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Journal articles on the topic '秦漢'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Joonghyuk Im. "秦漢 율령사 연구의 제문제". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 37 (2015): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2015..37.001.

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Joonghyuk Im. "秦漢律의 庶人". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 22 (2009): 163–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2009..22.007.

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3

Jae Seug Yun. "秦․漢初의 戶籍制度". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 26 (2011): 61–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2011..26.002.

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4

송진. "秦漢時代 개인의 상거래와 券書". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 37 (2015): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2015..37.004.

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5

Katsuya (大西克也), Ōnishi. "An Investigation of Clerical Script in Chu Regions during the Qin and Han Periods, and its Relationship to “Scribal Writing” (秦漢楚地隷書及關於“史書”的考察)". Bamboo and Silk 1, № 2 (2018): 359–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689246-00102004.

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The term ‘shishu 史書’ refers to “scribal writing,” which implemented an orthography and character selection in accordance with the standard clerical script found on Qin and Han official documents. At the beginning of the Han period, divergent strands of clerical script were still pervasive in the region that once belonged to Chu. “Scribal writing” was therefore employed throughout the empire in order to fully standardize writing. By the mid-Western Han, this “scribal writing” thereby came to be synonymous with Han clerical script. The role of the Cang Jie pian 蒼頡篇 in Han scribal education is also explored. “史書”是指字形、用字都合乎秦漢官方規範的隸書。漢初楚地充滿了不規範的隸書，國家要用史書來完成漢字的規範化，到了西漢中期以後“史書”成爲漢隸的同義詞。文章還分析了《蒼頡篇》在漢人學字中的地位。
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6

Chun, Hye-Ran. "秦ㆍ漢初의 內史와 郡". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 32 (2014): 35–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2014..32.002.

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Joonghyuk Im. "秦漢律의 刑, 完刑, 耐刑". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 18 (2007): 221–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2007..18.008.

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Joonghyuk Im. "戰國秦에서 漢初까지의 토지제도 綜觀". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 35 (2015): 237–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2015..35.008.

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9

김진우. "秦漢律의 ‘不孝’에 대하여 ― 『睡虎地秦簡』·『張家山漢簡』의 ‘不孝’관련 조문을 중심으로 ―". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 19 (2008): 179–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2008..19.004.

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10

Sungwon Lee. "秦漢사회 樂舞의 諸相 ― 제국의 통합기제를 중심으로 ―". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 23 (2010): 37–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2010..23.002.

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11

Wei (陳偉), Chen. "“Event Calendars” in the Early Imperial Era: A Re-Assessment (關於秦漢“質日”的新考察)". Bamboo and Silk 1, № 2 (2018): 446–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689246-00102005.

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The article explores the newly discovered calendrical materials from the Qin and Han eras to argue that the so-called “event calendars” were used by local authorities to monitor and control the efficiency of subordinate officials’ performance. The analysis is based on a new interpretation of the Qin record on the conduct of shrine services (tablet 8−138+8−174+8−522+8−523) and the “Statute on the checking of convicts” from the Yuelu Academy collection of Qin manuscripts. 文章梳理秦漢時期簡牘資料，從對于里耶“行廟”文書（由8−138、8−174、8−522、8−523等四個殘片綴合而成）和岳麓秦簡《獄校律》(232−236號簡）的分析着手，認爲“質日”是當時官府督察、考核官吏工作效率的一種文書。
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12

Joonghyuk Im. "秦漢律의 耐刑 ― 士伍로의 수렴 시스템과 관련하여 ―". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 19 (2008): 103–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2008..19.003.

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13

Myunghwa Lee. "秦漢 女性 刑罰의 減刑과 勞役". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 25 (2011): 57–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2011..25.002.

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14

Song, Ho Jung. "Diplomatic relations between Gojoseon and Yan(燕), Qin(秦), and Han(漢)". Sahak Yonku : The Review of Korean History 137 (31 березня 2020): 165–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.31218/trkh.2020.03.137.165.

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15

McLeod, Alexus. "Zhou, Guidian 周桂鈿, Qin and Han Philosophy 秦漢哲學". Dao 10, № 1 (2011): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11712-010-9205-y.

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16

리티엔홍. "分段紀時制與秦漢社會生活舉隅". 영남학 ll, № 19 (2011): 123–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36034/yncdoi.2011..19.123.

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17

Kim Kyung -ho. "秦漢時期 書籍의 流通과 帝國秩序". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 32 (2014): 91–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2014..32.003.

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18

Min hoo-ki. "秦漢시기 考古 遺址의 분포와 특징 ― 거주지와 교통로 추론을 중심으로 ―". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 32 (2014): 129–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2014..32.004.

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19

Kim Kyung -ho. "秦･漢初 行書律의 內容과 地方統治". SA-CHONG(sa) ll, № 73 (2011): 103–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.16957/sa..73.201105.103.

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20

Oh, Junseok. "The study of the lower system of Qin and Han Dynasties Central Administrative Documents." JOURNAL OF ASIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 145 (December 31, 2018): 27–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17856/jahs.2018.12.145.27.

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21

Zhang, Futong, та Xuping Li. "「數＋量＋之／的＋名」的歷時語義演變". Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 20, № 3 (2019): 469–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00041.zha.

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抽象 本文探討上古漢語至近代漢語中「數＋量＋之／的＋名」形式、功能兩個層面的發展演變。形式方面，由先秦時期的「數＋量＋之＋名」發展爲宋元以後的「數＋量＋的＋名」，以及元代出現的「數1＋量1＋數2＋量2＋的＋名」；功能方面，「數＋量＋之／的＋名」由初始的純描寫型結構發展出計量功能。我們認爲，不同類型的數詞和量詞對「數＋量＋的＋名」這一結構的語義變化有重要影響。具體來說，當「數＋量＋之／的＋名」這一結構的數詞爲高位數詞、約數詞時，它一般表描寫功能；低位確數詞進入該結構促使計量功能的產生。個體量詞在該結構的大量使用進一步加速了該結構從描寫到計量的轉化。
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22

Lee, Joohyun. "The Form and Meaning of Commercial Activities during the Qin-Han Period." Journal of Chinese Studies 95 (February 28, 2021): 223–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35982/jcs.95.9.

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23

Lim, Chung-Gi. "The Theory of Disaster in the Qin and Han Dynasties." Journal of the New Korean Philosophical Association 105 (July 31, 2021): 275–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20433/jnkpa.2021.07.275.

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24

Keum, Jaewon. "The Substructure of The Changes in the Capital area of Qin-Han Empire – Focusing on Transportation Network between Qin Mountains and Yellow River." JOURNAL OF ASIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 149 (December 31, 2019): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17856/jahs.2019.12.149.1.

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25

다카토리 유지. "秦漢時代の文書伝達形態 ― 里耶秦簡J1(16)５とJ1(16)６を中心に ―". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 24 (2010): 239–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2010..24.006.

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26

Yang, Zhenhong, and Jong-Hee Kim. "Laws Relevant to “Benming and Guard” in the Qin Bamboo Slips Collected by Yuelu Academy." JOURNAL OF ASIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 142 (March 31, 2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17856/jahs.2018.03.142.1.

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27

Kim, Dongoh. "llicit Intercourse and It’s Penalty in Qin-Han Dynasty: Focus on Some Criminal Cases in Zhangjiashan and Yuelushuyuan Bamboo Slips." Journal of Chinese Studies 90 (November 30, 2019): 139–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35982/jcs.90.7.

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28

Schwermann, Christian. "Rhetorical functions of quotations in late pre-imperial and early imperial memorials on questions of civilian-military leadership." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 68, no. 4 (2014): 1069–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0051.

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Abstract The present paper analyzes the rhetorical functions of verbal parallels in selected pre-imperial Qín 秦 (prior to 221 B.C.E.) and early imperial Qín (221–206 B.C.E.) and Western Hàn 漢 (206/202 B.C.E.–9 C.E.) memorials. Following the lead of Richard L. Schultz (The Search for Quotation: Verbal Parallels in the Prophets, 1999), it furnishes evidence that the authors of these petitions and remonstrances, which normally had to be submitted to the throne in writing before they could be orally presented to kings or emperors, employed quotations not only to embellish their statements or to give authority to them but also utilized them as argumentative figures of thought. In the samples under review, citations serve as elementary links in the argumentative chain of the quoting texts and even add a second layer of meaning to them, thus providing access to their argumentative “deep structure”. Moreover, when employed as structural devices, verbal parallels organize the memorials by introducing new argumentative steps not only from the point of view of contents but also formally through being topicalized and embedded into causal clauses and therefore can serve as criteria for dividing these texts into sense-units.
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29

Lu, Jia-liang. "Summary of the study bamboo slips of Qin-han-wei-jin by 2016." Wooden Documents and Inscriptions Studies 21 (December 31, 2018): 355–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35302/wdis.2018.12.21.355.

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30

Beongduk Lim. "A study for Shi Wu(士伍) and Shu Ren(庶人) of Qin(秦) and Han(漢)Dynastics". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 20 (2008): 325–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2008..20.011.

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31

김진우. "秦漢律의 ‘爲戶’를 통해 본 編戶制 운용의 한 성격 ― 『張家山漢簡』 <二年律令>의 분석을 중심으로 ―". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 20 (2008): 221–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2008..20.008.

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32

금재원. "秦漢代 擇日術의 유행과 보편화 과정 ― 出土 日書와 曆日의 분석을 중심으로 ―". Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, № 25 (2011): 1–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2011..25.001.

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33

Lu, Jia-liang. "Summary of the study bamboo slips of Qin-Han-Wei-Jin by 2015." Wooden Documents and Inscriptions Studies 19 (December 31, 2017): 209–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35302/wdis.2017.12.19.209.

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34

Kim, Yongchan. "Operating Mechanism of the Basic National Sacrifice in Qin and Han Empire." Korean History Education Review 151 (September 30, 2019): 345–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18622/kher.2019.09.151.345.

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35

Hong, Seng-Hyun. "Concept of the Great Wall in Ancient China and Its Role." Historical Journal 62 (October 31, 2017): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20457/sha.62.1.

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36

Lu, Jia-liang, and 允美 方. "Summary of the study bamboo slips of Qin-han-wei-jin by 2017." Wooden Documents and Inscriptions Studies 25 (December 31, 2020): 343–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35302/wdis.2020.12.25.343.

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37

정창원. "Evaluation of Historical Figures Examined in Taiwanese History Textbooks: Focusing on the Qinshihuang(秦始皇) and Hanwudi(漢武帝)". 탐라문화 ll, № 49 (2015): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.35221/tamla.2015..49.008.

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38

林, 炳德. "秦에서 漢으로의 罰金刑과 贖刑의 變化와 그 性格 - 从秦到汉罚金刑和赎刑的变化和其性格 -". JOURNAL OF ASIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 134 (31 березня 2016): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.17856/jahs.2016.03.134.107.

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39

BAEK, Hye kyung, Bitnuri Nam, Dong-hyuk Lee та Boo-Kyun Lee. "Study on Herb Pair of Aconiti Radix(烏頭) or Aconiti Lateralis Preparata Radix(附子) in Chinese Medical Classics". Herbal Formula Science 25, № 2 (2017): 325–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14374/hfs.2017.25.2.325.

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40

Lee, Yeong Ho. "A Study of Corpus in Ancient Chinese." JOURNAL OF CHINESE HUMANITIES 67 (December 31, 2017): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35955/jch.2017.12.67.35.

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41

Kim, Yong-Chan. "From Jimiao(Temple for Polar Star) to Jiaosi(Pantheon) : Change and Continuation of National Sacrifice in Qin and Han Empire." JEONBUK SAHAK ; The Jeonbuk Historical Journal 57 (November 30, 2019): 313–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.28975/jha.2019.11.57.313.

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42

Hong, Seng-Hyun. "Weiman Chaoxian's West Border Viewed by the Construction of the Great Wall of China in Yan, Qin, and Han Period." Journal for the Studies of Korean History 70 (February 28, 2018): 7–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21490/jskh.2018.02.70.7.

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43

Kim, Kyung-ho. "New Research methods and Understanding of Qin-Han Empire – Focus on The Qin-Han, the Empire of Numbers: Rule by Calculation and Measurement (Lee sung-Kyu, The National Academy of Sciences, Republic of Korea, 2020)." Korean Historical Review 245 (March 31, 2020): 437–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.16912/tkhr.2020.03.245.437.

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44

Keum, Jae-Won. "The Characteristics of Idle People during Qin and Early Western Han Period - The Examples of Fugitive, Gang Robbery, and Free-Lance Fighter -." JOURNAL OF ASIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 143 (June 30, 2018): 209–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17856/jahs.2018.06.143.209.

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45

Fech, Andrej. "THEZHOU XUN周訓 AND “ELEVATING THE WORTHY” (SHANG XIAN尚賢)". Early China 41 (2018): 149–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eac.2018.9.

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AbstractThe present paper aims to investigate the idea of “elevating the worthy” (shang xian尚賢) as it appears in the newly found manuscriptZhou xun周訓. This manuscript is part of the Peking University collection (Beijing daxue cang Xi-Han zhushu北京大學藏西漢竹書), presumably copied in the first half of the first centuryb.c.e. In sharp contrast to most recently discovered manuscripts promulgating “elevating the worthy,” theZhou xunintroduces the meritocratic principle to support hereditary power transfer, by positing that the right to rule should be passed on to the most able son of a ruler. I argue that this position served several purposes. First, it provided a solution to the central problem of abdication discourse, namely, the conflict between the principles of “respecting worthies” (zun xian尊賢) and “loving kin” (ai qin愛親). Second, this interpretation of “elevating the worthy” entailed a significant extension of the number of potential contenders to the throne, challenging the system of primogeniture, the very cornerstone of political order in early China. This fundamental challenge appears to be deliberate and can be interpreted as an attempt to formulate a new paradigm for the ruling house of Zhou. The complete absence of the idea of Heaven's Mandate (tian ming天命) from theZhou xuncertainly underscores its radical departure from Zhou conventional claims to power. However, I argue that, given the close association between theZhou xunand theLüshi chunqiu呂氏春秋, it is also plausible that the former's theory was created to justify the Zhou's overthrow by the Qin 秦. In any case, theZhou xunprovides us with new insights into how the idea of “elevating the worthy” was applied to politics in early China.
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46

Chen, Kun. "A Study on the Representation of Negative Image of Daobi Officer in Qin and Han Dynasties." CHUNGGUKSA YONGU (The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches) 131 (April 30, 2021): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24161/chr.131.37.

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47

Vendé, Yves. "Jiang, Chongyue 蔣重躍, An Investigation on the Intellectual History from the Pre-Qin Period to the Han Dynasties 先秦兩漢學術思想蠡測". Dao 15, № 2 (2016): 297–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11712-016-9493-y.

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48

Cho, Yong Jun. "A Research on the Shamanistic Medical Activities of the Traditional Chinese Classics in the Qin and Han Dynasties." CHUNGGUKSA YONGU (The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches) 115 (August 31, 2018): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24161/chr.115.53.

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49

Lim, Beong Duk. "The Shu Ren(庶人) in Qin Han Law: A Criticism of the Theory of Shu Ren(庶人) as a Common Name in the Qin Han Law". CHUNGGUKSA YONGU (The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches) 125 (30 квітня 2020): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24161/chr.125.1.

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50

Lim, Beong Duk. "Review: Qin-Jiandu Heji." CHUNGGUKSA YONGU (The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches) 106 (February 28, 2017): 245–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24161/chr.106.245.

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