Dissertations / Theses on the topic '秦漢'

Kyoto University (京都大学)<br>0048<br>新制・課程博士<br>博士(人間・環境学)<br>甲第13944号<br>人博第417号<br>新制||人||102(附属図書館)<br>19||人博||417(吉田南総合図書館)<br>UT51-2008-C860<br>京都大学大学院人間・環境学・環境学研究科共生文明学専攻<br>(主査)教授 阿辻 哲次, 准教授 道坂 昭廣, 准教授 赤松 紀彦<br>学位規則第4条第1項該当

先秦時期，隨著列國戰事的劇烈，各國君主對國內山林藪澤資源需求亦愈加增強。為加強對這些自然資源的掌控，便導致了本文的研究對象--「地方都官」的出現。所謂「都官」，即中央機構的總稱，同時包括了真正處於中央的機構，及它們設於地方的分支單位。這些位於地方的都官，與它們的中央主幹機構一樣，屬於非治民官，與郡、縣等直接面對人民的治民官有所不同。<br>本文首先嘗試對秦漢「地方都官」實際包括的各種機構作出考釋，並嘗試歸納地方都官的命名方式，以及對地方的縣級都官在漢代官僚系統中的地位進行探討。其次，本文又嘗試以鹽、鐵、田、工四種地方都官為例子，復原地方都官的行政架構，結果顯示，雖然這四種地方都官各自經歷了行政組織上的變革，但整體來說，四種地方都官組織的基本結構大致相同，擁有一套共用的五層組織結構。而在地方都官的裁判權方面，地方都官雖然擁有治獄、訊獄、覆獄的權力，但這種權力無疑只在處理屬吏瀆職罪行的行政程序時方可體現。事實上，地方都官在制度上雖屬中央官，但本身在行政上的各方面皆從屬於所在的郡、縣；這種二重的特質，在田官的個案身上便得到徹底的展現。<br>最後，這些掌控帝國山林藪澤資源、為皇家服務的地方都官，因維持其生產的成本極其巨大，故在西漢末時便漸漸被廢置。至東漢時，那些還未廢置的地方都官，亦正式劃歸地方，成為隸屬於郡的機構，不復以往中央官的性格。<br>During the Warring States period, there was an increasing demand over natural resources. To have better control over these strategic resources, the central government departments established certain regional branch-offices. Unlike commanderies 郡 and counties 縣, these branch-offices, which similar to their central counterparts, were not responsible for civil affairs and were regarded as Dū-guān 都官. For the sake of convenience, these branch-offices are entitled in a somewhat contradictory way through the article --“regional Dū-guān 地方都官.<br>Chapter 3 details the macro-organization of regional Dū-guān established during Qin and Han, summarizing a total of 23 different types of regional Dū-guān. It further places the regional Dū-guān under the bureaucratic system as a whole, examining their responsibilities and roles in Han bureaucracy.<br>Chapter 4 narrows the scope of investigation by selecting four regional Dū-guān, namely, Offices of Salt and Iron 鹽、鐵官, Offices of Farming 田官, and Offices of Workmen 工官, using them as examples to reconstruct the administrative framework of regional Dū-guān. Astonishingly, although these regional Dū-guān had their own specialties, they did maintain a parallel administrative framework, reflecting their nature of not committing to civilian administrations.<br>Chapter 5 follows a study on the jurisdiction of regional Dū-guān, elaborates that given a complete right in investigation, adjudication, and lawsuits reviews, regional Dū-guān could only execute their jurisdiction right on cases related to misconducts of their subordinates.<br>Chapter 6 assesses the administrative relationships between regional Dū-guān and regional administrative units, i.e. commanderies 郡 and counties 縣, where these Dū-guān located. Although regional Dū-guān were theoretically belonged to the central government departments, they were controlled by regional administrative units in most of the administrative aspects, including administrative communication; vessels, weapons, necessary raw materials transmission as well as labour force and annual fiscal budget provisions. These natures could perfectly reveal in the case study of the Office of Farming provided in chapter 7.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>唐俊峰.<br>"2013年7月".<br>"2013 nian 7 yue".<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-225).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstract in Chinese and English.<br>Tang Junfeng.<br>摘要 --- p.i<br>目錄 --- p.iii<br>圖表目錄 --- p.vi<br>Chapter 一、 --- 引論 --- p.1<br>Chapter 1. --- 地方都官的源起與性質 --- p.3<br>Chapter (1) --- 地方都官的源起 --- p.4<br>Chapter (2) --- 地方都官的性質 --- p.8<br>Chapter 二、 --- 近人研究回顧 --- p.12<br>Chapter 1. --- 睡虎地秦簡出土後 --- p.12<br>Chapter 2. --- 尹灣漢簡出土後 --- p.17<br>Chapter 3. --- 張家山漢簡發表後 --- p.18<br>Chapter 三、 --- 地方都官的種類、命名及其在官僚系統的地位 --- p.26<br>Chapter 1. --- 地方都官的種類 --- p.26<br>Chapter (1) --- 鹽、鐵官 --- p.29<br>Chapter (2) --- 服官 --- p.31<br>Chapter (3) --- 工官 --- p.32<br>Chapter (4) --- 牧師苑官、家馬官 --- p.33<br>Chapter (5) --- 均輸官 --- p.34<br>Chapter (6) --- 金官、銅官、木官、奢官 --- p.35<br>Chapter (7) --- 橘官、圃羞官、羞官 --- p.37<br>Chapter (8) --- 都水官、漁官、陂官、湖官 --- p.39<br>Chapter (9) --- 雲夢官 --- p.41<br>Chapter (10) --- 發弩官、樓船官 --- p.43<br>Chapter (11) --- 田官 --- p.45<br>Chapter (12) --- 敖倉官 --- p.48<br>Chapter (13) --- 未能確定諸官：洭浦官、常平倉、市令（長）、雒陽武庫令 --- p.49<br>結語 --- p.53<br>Chapter 2. --- 地方都官的命名方式 --- p.57<br>Chapter 3. --- 都官在官僚系統的地位--對于振波意見的檢討 --- p.60<br>Chapter (1) --- 在京畿地區的郡、縣地方行政機關都不屬於都官 --- p.60<br>Chapter (2) --- 丞相、廷尉都不屬於都官 --- p.62<br>Chapter (3) --- 丞相、御史、大將軍、軍吏和二千石官員都不在都官之列，且官秩高於都官令、丞 --- p.63<br>Chapter (4) --- 吏二千石與諸侯相等官員不包括在中都官之內；中都官的級別在二千石、諸侯相之下 --- p.64<br>Chapter (5) --- 都官的上司為二千石官，而二千石官本身不是都官 --- p.65<br>Chapter (6) --- 都官是縣級經營性或事務性機構；而列卿名下設有令、丞或長、丞的經營性或事務性機構，大概都屬於都官 --- p.66<br>Chapter (7) --- 諸侯王國的太傅、內史、中尉、丞相、群卿、大夫與都官並提，說明這些官員都不屬於都官 --- p.66<br>Chapter 4. --- 縣級都官地位的演進 --- p.69<br>Chapter (1) --- 西漢縣級中都官的地位 --- p.69<br>Chapter (2) --- 新莽時中都官的改革--都官令的比士化 --- p.70<br>Chapter (3) --- 東漢時「令比士化」的進一步申延 --- p.72<br>Chapter (4) --- 「命都官曰長」-- 對秦代縣級都官的一點懸想 --- p.75<br>Chapter 附： --- 漢代官吏秩級與秦代軍功爵的比附問題 --- p.78<br>Chapter 四、 --- 地方都官的行政架構 --- p.81<br>Chapter 1. --- 鹽、鐵官 --- p.81<br>Chapter (1) --- 鐵官 --- p.81<br>Chapter (2) --- 鹽官 --- p.85<br>Chapter 2. --- 田官 --- p.88<br>Chapter (1) --- 漢代田官行政組織的幾個問題 --- p.89<br>Chapter (2) --- 漢代田官的組織變化 --- p.92<br>Chapter 3. --- 工官 --- p.98<br>Chapter (1) --- 地方工官的結構 --- p.99<br>Chapter (2) --- 地方工官都、離官設置的問題 --- p.104<br>Chapter (3) --- 護工卒史的性質與地方工官的組織變革 --- p.105<br>結語 --- p.113<br>Chapter 五、 --- 法律中的都官：地方都官的刑獄裁判 --- p.115<br>Chapter 1. --- 秦漢法律中的「都官」 --- p.115<br>Chapter (1) --- 《睡虎地秦簡》秦律中的「都官」 --- p.115<br>Chapter (2) --- 《二年律令》中的都官條文 --- p.123<br>Chapter 2. --- 地方都官的刑獄審判權 --- p.126<br>Chapter (1) --- 「都官自尉、内史以下毋治獄，獄無輕重關於正；郡關其守」律文的檢討 --- p.127<br>Chapter (2) --- 秦漢法律顯示的地方都官審判權再議 --- p.128<br>Chapter (3) --- 地方都官審判權的限定 --- p.132<br>結語 --- p.139<br>Chapter 六、 --- 地方都官與郡縣行政之一 --- p.140<br>Chapter 1. --- 文書行政的聯繫 --- p.140<br>Chapter (1) --- 秦代地方都官與郡縣的文書聯繫 --- p.141<br>Chapter (2) --- 漢代地方都官與縣文書聯繫的取消 --- p.150<br>Chapter 2. --- 公用物資的轉輸 --- p.151<br>Chapter (1) --- 地方都官對廢棄公用物資的處理 - 對工藤元男論點的檢討 --- p.152<br>Chapter (2) --- 地方都官的公用物資供給 --- p.154<br>Chapter (3) --- 地方都官對郡縣的公器輸送 --- p.159<br>Chapter 3. --- 勞動力和營運經用 --- p.169<br>Chapter (1) --- 勞動力的依賴 --- p.169<br>Chapter (2) --- 營運經用的依賴 --- p.171<br>結語 --- p.172<br>Chapter 七、 --- 地方都官與郡縣行政之二：邊郡田官的個案研究 --- p.174<br>Chapter 1. --- 邊郡田官與中央大司農的聯繫 --- p.174<br>Chapter 2. --- 邊郡田官與郡縣級單位的行政關係 --- p.179<br>Chapter (1) --- A35大灣地區的遺址 --- p.179<br>Chapter (2) --- 田官與肩水都尉府的行政關係 --- p.189<br>Chapter (3) --- 田官與肩水都尉的糧食出入 --- p.196<br>Chapter (4) --- 田官與縣級單位的行政關係 --- p.202<br>結語 --- p.206<br>Chapter 八、 --- 結論 --- p.207<br>參考書目 --- p.217

甘迪龍.<br>"2005年8月"<br>論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2005.<br>參考文獻(leaves 127-131).<br>"2005 nian 8 yue"<br>Abstracts also in English.<br>Gan Dilong.<br>Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005.<br>Can kao wen xian (leaves 127-131).<br>導論 --- p.1<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 「月令」硏究的意義 --- p.1<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 「月令」界說及硏究範圍 --- p.1<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 近人硏究成果 --- p.3<br>Chapter 第一章 --- 「月令」諸篇的年代 --- p.5<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 〈夏小正〉 --- p.5<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 《豳風´Ø七月》 --- p.8<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 楚帛書「月令」 --- p.10<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 《管子》五行時令各篇 --- p.11<br>Chapter 第五節 --- 《呂氏春秋》「十二紀首」 --- p.15<br>Chapter 第六節 --- 《禮記´Ø月令》 --- p.18<br>Chapter 第七節 --- 《淮南子´Ø時則訓》 --- p.23<br>小結 --- p.27<br>Chapter 第二章 --- 「月令」各項內容硏究 --- p.29<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 星象記錄 --- p.29<br>Chapter 第一項 --- 北斗 --- p.31<br>Chapter 第二項 --- 參與心 --- p.40<br>Chapter 第三項 --- 二十八宿 --- p.46<br>小結 --- p.52<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 五行配當 --- p.53<br>Chapter 第一項 --- 五數之物 --- p.54<br>Chapter 第二項 --- 聲律 --- p.57<br>Chapter 第三項 --- 十干 --- p.59<br>Chapter 第四項 --- 王居明堂禮 --- p.60<br>小結 --- p.62<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 物候及農事 --- p.62<br>Chapter 第一項 --- 〈夏小正〉 --- p.63<br>Chapter 第二項 --- 〈七月〉 --- p.64<br>Chapter 第三項 --- 「十二紀首」、〈月令〉及〈時則訓〉 --- p.67<br>小結 --- p.71<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 政令與禮制 --- p.71<br>Chapter 第一項 --- 〈夏小正〉所載的禮制 --- p.72<br>Chapter 第二項 --- 楚帛書「月令」的宜忌 --- p.73<br>Chapter 第三項 --- 《管子》的政令 --- p.74<br>Chapter 第四項 --- 「十二紀」、〈月令〉、〈時則訓〉的政令與禮儀 --- p.76<br>小結 --- p.81<br>Chapter 第三章 --- 「月令」的綜合討論 --- p.82<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 「月令」的時節劃分 --- p.82<br>Chapter 第一項 --- 四時十二月 --- p.82<br>Chapter 第二項 --- 五行配四時 --- p.86<br>Chapter 第三項 --- 二十四節氣與三十時 --- p.93<br>小結 --- p.97<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 「月令」的曆法 --- p.98<br>Chapter 第一項 --- 陽曆而非陰陽合曆 --- p.98<br>Chapter 第二項 --- 十月太陽曆的商榷 --- p.99<br>Chapter 第三項 --- 三正論的爭議 --- p.102<br>小結 --- p.106<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 「月令」的思想 --- p.106<br>Chapter 第一項 --- 王政理想 --- p.107<br>Chapter 第二項 --- 資源保護 --- p.112<br>Chapter 第三項 --- 與陰陽家的關係 --- p.115<br>小結 --- p.123<br>餘論 --- p.125<br>參考書目 --- p.127<br>參考論文 --- p.130<br>附錄一 「十二紀首」、〈月令〉、〈時則訓〉對讀 --- p.132

張天慧.<br>"2005年6月".<br>論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2005.<br>參考文獻(leaves 214-228).<br>"2005 nian 6 yue".<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>Zhang Tianhui.<br>Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005.<br>Can kao wen xian (leaves 214-228).<br>摘要 --- p.i<br>Abstract --- p.ii-iii<br>緒論 --- p.1-4<br>Chapter 第一章 --- 研究評述´ؤ´ؤ回顧秦漢魏晉寡婦的相關研究 --- p.5-14<br>Chapter 第二章 --- 釋「寡」´ؤ´ؤ文獻及出土材料所見的「寡婦」 --- p.15-23<br>Chapter 第三章 --- 秦漢魏晉時期的寡婦 --- p.24-29<br>Chapter 第四章 --- 法律制度提供的生活保障 --- p.30-61<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 法律保障<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 法令獎勵<br>Chapter 第五章 --- 人文環境提供的選擇空間 --- p.62-91<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 「孝」的提倡<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 社會經濟條件配合<br>結論 --- p.92-97<br>附錄及圖片 --- p.98-213<br>附表一：秦漢魏晉寡婦列表<br>附表二：兩漢「賜女子百戶牛酒」詔令列表<br>附表三：嘉禾四年、五年長沙郡臨湘侯國（縣）「大女」統計表<br>附表四：長沙走馬樓三國吳簡女戶統計表<br>附表五：「事母至孝」列表<br>圖一：四川新都縣《採桑圖》<br>圖二：山東滕州市龍陽店《狩獵紡織圖》<br>圖三：徐州銅山泉《紡織圖》<br>圖四：甘肅嘉峪關新城墓《播種圖》<br>圖五：山東黃家嶺《鋤地圖》<br>圖六：四川成都西郊羊子山《狩獵收穫圖》<br>圖七：江蘇泗洪重崗《婦女加工糧食圖》<br>圖八：四川新都縣《釀酒圖》<br>參考書目 --- p.214-228

觀察中國早期帝國管治形態的視角眾多，其中最具資料根據的是地方簿籍制度的運行。自簡牘面世而來，學界對簿籍的歸類和分析未曾間斷，成為重要的研究基礎。現已知其運行地區之廣泛、針對範圍之精細，對於理解秦漢地區管治模式均有助益。然而，簡牘不僅是文字資料的承載物，本身的形制與書寫形態同樣是寶貴的考古資料遺存，在討論秦漢簿籍制度的過程中不能將三者割裂。<br>本文的目的在於將秦漢簿籍系統置於地方行政的視野之下，帶出秦漢簿籍的歷史意義。分析的層次主要有二：第一，簿籍檔案的形制發展。里耶秦簡的面世提供了秦制資料，從秦到漢經歷了簿籍概念的成熟化和專門化過程；第二，在簿籍系統成熟的背景下出現眾多二次書寫形式。二次書寫的定義為在同一簡牘載體上出現兩次或三次的書寫次序，說明簿籍有自身的構成次序。涵蓋範圍包括糧食、金錢、人員流動以及物品記錄，簿籍構成的過程與帝國物資與人員流動的實況同步。二次書寫以及相應的簿籍構成過程與秦漢地方日常行政手續息息相關，對之作出辨認等同還原當時行政場境，同時也是體現秦漢地方管治實況的重要視角。<br>Documentation of local records is one of the most prominent indexes to evaluate the level of ancient state development by revealing the effectiveness of regional administration and the supervision of centralized government. The documentation system in Qin and Han Dynasties is the earliest accessible point allowing us to take a glimpse of the centralization process, which is marked by its extensive establishment in terms of both geography and range of recorded items. Excavated Qin and Han bamboo slips convey how the system developed and contributed to local administration.<br>In pursuit of outlining the administrative role of documentation, this paper attempts to observe the formatting process of Qin and Han local documents by interpreting their outstanding, yet often overlooked, writing sequence. It is characterized by several indications, such as different hand-writings and deviating writing position, implying that local documents underwent at least two writing processes. It also illuminates the transition progress of local documents, their utility in different stages, and most importantly, the interrelation of recording and governing. Recognizing writing sequence on bamboo slips sheds light on the steps of documentation, details of daily administration, as well as how Qin and Han local authorities communicated.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>梁煒傑.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 232-249).<br>Abstracts in English and Chinese.<br>Liang Weijie.

潘銘基.<br>"2001年8月"<br>論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2001.<br>參考文獻 (8 leaves)<br>附中英文摘要.<br>"2001 nian 8 yue"<br>Pan Mingji.<br>Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001.<br>Can kao wen xian (8 leaves)<br>Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.<br>Chapter 1. --- 賈誼《新書》與先秦兩漢典籍關係考略 --- p.1<br>Chapter 1.1 --- 賈誼生平及其著述<br>Chapter 1.2 --- 前人論評賈誼《新書》與周秦兩漢典籍之關係<br>Chapter 1.2.1 --- 《漢書》<br>Chapter 1.2.2 --- 《史記》<br>Chapter 1.2.3 --- 《前漢紀》<br>Chapter 1.2.4 --- 《大戴禮記》<br>Chapter 1.2.5 --- 《荀子》、《禮記》、楚簡本〈緇衣〉<br>Chapter 1.2.6 --- 《詩》<br>Chapter 1.2.7 --- 《左傳》<br>Chapter 1.2.8 --- 劉向《新序》、《說苑》、《列女傳》<br>Chapter 1.2.9 --- 《鬻子》<br>Chapter 1.2.10 --- 《鶡冠子》<br>Chapter 1.2.11 --- 《韓非子》<br>Chapter 1.2.12 --- 《韓詩外傳》<br>Chapter 1.2.13 --- 《國語》<br>Chapter 1.2.14 --- 其他<br>Chapter 1.3 --- 賈誼《新書》與周秦兩漢典籍之互見關係<br>Chapter 1.4 --- 餘論<br>Chapter 2. --- 賈誼說《詩》考 --- p.31<br>Chapter 2.1 --- 西漢初年傳《詩》情況<br>Chapter 2.2 --- 賈誼說《詩》與魯說相合例<br>Chapter 2.3 --- 賈誼說《詩》與齊說相合例<br>Chapter 2.4 --- 賈誼說《詩》與韓說相合例<br>Chapter 2.5 --- 賈誼說《詩》與毛說相合例<br>Chapter 2.6 --- 賈誼說《詩》與四家《詩》皆不同例<br>Chapter 2.7 --- 賈誼用文獻典籍說《詩》例<br>Chapter 2.7.1 --- 《孟子》<br>Chapter 2.7.2 --- 《左傳》<br>Chapter 2.7.3 --- 《晏子春秋》<br>Chapter 2.7.4 --- 《禮記》<br>Chapter 2.7.5 --- 《國語》<br>Chapter 2.8 --- 結語<br>Chapter 3. --- 賈誼《新書》與《左傳》之關係´ؤ´ؤ兼論賈誼《新書》 用 《國語》 --- p.89<br>Chapter 3.1 --- 前人論評賈誼與《左傳》之關係<br>Chapter 3.2 --- 《左傳》、《國語》與賈誼《新書》所記春秋史事比較<br>Chapter 3.3 --- 《國語》<br>Chapter 3.4 --- 結語<br>Chapter 4. --- 賈誼與荀子 --- p.112<br>Chapter 4.1 --- 《新書》、《荀子》互見詞語輯證<br>Chapter 4.2 --- 前人論評有關荀子與賈誼之關係<br>Chapter 4.3 --- 從荀子到賈誼<br>Chapter 4.4 --- 賈誼之禮治思想<br>Chapter 4.4.1 --- 教育思想<br>Chapter 4.4.2 --- 禮遇大臣<br>Chapter 4.4.3 --- 階級觀念<br>Chapter 4.4.4 --- 民本思想<br>Chapter 4.5 --- 結語<br>Chapter 5. --- 賈誼《新書》與《漢書》之關係 --- p.152<br>Chapter 5.1 --- 賈誼《新書》命名<br>Chapter 5.2 --- 賈誼《新書》卷數與篇數問題<br>Chapter 5.3 --- 賈誼《新書》與《漢書´Ø賈誼傳》、〈食貨志〉及〈禮樂志〉互見部分舉證<br>Chapter 5.4 --- 賈誼《新書》之真僞問題<br>Chapter 5.5 --- 結語<br>Chapter 6. --- 賈誼《新書》與《鬻子》之關係 --- p.191<br>Chapter 6.1 --- 前人論述《鬻子》槪說<br>Chapter 6.2 --- 今本《鬻子》與賈誼《新書》之關係<br>Chapter 6.3 --- 類書引錄《鬻子》考略<br>Chapter 6.4 --- 今本《鬻子》成書年代蠡測<br>Chapter 6.5 --- 結語<br>Chapter 7. --- 結論 --- p.224<br>Chapter 8. --- 附錄<br>附錄一：賈誼《新書》與周秦兩漢典籍對讀資料彙編<br>附錄二 ：《漢書》、《前漢紀》與賈誼《新書》對讀表<br>附錄三：賈誼〈鵩鳥賦〉與《鶡冠子´Ø世兵》對讀表<br>附錄四：《史記´Ø屈原賈生列傳》（節錄）與《漢書´Ø賈誼傳》對讀表<br>附錄五：唐宋類書引錄賈誼《新書》資料彙輯<br>附錄六：賈誼《新書》與《荀子》所用詞藻相合舉隅<br>附錄七：賈誼引《詩》說《詩》資料彙編<br>附錄八：唐宋類書引錄《鬻子》彙輯<br>附錄九：今本《鬻子》與唐宋類書、典籍所輯《鬻子》對照表<br>附錄十：諸家所輯今本《鬻子》佚文彙編<br>附錄十一：賈誼《新書》所載春秋史事見於《左傳》、《國語》例證輯錄<br>Chapter 9. --- 參考書目及論文

博士<br>國立清華大學<br>中國文學系<br>101<br>This study is aimed at exploring the rituals of worship and the measures and etiquette of disaster prevention based on the pre-Qin ideology of catastrophe. It explores natural disasters, practices of disaster relief, plague, personal diseases, and astronomical phenomena occurring in the pre-Qin and early Han dynasties. 　　The first chapter concerns the literature review. This study analyzes GongyangZhuanin order to distinguish disasters from strange signs, discussing the nature and cycle of disasters occurring in the pre-Qin and early Han dynasties. 　　The second chapter regards the rituals of worship and the practices of natural disaster prevention such as the rites held in order to calm floods and human and animal sacrifice offered during droughts. In addition, this study explains the rituals and countermeasures adopted to relieve locust plagues and fires in the pre-Qin dynasties. 　　The third chapter is the definition and causes of ancient disasters. This study then explores how the governments in pre-Qin and the early Han dynasties implement their countermeasures of disaster prevention. 　　The fourth chapter concerns the nature and literature review of pre-Qin plagues to discuss the damages they cause. This study then explains the rites of traditional mask dance to exorcise evil spirits and plagues. 　　The fifth chapter regards the rituals of sorcery and witchcraft to relieve diseases. This study is aimed at comprehending the treatment of ancient physicians and the development of medical treatment in the pre-Qin dynasties. In addition, this study discusses how the naming system of ancient people helps them to avoid disease. 　　The sixth chapter explores the issues and phenomena of solar eclipse, comet, and Jupiter. In addition, it discusses the symbolic meanings of sun crosses, explains the ancient people’s practices of cultivating a good character and preventing disasters. 　　The seventh chapter is the conclusion.