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Dissertations / Theses on the topic '民主治理'

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1

龐嘉穎. ""一國兩制" 與澳門治理民主化." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2590455.

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2

劉倩. "行政主導與民主治理 : 以澳門特別行政區政治體制為中心." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2553422.

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3

川端, 倖司. "条例の法的性質と地方議会の法的地位." Doctoral thesis, Kyoto University, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/263399.

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4

Meng, Jin. "Contributions de la Chine et de la Francophonie dans la consolidation de la paix en Afrique Francophone : les cas du Mali, de la Côte d'Ivoire et du Sénégal." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE3039.

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Paix et sécurité en Afrique conditionnent la durabilité de la coopération sino-africaine et préoccupent les pays membres de la Francophonie. La récurrence des conflits freinant le décollage des pays africains engage les acteurs internationaux de différentes natures, États-nations comme organisations internationales. Chine et Francophonie contribuent de manière différente au processus de paix en Afrique francophone. Malgré les écarts existant entre leurs visions et entre leurs approches, des complémentarités sont explorées dans la consolidation de la paix, dont la multi-dimensionnalité exige l’implication d’acteurs divers. La consolidation de la paix représente également un prisme pertinent pour observer l’évolution de la diplomatie chinoise et les particularités de la Francophonie comme organisation transnationale. Mettre l’une sous le regard de l’autre nous permet de mieux examiner les singularités et les similitudes de leurs perceptions et leurs mécanismes d’action. De quelles manières Chine et Francophonie s’impliquent-elles dans la consolidation de la paix ? Comment abordent-elles les notions de paix et de conflits dans leurs réflexions ? Comment les Africains perçoivent-ils leurs approches respectives ? Ces interrogations conduisent à exploiter les pensées chinoises et les courants théoriques occidentaux, sans oublier les réalités et les attentes africaines révélées par les entretiens de terrain
Peace and security in Africa both condition the durability of Sino-African cooperation, a reason for concern to the member-states of IOF. Recurring conflicts hinder the take-off of African countries, and demand the commitment of international actors of various kinds, nation states as well as IGOs. China and IOF both contribute to the peace process in French-speaking Africa in different ways. Beyond the gap in their respective visions as well as their approaches, thinking should be elaborated about complementarities in peace-building, the multi-dimensional characteristics of which require involvement by diverse actors.The peace-building process provides a relevant prism for studying changes in Chinese diplomacy, and the specific features of IOF as a transnational organization. Submitting them to mutual scrutiny gives us keener insights on the peculiarities and similarities in their perceptions and operative mechanisms.How China and IOF do they engage in the peace-building? How do they approach the notions of peace and conflicts in their own representations? How do the Africans perceive their respective approaches? This inquiry is correlated to the best of Chinese thinking and Western theoretical trends, without forgetting African realities and expectations as evidenced through our field interviews
非洲和平与安全问题是中非合作持久发展的前提条件,也是法语国家组织成员国的共同忧患。反复爆发的冲突成为非洲国家崛起的障碍。这使民族国家和国际组织积极介入其中。中国和法语国家组织以不同方式为非洲法语国家和平进程作出贡献。建设和平的多维性需要不同行为体的介入, 它们的视角和方案虽有所差别,但我们有必要对其政策的互补性进行研究。建设和平不仅为我们的研究提供了观察中国外交政策演变的独特视角,而且充分体现了法语国家组织作为跨国际组织的特殊性。通过中国与法语国家组织的换位分析,我们能更有效地审视它们认知层面和行动机制的特点,同时凸显出两者的共通之处。非洲国家冲突的根源有哪些?建设和平的关键是什么?中国和法语国家组织如何介入其中 ? 它们怎样解读和平与冲突的概念?如何看待民主与发展的关联性?如何定义在非洲法语国家建设和平政策的重点?非洲政府与民众对其政策有何看法?为了思考这些问题,我们以中国传统与现代思想和西方理论流派为分析工具,以非洲实地采访作为研究支撑,进行深入探讨。
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5

WU, RONG-HUI, and 吳榮輝. "盧梭政治理論的研究-民主或極權?" Thesis, 1986. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/54372907406252044891.

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6

羅天人. "中華民國政治民主化:從社會動員的理論架構分析." Thesis, 1999. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/50753640106445987373.

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7

CHEN, MAO-RONG, and 陳茂榮. "歷史、理論與實踐--獨裁政治與民主政治的社會起源全書." Thesis, 1987. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/34645979906588606311.

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8

Fan, Su-Yih, and 范蘇義. "民主治理的理論與實踐─以花蓮縣政府開設便民服務窗口個案為例." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/yepd5m.

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9

許國賢. "民主社會的重建:馬克弗森(C.B.Macpherson)政治理論之研究." Thesis, 1992. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/74802073736398354438.

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10

王俊南. "經社發展與政治參與民生、民權主義理念及其在臺灣的實踐." Thesis, 1992. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/41191911333235810410.

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11

Chen, Tsung Wei, and 陳宗蔚. "上如標枝民如野鹿:歐克夏非基礎主義政治理論之研究." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/98924934464722819377.

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12

SHI, ZHENG-QUAN, and 施正權. "民權主義均衡理論與設計之研究——個從政治戰略觀點的分析." Thesis, 1991. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/31608126124733144029.

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13

Hsieh, Hsin-Da, and 謝欣達. "論行政法人的建制-以民主正當性理論與責任政治原則為中心." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/50225470681936832016.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
93
With the goal of effect, flexibility, profession and depoliticization, administrative corporation is established as an all-new system in our country. Although, the administrative corporation is set up to meet the need of Taiwan''s governmental reform, especially for responding the competition pressure of the globalization, which is expected to combine with the civil power, to promote efficiency, and to respond to the international competition pressure quickly through the flexible public and private hybrid organization. However, the administrative corporation has caused the public many queries. Meanwhile, these queries focus on concerns about the democratic legitimacy and accountabilities of the administrative corporation. Thus, through a further study for the reasons of these queries, this text induces that the key reasoning of these concerns is usually to get bogged down in the traditional constitutional government doctrines. That is, narrowly by representative democracy-centered traditional democracy principle, and by the principle of political accountability based on the legislature-supervised to examine the system of administrative corporation. However, this text detect that, the principle of traditional representative democracy and the principle of political accountability have already produced the fluctuation gradually. Firstly, the theory of democratic legitimacy has changed, which is from focused on the legislature transmits legitimacy to the executive (i.e. transmission belt theory) to focused on claiming that the executive is able to be legitimized from profession, participation, dignitary procedure, new democratic participation, dualist democracy, and the global perspective democratic legitimacy. Secondly, the content of the political accountability principle based on the legislature-supervised also changes gradually. That is, from the dimension that inclines towards restriction on the administrative power to the dimension that inclines towards emphasis on promoting the efficiency and the effect of the administrative power. Even, the political accountability principle combines with the new democracy principle. That is, assert to make the process of policy much more transparent and open, and make much more participation and deliberation in the procedure of policy-making. Therefore, it is unnecessary to insist that by
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14

Wang, WeiMin, and 王為民. "總統選舉制度採相對多數決?或絕對多數決?-民主政治理論的省思." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/81296720211993806075.

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15

方怡文. "從全球治理探討我國第二軌道外交之限制與機會:一個民主與人權的觀點." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/96114340302081759119.

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16

WANG, ZHI-CHUN, and 王智春. "民權主義政黨政治的價值內涵與指導功能--從意識型態理論的取向上探討." Thesis, 1990. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/31699031447830370312.

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