價值的心理與心靈的疾病或病態。由於文化與價值的不同，中醫的醫藥模式與西方醫學不同。中國哲學以人為與天地萬物同出一源，人的生命與宇宙相對應，因此，疾病被理解為人身之小宇宙失調，而治療則以順大自然的運行法則而行。這是建立在中國傳統的儒與陰陽五行的哲學而來。儒家哲學以仁心貫通天人，因而中醫自始即不限於氣化流行的現象，而有深入了解天道運行的意義，視人為與宇宙一體的生命，身體官能之運作與宇宙之陰陽五行之氣化相應，而其中以仁心之天道貫通疾病與醫病之關係，構成中醫之儒醫理念與「醫乃仁術」的模式。心靈與心理的疾病有不同的病源和對治的方式，不能化約為物理生理的情況。在此模式中，社會文化與價值失調的疾病和病態可以被正視和治療，這亦反映了醫藥乃是文化的一環。A new conception of medicine has been proposed in response to some of the problems of the modern Western model of medicine. In this paper, I posit the view that modern Western medicine takes disease to be a bodily deviation from normal species functioning. Such malfunctioning is regarded as of the physical and physiological kind. Other types of deviations such as psychological or spiritual deviations must be reducible to symptoms before they are regarded as a disease in medical terms. Hence, psychological or mental disorders resulting from social or religious values are not catalogued as diseases, and are thus left untreated. I argue, however, that although this situation needs correction, there is no justification for introducing religious doctrine as a category of disease. This paper examines the presuppositions of the normal species functioning criterion and recent trends in evidence-based medicine, and reaches the conclusion that the present Western medical model does not readily admit some of the diseases of the human psyche caused by disorders in culture and values.Chinese medicine, which is grounded in a different culture and different values, takes a different approach to medicine. Chinese philosophy takes human beings to have the same source as the universe, and thus to represent the cosmos writ small. Disease is regarded as a disorientation of the bodily cosmos, and treatment is basically a restoration of the body and mind as a whole in harmony with natural cosmological operations. Chinese philosophy draws on Confucianism, Daoism, and the Yin-Yang School. Confucianism views empathy as unifying human beings with Heaven. Thus, in Chinese medicine the evolutionary process of the cosmos bears deeply humane and transcendental values. The correspondence between body and universe results in a conception of medicine as the operation of the principle of ren, or humanity. Accordingly, the physician is honored as a Confucian doctor, and medicine is seen as an art or humanity. Mental and psychological diseases can have independent sources, and should never be reduced to the physical and physiological. In the Chinese model, social, cultural, and value disorders are regarded as proper diseases, and can be treated as such. It allows full realization of the cultural factors at play in medicine.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 895 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in English; abstract also in Chinese.家庭是社會-生物學的實在，有關如何適當地表述這種實在的爭論劇烈，處於文化戰爭之中心。本體-形上家庭觀認為，家庭是有規範性的社會實在，父母子女具有給定的身份角色，應當尊敬祖先，支持後代。這種家庭觀受傳統宗教（如基督教和儒教）所推崇。自由主義家庭觀則認為，家庭不過是其成員的創造，應以平等自由的觀念為主導，因而各種類型的家庭均無不可。這兩種不同的家庭觀對於生命倫理的重大問題，及其相關公共政策蘊涵不同的處理方式，關涉人類生活的未來。The family is a socio-biological reality. Humans form socio-sexual pairs, which are often also reproductive units. How to characterize these social entities is a matter of considerable dispute, placing the family at the heart of cultural, social, and political disputes regarding the nature of appropriate law and public policy. Competing views of the family have important implications for healthcare policy and bioethics. On the one hand, there is an ontological-metaphysical account of the family, which appreciates the family as a ormative social reality that, as far as possible, should be realized by particular families. This account brings with it pre-existing roles for husbands and wives, fathers, mothers, and children. This view of the family tends to be multi-generational, looking back with respect and support to previous generations, while looking forward with love and concern to succeeding generations. This metaphysical-ontological view of the family is traditionally endorsed by Confucians and Christians. Because it regards the family as a normative socio-biological unit, it supports the autonomy and integrity of the family, treating members of the family somewhat as a state treats its citizens. This view of the family endorses family-based consent and policies of confidentiality in preference toindividually oriented ones. It also favors forms of healthcare financing, such as family-oriented health savings accounts, that increase both the financial and the social capital of the family. This approach to the family, which is inclined toward authoritarian and authoritative parenting, tends to produce children who are better able to shoulder their future roles as adults. Finally, this view of the family favors the begetting of children. The traditional view of the family is currently under critical pressure from libertarian/liberal construals of the family, which regard the family as the creation of its members and/or as guided by overriding concerns for individual liberty and equality. This view is at peace with reproduction outside of wedlock, with limited family responsibility and autonomy that undermines status obligations to past generations, and to the production and nurturing of future generations. Non-traditional forms of family, including homosexual families, are accepted, if not affirmed. The libertarian/liberal construal of the family endorses individual, not family consent, for medical treatment. It also favors individually directed policies regarding confidentiality, and forms of financing that support the interests of individuals over those of families. Because of the account’s endorsement of individual freedom and/or individual liberty, it requires that adolescents in many if not most circumstances should be allowed to make their own healthcare decisions, even in the face of mounting evidence that adolescents do not usually have the capacity of decision-makers who have come of age. The libertarian/liberal account of the family is at best neutral to the begetting of children. The differences between these two approaches to the family bear not only on healthcare policy and bioethics, but also on the long-term financial and social stability of society. Quite different futures are at stake.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 62 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

作为社会学意义的中产阶级是中国的新生事物，也是目前中国主流社会阶层所力争上游的等级。美国图书《格调——社会等级与生活品味》（Class）本来在美国是冒犯大众、剖析并辛辣讽刺美国人数最多的阶层（中产阶级）的一本书，在中国被城市白领奉为圭臬。 作为中国大陆市场经济改革最触目的结果之一，新兴的“中产阶级”完全打乱了已经持续几十年的原有的社会主义阶级结构，也从更深层面动摇中国稳定的农业社会结构。但中国大陆的传统儒道文化基因、后极权统治与新兴资本经济之间错纵复杂及畸形发展的关系，构成奇特怪异的共生链。西方现代文明与中国农业文明之间的矛盾、全球化与地域性的矛盾形成博弈，也造成混乱与冲突。当下中国大陆社会，人口的重新分布与阶层的重新形成（但又尚未实现稳定的阶层），导致传统价值观念的改变、宗教与政治的操控发生动摇。一切都在流动并在嬗变。人们也在这种新旧快速转型中迷失。可以说，正是处于一种精神分裂、道德分裂、审美分裂的状态。 中国中产阶级，来自中国不同的地域、阶层，他们没有经历象西方中产阶级那样的资产阶级阶段，而是由于首先是经济意义上的变化而带来身份的变化。而这种身份，文化背景是复杂的。既有乡土农业文明的痕迹，又有社会主义意识形态的烙印。他们所能凭藉的作为中产阶级的文化资源相当匮乏，或者说他们的文化资源、原有的文化身份正是他们企图蜕变的。所以“趣味”，便成为他们寻找新身份的表达，这是一种附在表层而不是长在身体上的标签。 因为中国中产者迄今为止尚未形成真正的主流意志，而整个中国社会一方面是传统思想体系支离破碎，一方面是新社会意识形态还是混沌不清：集体化衰退，个人性凸现，而精神正处于难以进退的窄门。因此，挖掘民族文化谱系中的核心价值，并与国家、社会的现代化进程相适应，这样的人文建设迫在眉急。