Journal articles on the topic '1575-1580'

In 1564 Titian traveled to Brescia to discuss a commission for a set of three allegorical paintings for the ceiling of the Council Hall. While there, according to a hitherto unnoticed reference in Ascanio de’ Mori's Giuoco piacevole, he presented a Brescian noblewoman, Barbara Calina, with a painting or drawing representing the mythological figure Helle.Ascanio Pipino de’ Mori da Ceno (1533—1591) is most often remembered today for his fourteen stories which are said to epitomize the adjustment of novellieri to the new moral climate of the Counter Reformation. In his own day, however, this Mantuan courtiersoldier- turned-author was perhaps best known for his Giuoco piacevole, which was popular enough to warrant three editions, in 1575, 1580, and 1590.

Siguiendo los debates historiográficos recientes sobre la corrupción en la América Hispánica, se describirán las quejas y acusaciones contra Francisco de Sande como Gobernador y Capitán General de las Islas Filipinas (1575-1580), antes de regresar a Nueva España como Oidor de la Audiencia de México y de ser promovido a Guatemala y luego al Nuevo Reino de Granada como Presidente de las audiencias de esos territorios. Se señalará que hay una continuidad en las acusaciones en su contra en todas las latitudes en las que desempeñó oficios reales, contrastando con las historiografías nacionales que han afirmado que sus malas prácticas sucedieron solo en algunos territorios. Por último, se abre la investigación a pensar en el capital relacional de Francisco de Sande para comprender las dinámicas de la corrupción en un periodo tan temprano.

Buckwalter, John B., Patrick J. Mueller, and Philip S. Clifford. Sympathetic vasoconstriction in active skeletal muscles during dynamic exercise. J. Appl. Physiol. 83(5): 1575–1580, 1997.—Studies utilizing systemic administration of α-adrenergic antagonists have failed to demonstrate sympathetic vasoconstriction in working muscles during dynamic exercise. The purpose of this study was to examine the existence of active sympathetic vasoconstriction in working skeletal muscles by using selective intra-arterial blockade. Six mongrel dogs were instrumented chronically with flow probes on the external iliac arteries of both hindlimbs and with a catheter in one femoral artery. All dogs ran on a motorized treadmill at three intensities on separate days. After 2 min, the selective α1-adrenergic antagonist prazosin (0.1 mg) was infused as a bolus into the femoral artery catheter. At mild, moderate, and heavy workloads, there were immediate increases in iliac conductance of 76 ± 7, 54 ± 11, and 22 ± 6% (mean ± SE), respectively. Systemic blood pressure and blood flow in the contralateral iliac artery were unaffected. These results demonstrate that there is sympathetic vasoconstriction in active skeletal muscles even at high exercise intensities.

The doctrine and membership of the Family of Love in England remain something of a mystery, despite extensive recent work. Why should such an apparently small group have been the specific subject of a royal proclamation? Between June 1575 and November 1580 the sect was referred to a dozen times in Privy Council correspondence, and was clearly the object of considerable anxiety. The Bishops of London, Norwich, Exeter, Ely, Winchester, Lincoln, Salisbury and Worcester were all instructed to conduct investigations. Puritan writers like John Rogers and William Wilkinson published books attacking the sect. The reasons for such sustained persecution over so short a period are hard to establish. One fact which must have contributed to the panic was that there were Familists in the Queen’s guard, close to the centre of the political nation. Moreover, reports of the sect in each of the dioceses listed above had presumably been received. It is likely that the Family of Love was much larger than the surviving evidence reveals. Familism, as the proclamation suggests, was also thought to involve the threat of social revolution. In a series of letters which Rogers later published, one Familist writer stated thatI had rather heare an honest poore mans report truly spoken, than a rich credible mans that is a Iyerand quoted Scripture to emphasize the point: ‘The Lorde preferueth the simple.’ Views like this were dangerously disrespectful, and implied social insubordination.

Abstract. As host to several world-class sediment-hosted Pb–Zn deposits and unknown quantities of conventional and unconventional gas, the variably inverted 1730–1640 Ma Calvert and 1640–1575 Ma Isa superbasins of northern Australia have been the subject of numerous seismic reflection studies with a view to better understanding basin architecture and fluid migration pathways. These studies reveal a structural architecture common to inverted sedimentary basins the world over, including much younger examples known to be prospective for oil and gas in the North Sea and elsewhere, with which they might be usefully compared. Such comparisons lend themselves to suggestions that the mineral and petroleum systems in Paleo–Mesoproterozoic northern Australia may have spatially, if not temporally overlapped and shared a common tectonic driver, consistent with the observation that basinal sequences hosting Pb–Zn mineralization in northern Australia are bituminous or abnormally enriched in hydrocarbons. Sediment-hosted Pb–Zn mineralization coeval with basin inversion first occurred during the 1650–1640 Ma Riversleigh Tectonic Event towards the close of the Calvert Superbasin with further pulses taking place during and subsequent to the onset of the 1620–1580 Ma Isa Orogeny and final closure of the Isa Superbasin. Mineralization is typically hosted by the post-rift or syn-inversion fraction of basin fill, contrary to existing interpretations of Pb–Zn ore genesis where the ore-forming fluids are introduced during the rifting or syn-extensional phase of basin development. Mineralizing fluids were instead expelled upwards during times of crustal shortening into structural and/or chemical traps developing in the hangingwalls of inverted normal faults. Inverted normal faults predominantly strike NNW and ENE, giving rise to a complex architecture of compartmentalized sub-basins whose individual uplifted basement blocks and doubly plunging periclinal folds exerted a strong control not only on the distribution and preservation of potential trap rocks but the direction of fluid flow, culminating in the co-location and trapping of mineralizing and hydrocarbon fluids in the same carbonaceous rocks. An important case study is the 1575 Ma Century Pb–Zn deposit where the carbonaceous host rocks served as both a reductant and basin seal during the influx of more oxidized mineralizing fluids, forcing the latter to give up their Pb and Zn metal. A transpressive tectonic regime in which basin inversion and mineralization were paired to folding, uplift, and erosion during arc–continent or continent–continent collision, and accompanied by orogen-parallel extensional collapse and strike-slip faulting best accounts for the observed relationships.

Introduction. The relevance of the study is due to the expediency of implementing intersectoral interaction on public health protection in the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic with an impact on health determinants that haven’t been sufficiently studied. The aim of the work is to study the list and significance of health determinants in the conditions of a pandemic of a new coronavirus infection (COVID-19). Material and methods. An expert survey of forty nine healthcare managers was conducted. The criteria for the selection of experts included management experience in the field of health protection, the level of self-assessment of competence, and congruence of opinions. The list and significance of determinants of health in the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic were compared with the data obtained before its occurrence. Results. The list of health determinants that are sufficiently significant for the COVID-19 pandemic was established to include the same 37 factors as without it. However, important differences were identified. The significance of most determinants of health (64.9%) in a pandemic exceeds the borderline level of 7.0 points on a 10-point scale, that is, significant (without a pandemic - 16.2%). At the same time, priority factors determining the health of the population are widely represented in all groups of determinants and among non-group ones (without a pandemic - only in the “Lifestyle” group and “heredity” determinant). The consequence was that during a pandemic, the significance of 70.3% of the determinants of health statistically significantly exceeds that of the same factors without it, the opposite picture was recorded only in relation to 5.4% of the factors (the rest don’t differ). Limitations. In the study of the determinants of health in the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic, the opinion of healthcare managers whose quantitative and qualitative parameters meet the requirements for experts was evaluated. Conclusion. The data obtained expand the understanding of the scientific apparatus for implementing health-saving activities in the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Summary The earliest Netherlandic lexicographical works were not only strongly influenced by foreign vocabularies and dictionaries, but they also strongly influenced lexicography abroad. Adaptations of the earliest vocabularies, which mainly aimed at the learning of Latin, were produced in various countries, with the vernacular language adapted to the idiom of each country. In German speaking regions originated for instance the Vocabularius Ex quo (ca. 1400), the Liber Vagatorum> (ca. 1509) and the Synonymorum Collectanea (1513) of Hieronymus Cingularius (ca. 1464–1558), and in Italian speaking regions the polyglot Dilucidissimus Dictionarius (1477 Introito e porta), which afterwards in the Netherlands were provided with a Netherlandic text. In the middle of the 16th century Netherlandic lexicography was strongly influenced by the already modern looking, in a humanistic spirit fashioned and very copious dictionaries of the Italian Ambrosius Calepinus (ca. 1440–1510) and the Frenchman Robert Estienne (1503–1559). But it is also true that several Netherlandic lexicographical works were adapted into other languages. There are for instance German adaptations of the Latin-Netherlandic vocabularies Gemmula Vocabulorum (1484), Vocabularius Optimus (1495), Dictionarium Gemmagemmarum (1511) and Curia Palacium (ca. 1477–85), of the topical dictionary of Petrus Apherdianus (ca. 1520–1580) and of the conversation book of Simon Verepaeus (1522–1598), there are German and Czech adaptations of the topical dictionary of Johannes Murmellius (1480–1517) and German and English adaptations of the synonym dictionary of Simon Pelegromius (ca. 1507–1572). In the Netherlands originated polyglot works, such as the Vocabulare (ca. 1530) of Noel de Berlaimont (died 1531), the Nomenclator (1567) of Hadrianus Junius (1511–1575), as well as the Calepinus Pentaglottos (1545), experienced a large international diffusion. This survey suggests that the initial phase of lexicography in Western and Central European languages can only be adequately understood if seen within an international context.

In German-speaking lands until the 1580s, Italian secular vocal music was mainly cultivated by a narrow elite of aristocrats and merchants who valued its exclusivity. Yet some German patriots – teachers, clergy and humanists – regarded such foreign imports as emasculating luxuries that would corrupt their national character. This article examines four collections of contrafacta of Italian villanellas and madrigals that were published in Erfurt and have been neglected by modern scholars: the Cantiones suavissimae (1576 and 1580), Primus liber suavissimas praestantissimorum nostrae aetatis artificum Italianorum cantilenas (1587) and Amorum filii Dei decades duae (1598). According to the prefatory material of these anthologies, their editors were motivated by a patriotic agenda of purifying Italian secular song and by a Lutheran belief in the intrinsic holiness of music. This article provides the first comprehensive identification of the originals of the contrafacta, showing that the latest Italian secular repertory travelled as speedily to Thuringian towns as to the better-known publishing centre of Nuremberg. The process of transformation in the contrafacta is discussed, including examples where church officials ruled that the change of text was insufficient to cleanse the tunes of their lascivious connotations.

Ο αναγεννησιακός χάρτης αποτελεί ταυτόχρονα εργαλείο γνώσης και αντικείμενο αισθητικής απόλαυσης. Με τη διπλή τους γνωστική και αισθητική ιδιότητα, οι ζωγραφισμένοι χάρτες λειτουργούν ως οπτικά εργαλεία που καθιστούν δυνατή τη σύνδεση του αόρατου με το ορατό και, ταυτοχρόνως, ως καλλιτεχνήματα που επιτρέπουν τη μετατροπή του φυσικού δημιουργήματος σε ανθρώπινο επινόημα και κατασκεύασμα. Οι δύο αυτές λειτουργίες εμφανίζονται αλληλένδετες στα θεωρητικά κείμενα της εποχής. Οι φορητοί ζωγραφισμένοι χάρτες αποτελούν μέρος της παράδοσης των ζωγραφισμένων χαρτών. Συνδέονται με την παραγωγή αυτοτελών χαρτών σε περγαμηνή (πορτολάνοι και mappaemundi), κυρίως όμως με την παραγωγή τοιχογραφη μένων χαρτών, των οποίων μετατρέπουν τη δημόσια λειτουργία σε ιδιωτική. Οι ζωγραφισμένοι χάρτες έλκουν την καταγωγή τους από τη μικρογραφική τοπογραφική παράδοση. Στο πλαίσιο της παράδοσης αυτής, ο χάρτης καθίσταται σταδιακά ένα συμπληρωματικό εργαλείο ανάγνωσης και κατανόησης του κειμένου, έως ότου αυτονομηθεί από το κείμενο και αποβεί ξεχωριστό, αυτοτελές αντικείμενο. Η κατοχή και η έκθεση φορητών ζωγραφισμένων χαρτών, προσέλαβε σημαντικές διαστάσεις κατά τον 15ο και τον 16ο αιώνα, όπως προκύπτει από τις απογραφές της κινητής περιουσίας ηγεμόνων, πατρικίων, αξιωματούχων αλλά και πληβείων σε διάφορα κέντρα της Αναγέννησης (Φλωρεντία, Βενετία, Μοδένα, Μάντοβα, Άμστερνταμ αλλά και στις αυλές της Αγγλίας, της Γαλλίας και της Ουγγαρίας). Ανάμεσα στα χαρακτηριστικά της παραγωγής φορητών ζωγραφισμένων χαρτών σημαντικότερα είναι το εμπορικό ενδιαφέρον που παρουσίαζαν, οι μεγαλύτερες καλλιτεχνικές τους δυνατότητες (χρωματισμός, αντοχή υλικών), η ευελιξία στην έκθεση και η διασφάλιση των απόρρητων τοπογραφικών πληροφοριών. Η παράδοση των φορητών ζωγραφισμένων χαρτών επέδρασε στη χρήση των έντυπων χαρτών (επιχρωματισμός και έκθεση). Ο χάρτης της Ελλάδας του Μουσείου Μπενάκη με αρ. ευρ. 33115 (εικ. 2), είναι ανυπόγραφος και αχρονολόγητος. Είναι ζωγραφισμένος με τέμπερα σε ξύλο, έχει διαστάσεις 110 x 88 εκ. και δωρίθηκε στο μουσείο από την Η. Kecveis-Tobler το 1997. Το έργο σχετίζεται με τον χάρτη της Ελλάδας στη Guardaroba των Μεδίκων, τον πρώτο αναγεννησιακό κύκλο ζωγραφισμένων χαρτών που επιμελήθηκαν ο Ignazio Danti (1563-1575) και ο Stefano Buonsignori (1576-1586). Τον χάρτη της Ελλάδας στη Guardaroba φιλοτέχνησε ο Stefano Buonsignori το 1585 (εικ. 3). Τα δύο έργα στηρίζονται στην ανανεωμένη πτολεμάίκή χαρτογραφία της Ελλάδας, ιδίως την ιταλική (Giacomo Gastaldi, 1548-1560) (εικ. 4) που ενσωματώνει δεδομένα και τεχνικές από την παραγωγή των ναυτικών χαρτών-πορτολάνων της βενετικής ιδίως σχολής (Γεώργιος Σιδερής) (εικ. 5). Οι διαφορές μεταξύ των δύο έργων εντοπίζονται στην απόκλιση στον υπολογισμό των μεσημβρινών, στην απουσία μαρτελογίου στον ελληνικό χάρτη, σε διαφορές στην τοπωνυμία, τη θέση και τον διάκοσμο του επίτιτλου κοσμήματος (που δανείζεται στοιχεία από άλλον χάρτη του ίδιου κύκλου (εικ. 6-7), όπως και γενικότερα στον διάκοσμο των χαρτών. Το αθηναϊκό έργο ακολουθεί διακοσμητικές πρακτικές που συναντάμε σε έναν άλλο μεγάλο κύκλο χαρτογραφικής διακόσμησης, τη Στοά των Γεωγραφικών Χαρτών στο Βατικανό (1579-1581), που επιμελήθηκε ο Egnazio Danti (εικ. 8-9). Οι διαφορές αυτές επιτρέπουν να υποθέσουμε ότι το έργο αντιγράφηκε επιτόπου, και ενδεχομένως πριν ολοκληρωθεί ο χαρτογραφικός διάκοσμος της Guardaroba. Ο χάρτης της Κέρκυρας της Συλλογής Κυριαζοπούλου (εικ. 10) είναι και αυτός ανυπόγραφος και αχρονολόγητος, ζωγραφισμένος με την τεχνική της τέμπερας σε ξύλο, και διαστάσεων 35,7 x 38 εκ. Πρόκειται για ένα μικρότερο έργο, με αρκετές φθορές, το οποίο στηρίζεται στον χάρτη-τοιχογραφία της Κέρκυρας, που περιλαμβάνεται στη Στοά των Γεωγραφικών Χαρτών του Βατικανού (εικ. 11-12), τη χαρτογραφική ευθύνη της οποίας είχε ο δομινικανός Egnazio Danti, κοσμογράφος του πάπα από το 1580 και μετά. Ο χάρτης της Κέρκυρας της Συλλογής Κυριαζοπούλου στηρίζεται στον βατικανό χάρτη χωρίς να τον αντιγράφει. Από αυτόν κρατά τις γεωγραφικές συντεταγμένες, το περίγραμμα και τον προσανατολισμό του νησιού, τη βινιέτα με την αναπαράσταση της πόλης της Κέρκυρας (εικ. 13-14), το χαρακτηριστικό σε όλα τα έργα της Στοάς ανεμολόγιο και τον ειδικό εικαστικό χειρισμό της θάλασσας που περιβάλλει το νησί. Οι διαφορές, πέρα από τη διακόσμηση, εστιάζονται κυρίως στο ανάγλυφο και τον χρωματισμό του χάρτη. Ο κατασκευαστής του χάρτη της Συλλογής Κυριαζοπούλου εμφανίζεται περισσότερο ενημερωμένος ως προς την ορθότερη εκφορά των τοπωνυμίων του νησιού. Η χαρτογράφηση στηρίζεται στους έντυπους χάρτες του νησιού που κυκλοφόρησαν από τα βενετικά τυπογραφεία κατά την περίοδο 1565-1575, ιδιαιτέρως τον χάρτη του G. Fr. Camocio (περ. 1571) (εικ. 15). Τα δυο έργα των ελληνικών συλλογών σχετίζονται μεταξύ τους, όπως και με τα υπόλοιπα έργα των μεγάλων χαρτογραφικών κύκλων της Φλωρεντίας και του Βατικανού. Η συνάφεια είναι αισθητή τόσο στο επίπεδο της αισθητικής, όσο και σε εκείνο της τεχνοτροπίας και της χαρτογραφικής εκτέλεσης. Ο κοινός χρωματισμός των χαρτών, το κοινό χέρι των τοπωνυμικών εγγραφών —ακόμη και στις λεπτομέρειες του καλλιγραφικού χειρισμού τους-, τα κοινά διακοσμητικά μοτίβα με πλοία και θαλάσσια κοίτη μέχρι τα δάνεια κοσμημάτων και τεχνοτροπιών από άλλα σύγχρονα έργα των ίδιων κύκλων, όλα υποδηλώνουν την ύπαρξη ενός συγκεκριμένου εργαστηρίου παραγωγής ζωγραφισμένων χαρτών, το οποίο —στο περιθώριο των μεγάλων εργασιών χαρτογραφικής διακόσμησης που αναλάμβανε- παρήγαγε και αυτοτελή φορητά αντίγραφα. Η πρακτική αυτή συνεχίστηκε πιθανότατα από άλλους καλλιτέχνες αργότερα, όταν πλέον οι κοσμογραφικές αίθουσες είχαν ολοκληρωθεί και οι καλλιτέχνες τους είχαν σκορπιστεί σε άλλα μέρη. Πρόκειται για μια διαδικασία διάχυσης των έργων: η παραγωγή φορητών αντιγράφων ανανέωνε την παλαιά παράδοση κατοχής και έκθεσης ζωγραφισμένων φορητών χαρτών και ανταποκρινόταν στις επιθυμίες των καλλιεργημένων και εύπορων κοινωνικών elites της Ιταλίας του φθίνοντος 16ου και του 17ου αιώνα, που αποζητούσαν φορητά ζωγραφισμένα ενθύμια από τις λαμπρές κοσμογραφικές αίθουσες του Βατικανού ή της Φλωρεντίας. Η κατοχή και η έκθεση ζωγραφισμένων χαρτών, όπως οι δύο που μας απασχολούν εδώ, αποσκοπούσε να προσδώσει αίγλη και κύρος στους κατόχους, να υπαινιχθεί τον κοσμοπολιτισμό και τον πατριωτισμό τους, τις γνώσεις και τη γεωγραφική τους ενημέρωση. Επιπλέον, οι φορητοί ζωγραφισμένοι χάρτες, καθώς παρέπεμπαν στα συστήματα πανσοφίας των κοσμογραφικών αιθουσών, υπαινίσσονταν ότι οι κάτοχοι τους ήταν σε επαφή με τις εξέχουσες πολιτικές και διανοητικές κοινότητες που είχαν τη δυνατότητα της εποπτικής θεώρησης αλλά και της διαχείρισης του κόσμου.

AbstractIn 1625 the Monastery of St. John's in Haarlem, which housed the local Order of the Knights of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (Hospitallers), was dissolved. The property, including a large collection of paintings, passed to the City of Haarlem, which claimed all the monasteries in the district of Haarlen as compensation for damage sustairted during the siege and rebellion against Spain. In the monastery's archives, now in the Haarlem Municipal Archives, memorial panels are menizoned fourteen times. Nine of thern occur in three inventories of 1573, one in a testament of 1574 and the rest in the Commander's accounts of 1572, 1573 and 1574. In the case of six of the thirteen items there is no description of the representation at all; one is simply said to depict a number of persons. Four of the six other items are Passion representations. Like The Last Judgment, such themes are in keeping with the functiort of a memorial panel. The description of one epitaph as 'in laudem artis musiccs' is not sufficiently clear to give an idea of the representation. More information is available as to the patrons or commemorated persons. All of them seem to have been members of the Order of St. John: four panels were memorials to commanders, three to ordinary hospitallers and one painting commemorated the founder of the monastery. All were priests. Nothing in the archives suggests that the church contained memorials to non-members of the order. This must nonetheless have been the case: a 'Liber- memoriarum' compiled in 1570 indicates that numerous memorial services were held for the laity, many of whom apparently chose St. John's as their last resting-place. It is thus highly likely that memorials for these worshippers were placed in the church. A 1572 inventory of St. John's Monastery makes no mention of memorial panels, probably because the contents of the church were not listed. After the monastery had been destroyed during the siege of Haarlem, three inventories were drawn up: one of the ruined monastery, one of the items - mainly paintings which were moved to Utrecht, and one of the property taken to the Sint Adriaansdoelen, the temporary home of the order after the destruction of the monastery. Only in these three inventories are epitaphs mentioned. The inventories of 1580 and 1606 were drawn up by order of the City, the claimant to the mortastery's propery. They make no mention of private possessions, not even those of the members of the Order. The 1625 inventory, drawn up after the death of the last inmate, only mentiorts the painting that was bought by the convent to be placed on the grave of its founder. Epitaphs which were not orderend by the convent were probably regarded as private property, and passed to the heirs prior to 1625. Exact dates cannot be ascertained. The author has identified two epitaphs and a painting coming from St. John's. It is not clear whether the small painting of Mary, her cousin Elizabeth and Commander Jan Willem Jansz. (1484-1514) (Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Weimar) is (part of) an epitaph or a devotional painting (ill. 2). The 1572 inventory mentions a picture of Jan Willem. It is not described, but the painting in Weimar is a likely candidate because of its small size (72 x 50). The 1573 inventory of the property in the Adriaansdoelen lists a wing of the epitaph of 'Heer Jan', but again, the representation is not described. The 17thcentury genealogist Opt Straeten van der Moelen described the four family coats of arms on the painting, but said nothing about the representation or where he saw it. It was possible to identify the Hospitaller in the Weimar work because of the armorial shield hanging on a tree behind the kneeling figure. The arms correspond with what Opt Straeten van der Moelen described as the arms of the Hospitaller's father, and with a wax impression of Jan Willem Jansz.'s arms (ill. 1) on a document of 1494, now in the Haarlem Municipal Archive. The date and painter of the picture are not known. In the series of portraits of the Commanders of St. John's Monastery in Haarlem (Frans Hals Museum) is a second portrait of Jan Willem. In this, the seventeenth portrait in the series (ill. 3), he is grey-haired, in contrast to the Weimar painting, in which he is depicted with black hair. Jan Willem Jansz. was born in about 1450. In 1484 he was elected Commander of the order, a function which he held until his death in 1514. The Bowes Museum, Durham, owns a triptych of an Entombment (ills. 4 and 5). On the middle panel is a kneeling Knight Hospitaller; on each of the side panels are four persons, arranged in pairs. One of them, on the right wing, is another member of the Order. Coats of arms can be seen on the prie-dieu's behind which three of the four couples kneel, and on the back of the panels (ill. 6). Comparison of these arms with the one on the seal of Philips van Hogesteyn, Commander of the Order frorn 1571 to 1574, suggests that this is his epitaph (ill. 7). The memorial panel is mentioned in the 1573 inventory of property in the Adriaansdoelen. In 1570, before becoming prior of the monastery, Philips had a 'Liber memoriarum' compiled which contained the names of his grandparents and parents. His grandmother came from the Van Arkel family, whose arms bore two opposing embattled bars. This coal of arms facilitated identification of the couples on the left wing. The grandparents are kneeling behind the last prie-dieu - the Van Arkel arms are on the heraldic left of the shield. In front of them are Philips van Hogesteyn's parents. It is harder to establish the identity of the people on the right wing, but the couple kneeling behind the prie-dieu are very likely Philips' brother and sister-in-law. The woman behind them could be his sister. The brother and sister are mentioned in his will, which he made in 1568. However, it is not clear who the Hospitaller on this panel is. It could be an unknown member of the family, but it is also possible that Philips van Hogesteyn was depicted in the triplych twice, first simply as a member of the family on one wing and again, later on in life, on the middle panel as the most important patron. Besides this painted epitaph, an elegy on Philips van Hogesteyn, written bij Cornelys Schonaeus, headmaster of the Latin school in Haarlem, has been preserved. This poem only mentions the effigy of the late Philips in front of the 'worthy reader' - not a word about his family. The 1572 inventory lists two separate portraits of Philips. It is not known where he was buried, nor has it been possible to establish whether his epitaph, with or without the elegy, or a portrait plus an elegy were ever placed on his grave. The painter is not mentioned by name anywhere either. Philips van Hogesteyn took holy orders in 1553. Assuming that he was 17 years old when he joined the Order of St. John, he would have entered the monastery in 1544. If this assumption is correct and he is portrayed twice on the triplych, it could have been painted any time from 1544 on. The reason for the commission must remain unanswered. In the Catharijneconvent Museum in Utrechl is a triptych with a Crucifixion. On the left wing is a kneeling man in a chasuble and stole, and on the right wing a Hospitaller (ill. 8). Today the outsides of the panels are empty. In the catalogue of an exhibition of North-Netherlandish painting and sculpture before 1575, held in 1913, however, the vestiges of the armorial shields -- four on each panel - are mentioned. Apparently this is an epitaph for a member of the Oem van Wijngaarden family, brought to Utrecht in 1573. The Hospitaller is Tieleman Oem van Wijngaarden, who was living in St. John's Monastery in Haarlem at the beginning of the 16th century and died in 1518 person on the right-hand panel appears to be Dirk van Raaphorst -- also known as Dirk van Noordwijk. The Utrecht triptych is identified here as the Van Wijngaarden epitaph from St. John's Monastery despite the fact that the description of shield I on the right-hand panel does not point towards the Oem van Wijngaarden family. Thanks to the fourth shield on the same panel, still in fairly good condition in 1913, it was possible, by dint of invenstigating Tieleman's family, to establish him as the person portrayed on the right-hand panel (see Appendix II). Dirk van Raaphorst of Noordwijk was a canon of St. Pancras' Church in Leiden. He probably owed the name 'van Raaphorst of Noordwijk' to the fact that he was called after his maternal grandfather. For the same reason, the armorial shields on the back of the lefthand panel are not arranged in the usual manner but inverted, i being the mother's arms, II the father's (see also Appendix III). Dirk van Noordwijk was a nephew of Tieleman Oem van Wijngaarden (see Appendix IV). He died in 1502. In 15 18 Tieleman was buried in the same grave in the church of St. John's Monastery. This memorial panel, too, prompts several questions. It is not clear why distant relatives, whose deaths moreover were sixteen years apart, were commemorated on the same panel. Neither the painter nor the dale of the triptych is known. However, perhaps the source of Tieleman's portrait can be established (fig.9). The features in this portrait bear a marked resemblance to those in the portrait of the Hospitaller on the Van Wijngaarden epitaph in Utrecht. Despite publications on individual North-Netherlandish memorial panels, no scholarly examination of the total number of known pieces has yet been initiated. The author is preparing such an examination, which may yield more insight into the customs pertaining to the corramemoration of the dead and the place accupied by memorial panels.

Pages 1571–1580: A.D. Rogol, A. Weltman, J.Y. Weltman, R.L. Seip, D.B. Snead, S. Levine, E.M. Haskvitz, D.L. Thompson, R. Schurrer, E. Dowling, J. Walberg-Rankin, W.S. Evans, and J.D. Veldhuis. “Durability of the reproductive axis in eumenorrheic women during 1 yr of endurance training.” Page 1574: Some of the data in Table 2 need further explanation. The values for the integrated serum progesterone and estradiol concentrations in the control group at PO-I appear very different from those of the runners. These were measured at a different institution as part of another study; therefore we did not make the usual statistical comparisons. Page 1575: Table 3 should read as follows:

AbstractThe greatest propagator of the reformation among the Romanians was István Geleji Katona (1589–1649). He had a good relationship with the teachers from Herborn (Philipp Ludwig Piscator, 1575–1629, Johann Heinrich Alsted, 1588–1638, and Johann Heinrich Bisterfeld 1605–1655) invited to the Academicum Collegium seu Gymnazium Illustre in Gyulafehérvár by Transylvanian princes Gábor Bethlen (1580–1629) and György Rákóczi I (1593–1648). All of them represented an irenic attitude and they wanted to convert to the Reformation not only the Greek Orthodox Romanians but the Islamic Turkish people as well. The study shows the activity of this intellectual circle in Gyulafehérvár – as a result of this activity The New Testament was published in Romanian language in 1648, and the Book of Psalms in 1651.

The article examines Genoese responses to plague during the old regime. Much like the Venetian, the Genoese ruling class understood the nexus between plague, poverty, and famine, and how these, in turn, tied in with political unrest. Some of the Republic’s main political and diplomatic crises were indeed followed by severe outbreaks of plague. Thus, the 1528 plague marked the proclamation of the oligarchic Republic, as a Spanish protectorate, masterminded by Andrea Doria, whereas the 1579-1580 plague closed the civil wars (a struggle of the old patriciate against an alliance of the new patriciate with the popular faction, 1575-1576). While the plague that swept through northern Italy in 1628-1630 narrowly missed Genoa, it became a metaphor with Genoese political thinkers for the narrowly escaped annexation of the Republic by Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy (who died of plague in his encampment, together with scores of the heretics on his payroll). The 1656-1657 epidemic was the most severe in the Genoese old regime, capping an acute political and jurisdictional crisis with Rome and with archbishop Stefano Durazzo. Remarkable documents of this enduring state of conflict are the prayer composed by Paolo Foglietta (poet and brother to Oberto, who was a leader in the civil wars and later a historian of the Republic) invoking an end to the 1579-1580 epidemic, and the anonymous preghiera repubblicana (held at the Vatican Apostolic Archive) which the government of the Republic included in the official religious liturgy in response to a heated jurisdictional crisis with the Holy See (1605-1607). Rome ordered archbishop Orazio Spinola to have the prayer banned, but the ‘Collegi’ of the Republic attempted to have it reinstated following the 1656-1657 plague. D. Fiasella, La peste a Genova, Courtesy of Archivio Fotografico Fondazione Franzoni, ETS – Genova