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1

Crome, Erhard. "Wendepunkt 11. September." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5400/.

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"Hin und wieder ist es sinnvoll", betonte Bertrand Russell, "ein Fragezeichen hinter Dinge zu setzen, die wir schon lange für selbstverständlich nehmen". Der US-amerikanische 11. September ist zehn Jahre her. Die Neokonservativen in den USA hatten bereits in den 1990er Jahren verschiedene Netzwerke gegründet, darunter das Project for the New American Century (PNAC). Das agitierte für den Sturz Saddam Husseins und Krieg gegen den Irak. Davon wollte Präsident Clinton nichts wissen; George W. Bush zunächst ebenfalls nicht. Das änderte sich mit 9/11. Der neokonservative Politikberater Robert Kagan sagte: "Der 11. September ist der Wendepunkt.Nichts anderes."
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Schwartz, Patrik. "USAs globalstrategi efter 11 september." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1823.

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Föreliggande uppsats syftar till att analysera hur den amerikanska globalstrategin harutvecklats under tidsperioden 11 september 2001 till FN resolutionen 1441 mot Irak (8november 2002). Den politiska retoriken har analyserats i förhållande till de teoretiskaströmningarna realism och idealism respektive internationalism och isolationism. Analysenbygger på en modell presenterad av Lars Maddox, bestående av en matris där dessaströmningar ställs mot varandra. För att analysera retoriken mot andra stater har Peter ViggoJakobsens teori om tvångsdiplomati använts. I de fall då användande av tvångsdiplomati harkunnat identifieras har retoriken prövats mot det som Jakobsen benämner som idealpolitik.Analysen visar att den amerikanska globalstrategin har förändrats under den studeradetidsperioden. Från att ha varit på väg mot en mer realistisk och isolationistisk strategi, innanterrorattackerna, har strategin blivit mer internationalistisk och givits större inslag av idealism.I uppsatsen förs också en diskussion om huruvida idealism och realism står i motsats tillvarandra och således inte kan existera samtidigt. Slutsatsen av denna diskussion är attbegreppen möjligen är varandras motpoler då faktiskt handlande studeras. Analyseras däremotpolitisk retorik kan de mycket väl återfinnas såväl realistiska som idealistiska tankar och idéeri retoriken. För att tydliggöra detta introduceras ett alternativt presentationssätt i Maddoxanalysmodell.
The purpose of this essay is to analyze how the U.S. Grand strategy haschanged throughout the period beginning the 11:th of September 2001 andending with the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441 against Iraq (8:th ofNovember, 2002.). The political rhetoric is analyzed with respect to thetheoretical influence of realism and idealism as well as internationalism andisolationism.The analysis is based upon a model presented by Lars Maddox, consistingof a matrix where these conflicting influences are compared. In order toanalyze the rhetoric against other states, a theory of Coercive Diplomacypresented by Peter Viggo Jakobsen has been used. In cases where coercivediplomacy has been identified, the rhetoric has been tried against whatJakobsen names ideal policy.The analysis indicates that the U.S. grand strategy has changed during theaforementioned time period. From that of a path towards a realistic andisolationist strategy prior to the attacks, the strategy has shifted to becomemore international with an increased degree of idealism. The essay will alsoaddress whether idealism and realism are contradictory, and, as a result,cannot coexist. The conclusion of this discussion is that these concepts maybe complete opposites when studied in practice. However, when politicalrhetoric is analyzed, both realistic and idealistic thoughts are evident. Inorder to clarify this, an alternative method for presentation is introduced intoMaddox’s model.
Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 01-03
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Baches, Eva. "Literarische Reaktionen auf den 11. September /." Hamburg : Diplomica Verl, 2008. http://www.diplom.de/katalog/arbeit/10702.

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Baches, Eva. "Literarische Reaktionen auf den 11. September." Hamburg Diplomica-Verl, 2006. http://d-nb.info/987757695/04.

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5

Senate, University of Arizona Faculty. "Faculty Senate Minutes September 11, 1995." University of Arizona Faculty Senate (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/137555.

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Senate, University of Arizona Faculty. "Faculty Senate Minutes September 11, 2006." University of Arizona Faculty Senate (Tucson, AZ), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/137626.

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Senate, University of Arizona Faculty. "Faculty Senate Minutes September 11, 2000." University of Arizona Faculty Senate (Tucson, AZ), 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/137616.

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Senate, University of Arizona Faculty. "Faculty Senate Minutes September 11, 1989." University of Arizona Faculty Senate (Tucson, AZ), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/137433.

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9

Shah, Diti. "An abstract expression of September 11, 2001." Texas A&M University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/4448.

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Historical events captured in an abstract manner have the ability to produce a profound effect on the emotions. The purpose of this research is to create a time-based computer media work, using dialogue from playwright Anne Nelson's The Guys, based on the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City, with emphasis on visual imagery, particularly the use of line and color, to enhance the dramatic and emotional content of the piece. The stylistic direction of the thesis work is greatly influenced by selected works of abstract expressionists Robert Motherwell and Franz Kline, whose artwork was shaped by the social backdrop of World War II.
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10

Brunnhage, Fredrik, and Johanna Björk. "”Visst var 11 september ett inside jobb?”." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för lärande och samhälle (LS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-30572.

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11

Morström, Peter. "Vägval för U.S. Grand Strategy efter 11 September." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1865.

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I uppsatsen presenterar författaren hur US Grand Strategy förändrats som en följd avterrorattackerna mot USA den 11 september 2001. Författaren pekar vidare påalternativa utvecklingsmöjligheter för US Grand Strategy och prövar om traditionellaanalysmodeller fortfarande är tillämpliga för att beskriva vägval för amerikanskutrikes och säkerhetspolitik.
This essay aims to highlight possible developments for US Grand Strategy, as a resultof the terror events occurring September 11 2001. To reach this aim I am going topresent how US Grand Strategy has developed since September 11, and I also goingto present the strategy existing today. The aim is also to see if traditional analyticmodelsstill are working to demonstrate alternative US Grand Strategies.The empirical materials that are used in this essay are mostly speeches and documentsfrom people, who are representing the official US foreign and security-policy.For the analytic part in the essay, I have used two different analytic-models todescribe changes in US Grand Strategy. The first one is a model that Alexander Nachthas developed, and that one is described in the summer edition 1995 of WashingtonQuarterly. The second model is the one by Lars Maddox, which are described in “USGrand strategy Alternatives – After the Cold War”.I can establish the fact that US grand Strategy has changed since the attacks againstUS occurred September 11. The strategy today is more firm and unilateral in itscharacter, compared to the strategy dominated the period before September 11, andalso if we compares it with the Clinton-administration strategy.I establish the fact that there is more than one possible way for US grand Strategy todevelop. The development is very depended of how the scenario in the rest of theworld is developing, and especially how the crisis in the Middle East is going todevelop. The most likely as I see it is that US are going to draw nearer to a moremultilateral approach than the approach existing today.Multilateral organizations, coalition-partners and allies are the best and most longtermsolution to increase safety for US.I also notice that the existing analytic-models still are function to describe alternativechoices for US Grand strategies. But there is a need to develop those models, so theybetter mirror and describe the complex world, which foreign and security-policy iscomposed of.
Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 00-02
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12

Glade, Tyrone Hamilton. "September 11, 2001 : an individual media dependency perspective /." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2004. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd600.pdf.

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Larsson, Anders, Alicia Fryszkiewicz, and Alexander Musika. "Resevärlden efter terrorattentaten den 11 september 2001 : En studie om intresset och säkerhet har förändrats efter terrorattentaten den 11 september i USA." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för geografi, medier och kommunikation, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-44506.

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14

Joarder, Marina. "International politics and business: the role of September 11, 2001." [S.l. : s.n.], 2005. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB11759398.

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15

Redman, Carolina, and Simon Persson. "SAS och 11 september : Hur Krishantering leder till Utveckling." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Business Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-9016.

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Den 11 september 2001 kapades fyra passagerarflygplan i USA för att sedan flygas in i Pentagon och World Trade Center. Händelserna 2001 fick stort genomslag på flygmarknaden som upplevde sitt största efterfrågefall någonsin. Ett företag som agerar på en krisdrabbad marknad tvingas vidta åtgärder för att hantera de förändrade villkor som uppstår som en följd av krisen. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka huruvida dessa krisåtgärder påverkar företagets organisation även efter att krisens direkta påverkan på företaget upphört. Vi har undersökt detta genom att se till hur det skandinaviska flygbolaget SAS hanterade krisen den 11 september 2001 och huruvida de krisåtgärder som vidtogs står att finna även i företagets organisation våren 2006. Studien visar hur SAS mellan 2001 och 2006 utvecklat en enklare och effektivare organisation som följd av de strukturella förändringar som genomfördes i samband med hanteringen av krisen den 11 september 2001.

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16

Jeppsson, Christian. "Svensk militär medverkan i nationell terroristbekämpning efter 11 september." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1681.

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Uppsatsen syftar till att diskutera hur troligt det är att riksdagen fattar beslut i enlighet med 11septemberutredningens förslag om militära maktmedels bruk, i samhället, i fredstid.Frågeställningarna är: Vilka argument förs fram i frågan om utökad användning av militära maktmedel,vilken är synen på militära maktmedels roll i samhället samt en diskussion om hur troligt det är attriksdagen kommer att besluta om utökad användning av militära maktmedel i enlighet med11 septemberutredningens förslag?Undersökningen och analysen genomförs med ett verktyg som omfattar parametrarna: värdet av11 septemberutredningen, hotbild, grundsyn på militära maktmedel samt hur civil kontroll övermilitärmakten skall uppnås. Med detta verktyg skapas, utgående från litteratur om politisk-militärarelationer, två idealtyper som anses svara mot de nuvarande och de föreslagna förhållandena.Källmaterialet, remissinstansernas yttranden, debatt och motioner i riksdagen samt debattartiklar i dagspressen,undersöks genom en kvalitativ textanalys och klassificeras med hjälp av analysverktyget.Undersökningen visar att både bland remissinstanserna och bland riksdagspartierna finns tvåhuvudteman. Ett som ser militärmakt som ett hot mot medborgarna och vill begränsa dessinflytande och befogenheter samt säkerställa noggrann civil/politisk kontroll. Det andra som sermilitärmakt som ett maktmedel likställt exempelvis polis och förordar utökade befogenhetersamt integration och ett pragmatiskt bruk av militära maktmedel i fredstid.
The main purpose of this study is to examine the arguments put forward by thecentral authorities and in the national parliament of Sweden with regard to agovernment-initiated report concerning the fight against terrorism in Sweden.The so-called 9/11-report has proposed several measures to be taken in order toenhance Swedish capacity for dealing with large-scale terror attacks. Amongthese proposals are some concerning increased use of military means of powerto counter terrorism, which constitutes the focus of this study.The study is done with an analytical tool derived from political-militaryrelations theory, comprising parameters such as: view of 9/11-report, threatperception, view of military means of power and view of political-militaryrelations.The empirical material consists of official replies from various governmentalauthorities to the 9/11-report, which has been circulated for comment and thedebate in the Swedish parliament concerning national issues of combatingterrorism.The study shows that both governmental authorities and the parliament aredivided along two lines of reasoning. One depicts the armed forces of Swedenas a threat to the citizens and wants to limit military authority and promotestrict separation of civilian from military means. The other views the armedforces as a means of power equivalent to other means of power, such as thepolice, and argues for increased authority for military means of combatingterrorism and a pragmatic use of our society’s available means.
Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-uppsHylla: Upps. ChP 02-04
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17

Peek, Lori Ann. "The identity of crisis: Muslim Americans after September 11." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3178351.

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18

Babula, Michael William. "Higher motivation in a threat environment : September 11, 2001." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.427953.

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19

Pelser, Waldimar. "September 11, 2001 : framing the attacks in America's press." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53051.

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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The attacks on New York and Washington on September 11 2001 constituted a singular media event. On the front pages of America's newspapers and in its pre-eminent news magazines unfolded, in the immediate wake of the blitz, a portrayal that uncontroversially legitimised claims to American innocence, fomented moral certitude through parallels with previous wars and anticipated retaliation that would soon enough engulf Afghanistan. Showing, first, that accounts of reality are always social constructions, the "framing" of September 11 in America's press will be evaluated with reference to 122 newspaper front pages, most from September 12, some from the day of the attacks, and two American news magazines. The emergence of a discourse of war will be considered, as well as the perpetuation within and without of the press of dominant views on America's role in the conflict. The extent to which this "popular frame" selectively excluded inconvenient truths is illustrated in critiques of john Pilger and Noam Chomsky, and an assessment of the politics of defining "terror". The analysis is placed within the normative framework of orthodox joumalism ethics, particularly the values of impartiality and objectivity, concluding that, in democracy, a responsible media better serves the public interest through sustained criticism than compliant patriotism.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die aanvalle op New York en Washington op 11 September 2001 was 'n uitsonderlike mediagebeurtenis. Direk daarna het 'n uitbeelding op die voorblaaie van Amerika se koerante en in twee voorste nuustydskrifte ontvou wat aansprake op Amerikaanse onskuld sonder omhaal sou legitimeer, parallelle met vorige oorloë in die diens van morele daadkragtigheid sou oproep, en wraakaanvalle sou antisipeer wat kort daarna in Afghanistan sou woed. Met as vertrekpunt die argument dat enige weergawe van realiteit 'n sosiale konstruksie is, word die uitbeelding ("framing") van die aanvalle in die Amerikaanse pers op 122 koerantvoorblaaie, hoofsaaklik van 12 September maar insluitend enkeles van die aanvalsdag self, en in twee Amerikaanse nuustydskrifte hier geevalueer. Die ontluiking van 'n oorlogsdiskoers word bekyk, asook die voortsetting binne en buite die media van heersende sienings oor Amerika se rol in die konflik. Die mate waarin hierdie "populêre omraming" ("framing") ongemaklike waarhede selektief uitgesluit het, word aangetoon in critiques van John Pilger en Noam Chomsky, en 'n oorweging van die politiek agter 'n definisie van "terreur". Die analise voltrek in die normatiewe raamwerk van joernalistieke etiek, veral die waardes van onpartydigheid en objektiviteit, en kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat, in demokrasie, 'n verantwoordelike media die openbare belang beter dien deur volgehou kritiek as deur onderdanige patriotisme.
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Lange, Thomas. "U.S. - European relations pre- and post September 11, 2001." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://sirsi.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Mar%5FLange.pdf.

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Alarfaj, Ahmad Abdulrahman. "How Saudi Arabian newspapers depicted the September 11 attacks." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4289/.

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This study aims to measure the degree of diplomatic and political concern expressed by Saudi journalists and writers concerning the September eleventh event. The Thesis will also examine the influence the newspaper reports had on changes in opinion. These changes will be analysed, and this analysis will identify any changes that may have taken place in attitudes towards the United States of America and American culture. This study spans the three-month period that followed 911. It examines relevant articles that appeared in Saudi newspapers. To explore and analyse the writers' viewpoints, eight newspapers were selected for content analysis and these yielded four hundred and thirty one relevant articles. The results reported indicate that the findings of this thesis show that many factors can be attributed to the literature of the Saudi Press. The thesis provides an indication of the importance that the September attacks had on Saudi newspapers, not only the influence on the newspapers themselves but also the journalists and writers of the selected newspapers. It is clear that when the events were published that the events had been reported in a consistent and objective manner, which had direct correlation to the gender and nationality of writers.
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Nordström, Sofia. "Sagan om de två tornen : En jämförande fallstudie av hur 11 september-attackerna gestaltades i svensk och brittisk morgonpress." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Avdelningen för medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-13710.

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Syfte: Syftet med studien är att belysa hur 11 september-attackerna gestaltades i svensk och brittisk morgonpress en vecka efter händelserna. Tyngdpunkten i undersökningen ligger på jämförelsen mellan tidningarnas gestaltningar av händelserna. Frågeställningar: Hur gestaltas nyheten veckan efter katastrofen? Vilka likheter och skillnader finns mellan tidningarnas gestaltningar? Hur ser förhållandet mellan text respektive bilder/nyhetsgrafik ut i de båda tidningarna? Teori: Studiens teoretiska ramverk är gestaltningsteorin och främst Robert Entmans modeller. Gestaltningsteorin handlar om mediernas inflytande över hur människor upplever och uppfattar den verklighet vi lever i. Då studien är en jämförelse mellan svensk och brittisk dagspress kontextualiseras studien genom en skildring av situationen för dagspressen i respektive land. Metod: Uppsatsen har undersökt gestaltningar i medieinnehåll genom att använda kvantitativ innehållsanalys som metod för insamling av empiriskt material. Materialet utgörs av samtliga artiklar om 11 september-attackerna i Dagens Nyheter och The Guardian från 2001-09-12 och en vecka framåt. Analysen är utförd på 191 artiklar. Resultat: Förekomst av konfliktgestaltning, human interest-gestaltning, ansvarsgestaltning och ekonomisk konsekvensgestaltning identifierades i båda tidningar. De förstnämnda accentueras mer i The Guardian medan ekonomisk konsekvensgestaltning förekom i högre utsträckning i DN. Indikationer på förekomst av moralgestaltning fanns i The Guardian men kunde inte bekräftas. Även andra faktorer som påverkar nyhetsgestaltningen identifierades. Undersökningen visade även att texten och bilderna i anslutning i viss mån förutsätter varandra då de stärker varandras gestaltningar. Utrymmet för själva artiklarna varierade stort mellan tidningarna. The Guardian hade fler utrymmeskrävande artiklar såväl som bilder.
Purpose: The study aims to shed light on how the September 11 attacks were framed in Swedish and British newspapers one week after the events occured. The main focus of the study is to compare the newspapers' framing of the events. Issues: In what ways are the news portrayed during the week after the events occured? What similarities and differences are there between the newspapers' framings of the events? How much space does text and images/news graphics occupy in the two papers? Theory: The study's theoretical framework is framing theory, mainly Robert Entmans ideas about the different depictions of media. Framing theory is all about how the media influence the way people experience and perceive the reality we live in. Since the study aims to compare Swedish and British newspapers, a contextualisation is performed through a depiction of the situation of the press in Sweden and the UK. Method: The essay has examined the framings in media content by using quantitative content analysis as a method for collecting empirical data. The material consists of all items on the September 11 attacks in Dagens Nyheter and The Guardian, from the date 2001-09-12 and a week ahead. The analysis was conducted on 191 articles. Results: Conflict frame, human interest frame, responsibility frame and economic consequences frame were identified in both newspapers. The former were accentuated in The Guardian. Economic consequences frame was more common in DN. Indications of morality framing were found in the Guardian, but could not be confirmed. In addition, factors having effect on news framing were identified. The study also revealed that text and images presuppose each other while reinforcing each other's frames. The space for the articles themselves varied considerably between the papers. The Guardian contained more space demanding articles as well as images.
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McCafferty, Heather. "The representation of Muslim women in American print media : a case study of The New York Times, September 11, 2000-September 11, 2002." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98556.

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This thesis is an examination of representations of Muslim women in the American print media. I focus on one particular publication, The New York Times within a time frame surrounding the events of September 11, 2001. Articles were selected from this publication that fell within the time period of September 11, 2000 to September 11, 2002, in selecting articles, I chose those based on their inclusion of any discussion that clearly identified those discussed as Muslim women, through the use of the words "Muslim" or "Islamic" in their descriptions. The case study was carried out by reading through each daily edition of The New York Times in order to identify any articles that fell within my criteria. I also used an online database containing abstracts of the publication to verify that no article of relevance was overlooked. I then devised 5 categories within which to analyze the representations of Muslim women that were found within these articles, "Veil", "Biographical", "Women's Issues", "Politics" and "Muslims in the West". The main goal of this thesis is to determine how Muslim women are represented within this particular publication and to analyze whether the events of September 11, 2001 had any effect on how Muslim women were portrayed in The New York Times articles.
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Holmes, D. Nicole. "Age and Responses to the Events of September 11, 2001." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4700/.

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Following the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001, many turned to the field of psychology for greater understanding of the impact of such events and guidance in supporting our citizens. This study sought to gain greater understanding of the differential impact of the September 11th attack on individuals by investigating the influence of age, psychological hardiness, and repression versus sensitization as forms of coping behavior on psychological health. Both an initial cross-sectional sample (172 young adults & 231older adults) and a short-term longitudinal follow-up (39 young adults & 58 older adults) were included in the study. Older age, psychological hardiness and the use of a repressing coping style were found to each individually relate to greater resilience/less dysfunction at both time one and two. For young adults, high hardy repressors faired best, followed by high hardy sensitizers. Low hardy young adults demonstrated similar levels of dysfunction regardless of coping style (repressions/sensitization). For older adults, coping style impacted both high and low hardy individuals equally, with high hardy repressors demonstrating greater functioning. This study attempted to gain greater insight into explanations for these and previous findings of greater resilience among older adults. In explaining the greater resilience of older adults, it seems that coping style is highly important, while hardiness and the impact of history-graded events does not explain the resilience of older adults.
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Curry, Jennifer. "A study of the impact of 9/11 on content in travel magazines /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p1422919.

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Prothro, John Samuel. "The misguided reaction: reconsidering intelligence flow before 11 September 2001." Thesis, Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1160.

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This research examines the story of 11 September 2001 from an organizational communication perspective. Discourse after the event pointed to "communication difficulties" as a scapegoat for the intelligence community's failure. These analyses are misguided. Therefore, I examine our government's answer to communication difficulties--more bureaucracy. The many communication hindrances associated with bureaucracy are discussed as reasons to rethink our government's reaction. Finally, further research and recommendations are discussed.
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Beyerlein, Kraig Kerry Bollen Kenneth A. Smith Christian. "Explaining U.S. civic action dispositions, networks, religion, and September 11 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,405.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Sociology." Discipline: Sociology; Department/School: Sociology.
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Center, University of Arizona Water Resources Research. "Arizona Water Resource Vol. 11 No. 1 (September-October 2002)." Water Resources Research Center, College of Agriculture, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/316616.

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Legislation has been introduced to settle decades of litigation that has left many individuals and interests in the state uncertain about their water rights. Arizona Sens. Jon Kyl and John McCain recently introduced the Arizona Water Settlements Act to ratify state water right settlements.
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Kouzmanov, Krassi. "NATO's response to the 11 September 2001 terrorism : lessons learned." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FKouzmanov.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Maria Rasmussen, David Yost. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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30

Klinge, Marcel. "Islam und Integrationspolitik deutscher Bundesregierungen nach dem 11. September 2001." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16530.

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Bei der dieser Studie handelt es sich um eine sozialwissenschaftliche Untersuchung der ersten Deutschen Islam Konferenz (DIK). Ausgangspunkt der Analyse ist die Beobachtung, dass sich der deutsche Integrationsdiskurs trotz des seit 2006 intensivierten Dialogs zwischen Staat und muslimischen Repräsentanten weiterhin als kontrovers darstellt und eine Reihe von integrationspolitischen Problemfeldern ungelöst sind. Vor diesem Hintergrund untersucht die Abhandlung die Funktion und Reichweite der DIK und ihre Implikationen für die Integrationspolitik in Deutschland. Die Betrachtung nimmt außerdem eine Einordnung der Islam Konferenz in die Integrationspolitik deutscher Bundesregierungen im Zeitraum von 1998 bis 2009 vor und ermöglicht es damit nicht nur, spezifische Policy-Charakteristika der Einrichtung zu identifizieren, sondern ebenso ihre Rolle im politischen Gesamtkontext unter Einbeziehung der islamistischen Terroranschläge vom 11. September 2001 zu erfassen. Die Betrachtung der ersten Islam Konferenz ist methodisch als quantitative Einzel-fallstudie konzipiert und hat mehrere Adressaten: die politischen Akteure, die autochthone deutsche Gesellschaft als auch die muslimische Gemeinschaft. Als Analysegrundlage fungieren neben einer detaillierten Dokumentenanalyse zwölf Expertenbefragungen mit Teil-nehmern und Beobachtern der DIK. Für die Untersuchung und Bewertung des Konferenzre-sultate kommen die Auswertungskategorien des akteurzentrierten Institutionalismus zum Einsatz, der den theoretisch-analytischen Bezugsrahmen der Studie bildet. Die zentralen Ergebnisse und Befunde der Untersuchung werden in Form von sieben zusammenfassenden Thesen dargestellt. Hierbei wird ein durchweg ambivalentes Bild des dreijährigen Dialogprozesses gezeichnet.
The present study is a social science-focussed research paper on the first German Islam Conference (DIK). The starting point of the analysis is the observation that the recent German integration discourse is still controversial and that a series of integration problems remain unresolved – despite the intensified dialogue between the national government and Muslim representatives. Against this background, the study analyses the function and scope of the DIK as well as its implications on Germany''s integration policy. The investigation reviews the Islam Conference in the context of the integration policy of the German Federal government in the period from 1998 to 2009, identifies specific policy characteristics of the institution, and evaluates the conference within the overall political context, including the Islamist terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001. Form a methodical point of view, this analysation of the first Islam Conference is considered a quantitative individual case study addressed towards: the political actors, the autochthonous German society as well as towards the Muslim community. Apart from a detailed document analysis, the study is based upon twelve expert interviews among DIK participants and observers. For researching and evaluating the conference’s results, the evaluation categories of actor-centered institutionalism are used, which provides the theoretical and analytical framework of the study. The study''s crucial results and findings are represented in the form of seven summarizing theses. Here, a consistently ambivalent picture of the three-year dialogue process is drawn.
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Akinwande, F. O. "US foreign policy towards West Africa after September 11 attacks." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2014. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/30238/.

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The United States foreign policy towards West Africa experienced a significant shift after the terrorist attacks of US strategic institutions in September 11, 2001. This was marked by the securitization of US foreign policy beyond the military-security context of security into other aspects of US security strategy after the Cold War. In that context, political, economic and environmental sectors became part of US security agenda, as reflected in the post-9/11 US War on Terror in global regions. The United States therefore securitized West African states through the policies of aid, trade and military assistance. Within West Africa, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) had restructured the security pattern of West Africa since the end of the Cold War. The United States policy therefore coincided with ECOWAS’ regional security efforts. Among other things, ECOWAS’ policy of regional integration was revived with pragmatic approaches to securing West Africa from threats of terrorists, smuggling, poverty, corruption and state collapse. The challenge for ECOWAS had been how to securitize successfully against these threats within the context of a sustainable regional security planning without the need for external assistance. Whether the United States and ECOWAS could cooperate to maintain security and stability in West Africa depended on US agenda and ECOWAS capacity as a regional security complex. The question is, why and how did the US securitize in West Africa if indeed the region had a security complex such as ECOWAS that had the capability to do so? Secondly, were the security issues resolved in the process of US securitization? The methodology adopted in this research is wide-ranging, including the use of qualitative content analysis for exploring theoretical texts of scholars and empirical cases of speeches, official pronouncements and policy documents. An analysis of the philosophy of Jurgen Habermas was undertaken to appraise the influence of his critical theory on explanations of social inclusion, community, security; his ideal speech act theory, which suggests approaches to resolving crises through inclusive dialogues, was considered. Although Habermas based his philosophy on communication, justice, and ethics, his speech act resonates with the idea of securitization and the interactions between a powerful state and Third World regions. But it was not found to be as helpful in explanation as initially proposed. Using qualitative content analysis, it was possible to combine elements of regional security complex theory (RSCT) of the Copenhagen School with a pragmatic approach to the reconceptualization of the audience in the process of securitization. The result of the research shows that, first, the United States policies had success in a few areas, whereas in majority of the cases, the security situation in the region had been largely the same or worsened. The US Congress was willing to legitimate the securitizing claims of the core executive without challenging it. Secondly, ECOWAS Member States depended on external powers for survival and this hindered their capacities to integrate at the regional level. ECOWAS elite considered the organization to be instruments for maintaining personal political control in their states. Thirdly, in terms of US West African cooperation, the lack of sufficient security interaction rendered ECOWAS a weak security complex thereby making it vulnerable to external intervention. The intervention of the US and other external powers in the region challenged the reality of the sovereignty of ECOWAS Member States and further constrained ECOWAS ability to construct regional security architecture for West Africa. The complexity of the nexus of issues and institutions addressing security agendas including human and developmental security also undermined many of the goals: at least to a significant measure, the way security was pursued by key actors were self-defeating, although other factors also always influenced outcomes too.
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Weichert, Stephan Alexander. "Die Krise als Medienereignis über den 11. September im deutschen Fernsehen." Köln Halem, 2006. http://www.halem-verlag.de/shop/product_info.php/products_id/126.

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33

Bailey, Elaine T. "Sleep Disturbance Following September 11: Results of a Nationwide Longitudinal Study." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193631.

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The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, provided a unique, though unfortunate, opportunity to study Americans' sleep reactions to a traumatic event. Questionnaires were distributed electronically to a web-based panel whose demographic distribution closely matched current U.S. census counts. Prior to 9/11/01, participants reported whether they had ever been diagnosed with anxiety, depression, or insomnia. Two weeks following the terrorist attacks, they completed an acute stress questionnaire (SASRQ) which included questions about 9/11-related difficulty falling or staying asleep and nightmares. They later completed a posttraumatic stress symptom questionnaire at two time points: 2 months and 6 months post-9/11. This instrument, the IES-R, included questions about 9/11-related difficulty falling asleep, difficulty staying asleep, and dreams. A total of 782 adults (50.4% male; mean age = 49.6 years) responded.Two weeks following the terrorist attacks, 23% of the sample reported having 9/11-related difficulty falling or staying asleep; 9% reported 9/11-related nightmares. Two months following the attacks, 27% reported having at least some difficulty falling asleep related to 9/11, 33% reported having difficulty staying asleep, and 17% reported having 9/11-related dreams. When assessed again at 6 months post-9/11, levels of these three sleep issues dropped significantly to 14%, 15%, and 8%, respectively. Females reported higher levels of 9/11-related sleep difficulties than males both at 2 weeks and 2 months after the attacks. By 6 months post-9/11, this sex difference had all but disappeared. Older respondents were slightly less likely than younger ones to report nightmares 2 weeks post-9/11 and dreams 2 months post-9/11. Those with pre-9/11 diagnoses of anxiety, depression, and insomnia generally had higher rates of 9/11-related sleep difficulties at all time points assessed.When tested with a hierarchical regression model, difficulty falling or staying asleep at 2 weeks post-9/11 significantly predicted posttraumatic stress symptoms experienced 6 months (but not 2 months) following the attacks. This was true even when taking into account the contribution of pre-existing psychiatric diagnoses and non-sleep-related acute stress symptoms. These findings raise the possibility that the experience of disturbed sleep soon after a trauma directly contributes to the eventual development and exacerbation of posttraumatic stress symptoms.
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34

Velek, Martin. "Vývoj Transatlantických vztahů po 11. září 2001." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2005. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-163.

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Diplomová práce s názvem Vývoj transatlantických vztahů po 11. září 2001 se zabývá politickými vztahy mezi USA a Evropou v souvislosti s bojem proti terorismu. Autor se zaměřuje zejména na následující témata: historie transatlantických vztahů před 11. zářím 2001; změna globálního bezpečnostního kontextu pro euroatlantické vztahy; odlišné postoje obou partnerů k válce v Iráku; pomoc evropských spojenců při obnově a demokratizačním procesu v Afghánistánu a Iráku; důsledky boje proti terorismu na oblast lidských práv; postoje USA a hlavních evropských spojenců k Evropské bezpečnostní a obranné politice (EBOP) EU; vztah EBOP ? NATO.
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35

ERICKSON, AMBER KAY. "WE WILL NEVER FORGET: THE THERAPEUTIC RHETORIC OF SEPTEMBER 11, 2001." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1100727515.

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36

Ehrenreich-Blažeković, Susanne. "Intermedial representations of 9/11 in US American and German newspapers." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/1000556581/04.

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37

Tagmann, Janick. "Die US-Image-Politik seit 9/11 Akteure, Instrumente und Wirkungen /." St. Gallen, 2006. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/01654730004/$FILE/01654730004.pdf.

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Erickson, Amber K. "We will never forget the therapeutic rhetoric of September 11, 2001 /." Cincinnati, Ohio University of Cincinnati, 2004. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=ucin1100727515.

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39

Brower, Jay S. "Sensuous tears : aesthetic gesture and the pure event of September 11 /." Available to subscribers only, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1095427471&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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40

Olk, Erin E. "The perceived effects of September 11, 2001 on student career choices." Online version, 2003. http://www.uwstout.edu/lib/thesis/2003/2003olke.pdf.

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41

Feeney, Shannon. "The effects of September 11, 2001 on air travel and tourism." Online version, 2003. http://www.uwstout.edu/lib/thesis/2003/2003feeneys.pdf.

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42

Wild, Robert Mason. "Terrorism and college students a generation's response to September 11, 2001 /." Diss., St. Louis, Mo. : University of Missouri--St. Louis, 2005. http://etd.umsl.edu/r1021.

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43

Blanc, Florent. "Dissent after September 11 : mobilization of librarians, ACLU, cities and lawyers." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0001.

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Cette thèse analyse les pratiques de résistance politiques employées par différents acteurs sociaux, aux Etats-Unis, pour contester et résister à la mise en place de deux politiques de sécurité adoptées après les attentats du 11 septembre 2001: le Patriot Act ainsi que les politiques de détention illimitee adoptées dans le cadre de la guerre contre le terrorisme. Par le biais d'une réflexion théorique mêlant approches critiques des relations internationales, sociologie historique des mobilisations sociales et approches juridiques constitutionalistes américaines, cette thèse entend contribuer aux réflexions sur les études de sécurité par le biais d'une réflexion sur les processus de sécurisation/désécurisation insistant sur la nécessaire prise en compte du rôle joué par les acteurs sociaux se situant aux frontières extérieures du champ des professionnels de la sécurité et de la gestion des inquiétudes. En se basant sur l’évolution historique des répertoires de contention politiques, cette thèse met en avant la distanciation de la contestation en période de crise de sécurité et le recours privilégié aux tribunaux comme garants de l’encadrement des pouvoirs d’exception de l’administration. Ce travail contribue à développer la compréhension des mécanismes de désécurisation en mettant en avant la nécessite d’une approche plus sociologique des questions de sécurité internationale permettant d’intégrer le rôle essentiel joué par les acteurs locaux dans la reconceptualisation de ces politiques
This dissertation analyzes the practices of political resistance mobilized by different social actors, in the United States, to dissent the implementation of two national security measures adopted after the attacks of September 11th: the Patriot Act of 2001 as well as the detention policies adopted by the Bush administration in the context of the war against terror. Through a theoretical reflection mixing critical approaches of international relations with sociology of social mobilizations and legal and constitutional studies, this project intends on contributing to the field of security studies by furthering the understanding of the securitization/desecuritization processes through an insistence on the necessity to take into account the role played by social actors situated at the external border of the field of the professionals of security and the management of unease. Basing this analysis on the historical evolution of the repertoires of contention of these actors, this dissertation highlights the distanciation of dissent in times of national security crises as well as the preference for resorting to litigation as a way to limit the exceptional powers claimed by the administration. This work contributes to the understanding of the mechanisms of desecuritization and demonstrates the necessity of a more sociological approach of international security issues through the attention paid to the impact of local resistances in the reconceptualization of security policies
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Vycudilík, Vojtěch. "USA and the EU Policy of Homeland Security after September 11." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2006. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-259.

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Práce se zabývá vývojem politiky vnitřní / domácí bezpečnosti v USA po 11. září 2001 s ohledem na vývoj v Evropské unii v této oblasti. Zachycuje hlavní změny v architektuře institucí zodopovědných za domácí bezpečnost USA a sleduje vývoj legislativy spjaté s domácí bezpečností. Následně práce analyzuje vliv těchto změn na americký politický systém, na občanské svobody a na rovnováhu moci.
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Vycudilík, Vojtěch. "USA and the EU Politics of Homeland Security after September 11." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2004. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15106.

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Práce se zabývá vývojem politiky vnitřní / domácí bezpečnosti v USA po 11. září 2001 s ohledem na vývoj v Evropské unii v této oblasti. Zachycuje hlavní změny v architektuře institucí zodopovědných za domácí bezpečnost USA a sleduje vývoj legislativy spjaté s domácí bezpečností. Následně práce analyzuje vliv těchto změn na americký politický systém, na občanské svobody a na rovnováhu moci.
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46

Sheikhzadeh, Shahram. "Das außen- und sicherheitspolitische Verhalten der USA nach dem 11. September 2001." kostenfrei, 2009. http://darwin.bth.rwth-aachen.de/opus3/volltexte/2009/2468/.

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47

Kaproth, Carissa. "A study of the effects of September 11, 2001 on third and eleventh grade students." Online version, 2003. http://www.uwstout.edu/lib/thesis/2003/2003kaprothc.pdf.

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48

Epstein, Daren Adam. "The impact of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on U.S.-China relations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FEpstein.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): H. Lyman Miller, Peter R. Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-62). Also available online.
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49

Souladié, Vincent. "Déchirer le visible : le cinéma américain après le 11 septembre 2001." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013TOU20064.

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Les attentats commis sur le sol américain le 11 septembre 2001 ont transi quasi simultanément une incommensurable communauté de regards. Cette participation scopique plurielle a très vite suscité des analogies avec le cinéma-catastrophe, immense pourvoyeur de fictions d’apocalypse urbaine, accusé d’avoir inspiré les commanditaires de l’attentat, d’avoir déréalisé toute catastrophe et de ne pas nous avoir préparé à son surgissement dans la réalité, ou désigné encore comme mètre-étalon de nos fantasmes apocalyptiques auxquels les images médiatiques ont dû se mesurer au point de déréaliser l’événement lui-même. Pour essayer de saisir les logiques de continuité ou de rupture auquel le cinéma américain se trouve exposé à la suite de cet événement, il importe de se demander dans quelles mesures le 11 septembre a pu entailler les habitudes du regard que le spectaculaire Hollywoodien nous avait intimement inculquées. Par comparaison avec le modèle figuratif des images médiatiques de l’attentat, Hollywood peut-il encore se permettre de mettre en scène le chaos au nom d’une pure invention figurative sans référent réel ? Après le 11/9, la représentation du désastre au cinéma n’est-elle pas en position d’incriminer le plaisir pris autrefois devant le spectacle fictionnel du chaos ? La culpabilité ne s’invite-t-elle pas dans le cœur même de la figuration du désastre, le souvenir dysphorique ne s'immisce-t-il pas dans la représentation urbaine, la reconstitution de l'événement ne déclare-t-elle pas ses limites face aux images médiatiques concurrentielles ? Après le 11 septembre, Hollywood semble se laisser déborder par une réalité insaisissable
Throughout the world on September 11 2001, people watching their screens simultaneously suffered a deep shock caused by the attacks on the American soil. Given the variety of the viewers, parallels were at once made with Hollywood disaster-films which had always been huge providers of urban apocalyptic fiction. These films were charged with having inspired the perpetrators of the attacks, by naturalising disaster as such – so to speak – and thus leaving us unprepared for its intrusion into the real. In other words, Hollywood would have created a reference for our apocalyptic fears to the point that the media, by replicating such fictional images, thus deprived the tragic event itself of its reality. Because since then, American cinema cannot avoid dealing with narratives ruled by ruptures vs continuities which call for analysis, one needs to examine how deeply the 9/11 tragedy has altered the Hollywood spectator’ s gaze, i.e. one’s visual expectations and habits regarding spectacular attraction. Given the realistic images of the attacks in the media, can Hollywood still afford to show chaos on the screen as mere pleasurable fiction? After 9/11, has it become impossible for us to enjoy chaos on the screen without experiencing a feeling of guilt? How far do tragic memories interfere with any kind of urban representation? How does the cinematic reconstruction of the very event suffer from the essentially competitive nature of media images? After September 11, Hollywood appears unable to cope with a reality which remains forever elusive
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Berg, Ann-Christin. "Unbiased news ? : news from the BBC and CNN on September 11, 2001." Thesis, University West, Department of Social and Behavioural Studies, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-1476.

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