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Journal articles on the topic '1603 Demography'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 January 2023

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Backhouse, Marcel F. "The strangers at work in sandwich: Native envy of an industrious minority 1561–1603." Immigrants & Minorities 10, no. 3 (November 1991): 70–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.1991.9974767.

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2

Jones, Sue. "'Big Data' and Parish Registers: a Case Study of Mortality in Early Modern Non-Metropolitan Surrey." Local Population Studies 107 (2021): 12–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35488/lps107.2021.12.

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This article uses aggregate analysis of parish registers to consider mortality in the early modern period. Based on a case study of the majority of the historical county of Surrey between about 1550 and 1750, it explores the nature and geographical distribution of mortality crises and seasonal patterns of mortality in normal, non-crisis, times. For the former it focusses mainly on two crises only a few years apart but with different causes, the dearth of the late 1590s and an outbreak of plague in 1603.

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3

Evans, Charles M., and Angela E. Evans. "Plague – a disease of children and servants? A study of the parish records of St Peter upon Cornhill, London from 1580 to 1605." Continuity and Change 34, no. 2 (July 15, 2019): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416019000158.

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AbstractA study of the parish records of St Peter upon Cornhill in London from 1580 to 1605 revealed that children suffered a greater increase in mortality than adults in the plague years of 1593 and 1603, and servants accounted for the majority of deaths within the 15–24 age group. Some family groups avoided the plague altogether, others suffered a single burial, however in some cases, individuals within the same family household were buried within a short period of each other. The epidemiological pattern is complex and is moderated by social and demographic networks. Comparisons are made with modern epidemics caused by Yersinia pestis.

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4

Houdaille, Jacques. "La noblesse française 1600-1900." Population (French Edition) 44, no. 3 (May 1989): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1533415.

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5

Houdaille, Jacques. "La noblesse française avant 1600." Population (French Edition) 45, no. 6 (November 1990): 1070. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1533566.

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6

Dubert, Isidro. "La mortalité en Galice, 1600-1850." Annales de démographie historique 1996, no. 1 (1996): 221–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/adh.1996.1919.

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7

Thomsen, T., M. Aadahl, M. L. Hetland, and B. A. Esbensen. "SAT0606-HPR HOW DO THE PATIENTS THAT DECLINE TO PARTICIPATE IN A LIFESTYLE INTERVENTION STUDY DIFFER FROM THOSE WHO ACCEPT? A REGISTER-BASED CROSS-SECTIONAL STUDY." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 79, Suppl 1 (June 2020): 1263.2–1263. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2020-eular.4154.

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Background:A recently conducted randomized controlled trial (Joint Resources Sedentary Behavior Intervention study (JR-SB)) aimed to reduce sedentary behavior and increase light-intensity physical activity in patients with rheumatoid arthritis (RA). Patients were recruited from a rheumatology outpatient clinic and the intervention consisted of three motivational counselling sessions followed by text message reminders. The results showed highly significant between-group differences on behavioral, patient-reported and cardio-metabolic outcomes, both on a short- and long-term basis (1;2). Since a relatively large fraction (58%) of invited patients initially declined to participate in the trial, we decided to explore if and how the declining patients differed from the included patients. The findings may inform which patient characteristics to consider in implementing a lifestyle intervention in clinical practice.Objectives:To compare socio-demographic, clinical and lifestyle factors between included patients and patients declining to participate in the JR-SB study at the time where study inclusion commenced.Methods:We conducted a retrospective register-based cross-sectional study. All patients with RA, who had been invited to participate in the JR-SB study during 2013-2014 were identified in the DANBIO registry. Patients’ clinical and lifestyle data were also retrieved from DANBIO while data on socio-demography was extracted from Statistics Denmark. Differences between participants and decliners were determined by an independent t-test or chi-square test.Results:Of invited patients (n=801), a total of 467 (58%) declined participation in the JR-SB study during 2013-2014. See Table 1 for characteristics and comparison of participants and decliners.Table 1.Participants’ and decliners’ characteristics; (n (%) unless otherwise stated)Participants(n=150)Decliners(n=467)P-value(x2)Women121 (80.7)358 (76.7)0.30Age (years), mean (SD)58.5 (11.7)60.8 (12.9)0.045aLiving with partner96 (64)293 (62.7)0.78Working57 (38)157 (33.6)0.15RA duration (years), mean (SD)13.8 (11.1)13.7 (10.8)0.92aPain (VAS), mean (SD)34.4 (21.8)29.1 (24.5)0.046aFatigue (VAS), mean (SD)44.2 (26.0)39.5 (28.4)0.14aSmoking(n=61)27 (44.2)(n=220)130 (59.1)0.041Regular exercise (min 1-2 times/week)(n=29)23 (79.3)(n=89)50 (56.2)0.026VAS – Visual Analogue ScaleNumbers in bold indicate the total number of responders on smoking and exercise statusaDetermined by an independent t-testConclusion:Patients who declined to participate in a randomized controlled trial aiming at reducing sedentary behavior were often smokers, had less regular exercise habits and were older than those who accepted to participate. This indicates that the intervention did not appeal to all patients with RA. The findings should be considered in the implementation of lifestyle interventions in clinical rheumatology practice.References:[1]Thomsen T et al. Ann Rheum Dis 2017 Sep;76(9):1603-6.[2]Thomsen T, et al. Arthritis Care Res (Hoboken) 2019 Sep 10.Disclosure of Interests:Tanja Thomsen: None declared, Mette Aadahl: None declared, Merete L. Hetland Grant/research support from: BMS, MSD, AbbVie, Roche, Novartis, Biogen and Pfizer, Consultant of: Eli Lilly, Speakers bureau: Orion Pharma, Biogen, Pfizer, CellTrion, Merck and Samsung Bioepis, Bente Appel Esbensen: None declared

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8

Deb Roy, Rama. "Glimpses on the history of Calcutta, 1600-1800." Annales de démographie historique 1988, no. 1 (1989): 243–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/adh.1989.1718.

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9

Kennedy, Liam, Kerby A. Miller, and Brian Gurrin. "ULSTER: Communal Conflict and Demographic Change, 1600-2010." International Journal of Diversity in Organizations, Communities, and Nations: Annual Review 10, no. 2 (2010): 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9532/cgp/v10i02/39852.

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10

Houston, Robert Allan, and Charles W. J. Withers. "Population mobility in Scotland and Europe, 1600-1900 : a comparative perspective." Annales de démographie historique 1990, no. 1 (1990): 285–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/adh.1990.1772.

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11

Brezgunova, Viktoria. "Cherkas number changes dynamics in the Voronezh Region in 1630–1680s." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 182 (2019): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-182-201-208.

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The relevance of this study is due to the recent increased interest in the political, social, economic and demographic processes that took place in the frontier region of South Russia in the 17th century, which included the Voronezh Region. Its territory was involved in large scale demo-graphic processes, there was a settlement and development of edge lands. In the late 1630s, the government placed cherkassys in the Voronezh Region, which later became a part of the military population. Based on the sources, we study the dynamics of changes in the number of cherkassy contingent of the region in the 1630–1680s, and reveal that their number during this period under-went significant changes. We consider the main factors that could make an influence on the cher-kassy number in the region, one of which, for example, could be the resettlement of cherkassy in neighboring regions. Also, the dynamics of changes in the cherkassy number in Voronezh Region in the 1630–1680s, presented in this study, on the one hand, systematize the data sources and literature that relate to this aspect; on the other hand, it can be further used by researchers to compare with other categories of service population of the region, as well as to study the demography in this period.

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12

Watkins, Susan Cotts. "The Demographic History of the Philadelphia Region 1600-1860." Population Studies 45, no. 1 (March 1991): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000145316.

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13

Loza, Carmen Beatriz. "Du bon usage des quipus face à l'administration coloniale espagnole (1550-1600)." Population (French Edition) 53, no. 1/2 (January 1998): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1534240.

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14

Spohnholz, Jesse. "Calvinism and Religious Exile During the Revolt of the Netherlands (1568–1609)." Immigrants & Minorities 32, no. 3 (June 14, 2013): 235–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.2013.802868.

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15

Courbage, Youssef. "Le facteur démographique dans la marche de l'Irlande vers la partition (1607-1921)." Population (French Edition) 51, no. 6 (November 1996): 1129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1534381.

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16

L., C. B., Joan Serafí Bernat I. Marti, Miquel Ángel Badanes Martin, Joan Serafi Bernat I. Marti, and Miquel Angel Badanes Martin. "Crecimiento de la población valenciana. Análisis y presentación de los censos demográficos (1609-1857)." Population (French Edition) 50, no. 2 (March 1995): 500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1534203.

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17

Thane, Pat. "The Changing Legal Regulation of Cohabitation. From Fornicators to Family, 1600–2010." Population Studies 67, no. 2 (May 3, 2013): 246–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00324728.2013.788320.

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18

Fuchs, Lawrence H. "Book Review: Asylum for Mankind: America, 1607–1800." International Migration Review 34, no. 1 (March 2000): 282–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791830003400117.

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19

Smajić, Ramiza. "Iseljavanje kršćana iz Bosanskog ejaleta (1683-1718)." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.17.

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The end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th century was marked by radical changes on the demographic map of the Bosnian Eyalet as a serhat of the Ottoman state. In addition to mass migrations of the Muslim population from the lost Ottoman territories towards the interior of the Bosnian Eyalet, there were also continuous movements of the Christian population in the opposite direction. The paper follows the movements of some groups of Christians, mainly those who respond to the bishop's call to settle the desolate areas around Pécs, Szeged, Baja and the surrounding area, but also the migration of other non-Muslim populations towards the Venetian territory, as well as migrations to the „Imperial lands“ due to various political, economic and other factors. While the Venetian government encouraged, with money and investiture, the people to bring families to Dalmatia, and the Austrian government received petitions from the priests of Bosnian monasteries about the difficult situation of Catholics, the Ottoman government throughout that time undertook activities to stop defections, therefore, the paper describes some of the procedures and the situations themselves. Some authors exaggerate when they say that, for example, between 100 and 200 thousand Catholics left Bosnia. The paper shows that according to some reports, 74 thousand Catholics lived in Bosnia before 1683, and 25 thousand half a century later. This is an acceptable number of emigrant Catholics compared to the exaggerations of some chroniclers. An important part of the work is the knowledge obtained from sources, who actually are the non-Muslims that go across the border from the interior and from the borders of the Bosnian Eyalet. Ottoman sources usually refer to both Catholics and Orthodox by the name „kefere“ (a collective noun denoting the non-Muslim population in general). For the Ottoman administration, the most important thing is that it is a category of non-Muslims in order to tax them according to that category. Due to such a situation, it is difficult to give a definitive number of Catholics or Orthodox in a certain period according to Ottoman sources. In the paper, we provide a limited analysis of the case according to some unpublished sources, so it can be seen how many Christians, heads of the household, remained in a certain area. Often, however, it is not possible to know whether they are Orthodox or Catholics, because there are no priests among them. Names are often a problem, too, because patronymics are rare, and names can be tied to a nomenclature common to both Catholicism and Orthodoxy. From the episcopal and friar reports, it can be seen that in that period, the conversion of Muslims also took place, so among the migrants to the north, for example, there were thousands of new Christians. The cities of Požega, Osijek and Brod also lost their Muslim population and hundreds of Catholics from Sarajevo, Kreševo, Modriča and Vrhbosna are coming to them. Registry books record their origin, especially in the first years of the 18th century. The Orthodox and Catholic population from the Herzegovina Sandžak settles mainly in the Boka Kotorska area. An extensive cadastral census from 1701 shows that among the people there are many who come from places that are not affected by war activities. The Orthodox population from Backa and Baranja goes to Slavonia and Srijem, but also to Ottoman territory. On the territory of the Republic of Dubrovnik, war refugees from the Bosnian ejalet are most often Vlachs, especially during the periods of the Moravian War (1684-1699) and the Venetian-Ottoman War (1714-1718). The Ottoman authorities demanded that these people be delivered to them, and the Dubrovnik authorities formally agreed, but they often helped the people to stay there or to go further by sea.

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20

Caswell, Hal. "Stage, age and individual stochasticity in demography." Oikos 118, no. 12 (December 2009): 1763–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0706.2009.17620.x.

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21

Cross, Gary. "Book Review: Migrant Labour Force in Europe 1600–1900." International Migration Review 22, no. 4 (December 1988): 660–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838802200408.

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22

Brock, William R. "Book Review: Scottish Emigration to Colonial America, 1607–1785." International Migration Review 29, no. 4 (December 1995): 1063. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900414.

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23

Pedron, Stephanie. "Kunal Parker. (2015). Making Foreigners: Immigration and Citizenship Law in America, 1600-2000." Migration Letters 17, no. 4 (July 30, 2020): 559–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i4.995.

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24

Hamelin, Louis-Edmond. "La population totale du Canada depuis 1600." Cahiers de géographie du Québec 9, no. 18 (April 12, 2005): 159–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/020594ar.

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An attempt is made to calculate the population of Canada since the period of discovery. The author bas made a few corrections to official statistics and bas added the figures for Newfoundland (prior to 1949) and for the Indians and Eskimos (prior to 1851). Throughout it is a question of the same territory, that of present-day Canada. Visualized in this fashion, the history of the population of Canada falls into jour periods : 1. 1600-1710 : The total population declined because the slow increase in European immigrants did not compensate for the decrease in numbers of indigenous peoples ; 2. 1710-1775 : The total population grew slowly during this period but, after two centuries of colonisation, Canada remained a land of Indians ; 3. In less than a century the total population soared from 300,000 to 3,000,000 ; never would Canada experience an equally long period characterized by such a high rate of demographic expansion. Canada became British ; 4. The present century bas seen jour demographic periods ; rapid increase took place during two of these periods : 1896-1914 and since 1942. The alternation of rates of growth emphasizes the sensitivity of the Canadian economy to both external and internal events.

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25

Lundberg, Per, Jörgen Ripa, Veijo Kaitala, and Esa Ranta. "Visibility of demography-modulating noise in population dynamics." Oikos 96, no. 2 (February 2002): 379–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1034/j.1600-0706.2002.960219.x.

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26

Tapper, Per-Goran. "Demography of persistent juveniles in Fraxinus excelsior." Ecography 15, no. 4 (October 1992): 385–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0587.1992.tb00048.x.

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27

Didelot, Xavier, and Charles Morris Evans. "London parochial burial records from 1563 to 1665 indicate higher plague death rates for males than females: Some possible demographic and social explanations." PLOS ONE 17, no. 8 (August 5, 2022): e0272278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0272278.

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The burial rates of males and females in early modern central London were compared to investigate a possible bias towards male mortality in the plague years of 1563, 1593, 1603, 1625 and 1665. The burial records of sixteen parishes were examined and compared with the five-year periods immediately preceding each plague year when recorded burials were substantially less. A markedly higher burial rate for males was detected in each plague year but this can be partly attributed to a general preponderance of males in the central London population since there was a similar but lesser bias in non-plague years. In the plague years the difference between the frequency of male and female adult burials appears to have been enhanced by the preferential migration of women of childbearing age out of the city since fewer births were recorded in months when plague was rife. Furthermore, when a sample of households was investigated, husbands were significantly more likely to have been buried than their wives. These findings were largely applicable to the plague years of 1603, 1625 and 1665 but were far less apparent in 1563 and 1593. In general, there were more burials of boys than girls in non-plague years which is the expected consequence of their greater vulnerability to childhood diseases. This difference diminished in plague years so that the burials of girls and boys approached parity at a time when burials of children of both sexes were significantly increased. Possibly, plague did not discriminate between the sexes and this characteristic tended to mask the usual vulnerability of boys.

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28

Friedrichs, Christopher R. "German cities in the late early modern era: some problems and prospects." Urban History 23, no. 1 (May 1996): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800011688.

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Sources of information abound for the study of German urban demography in the ‘late’ early modern era – the period from about 1600 to 1800. Yet we are still a long way from a comprehensive grasp of urbanpopulation trends. Frequently-cited figures for the total population of German cities are often based on the uncritical replication of casual estimates. Intensive case studies which exploit the full range of available sources are more reliable, yet only the smallest towns can be subjected to the process of ‘total reconstitution’. A true understanding of German urban demography in the early modern era may come less from the endless accumulation of data than from a thoughtful comparison of findings from different cities.

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29

Holland, Greg J., and Andrew F. Bennett. "Habitat fragmentation disrupts the demography of a widespread native mammal." Ecography 33, no. 5 (May 10, 2010): 841–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0587.2010.06127.x.

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30

Hoerder, Dirk. "Metropolitan migration in the past: Labour markets, commerce, and cultural interaction in Europe, 1600–1914." Journal of International Migration and Integration / Revue de l'integration et de la migration internationale 1, no. 1 (March 2000): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-000-1007-3.

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31

Hardy, Marion. "The Newfoundland Trade and Devonian Migration c. 1600-1850." Local Population Studies, no. 89 (December 31, 2012): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35488/lps89.2012.31.

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The Newfoundland trade, which began with a male-dominated migratory fishery and evolved as a triangular trans-Atlantic system, has been widely studied, but this article investigates the effects of the specialised trade on the characteristics of migration from and within Devon. It examines the nature of the migrations of the main socio-economic participants and the evolution of the nature of migration over time—from temporary to permanent and from mainly that of labourers to that of artisans. Within Devon, settlement examinations show that for labourers a Newfoundland migration often followed a parish apprenticeship and that the distances travelled prior to departure varied. Finally, consideration is given to the impact of the Newfoundland trade on local population balances and migration figures.

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32

Coutts, Peter J. F. "Members and Descendants of the Newgarden Meeting, County Carlow—Demographic Profiles 1600–1899: Part 1." Quaker Studies 17, no. 1 (September 2012): 48–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/quaker.17.1.48.

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33

Coutts, Peter J. F. "Members and Descendants of the Newgarden Meeting, County Carlow—Demographic Profiles 1600–1899: Part 2." Quaker Studies 17, no. 2 (March 2013): 149–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/quaker.17.2.149.

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34

Boggs, Carol L. "Within population variation in the demography of Speyeria mormonia (Lepidoptera: Nymphalidae)." Ecography 10, no. 3 (September 1987): 175–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0587.1987.tb00756.x.

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35

Hertzberg, Karine, Hans Petter Leinaas, and Rolf Anker Ims. "Patterns of abundance and demography: Collembola in a habitat patch gradient." Ecography 17, no. 4 (December 1994): 349–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0587.1994.tb00112.x.

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36

Mitteldorf, Josh, and Charles Goodnight. "Post-reproductive life span and demographic stability." Oikos 121, no. 9 (April 10, 2012): 1370–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0706.2012.19995.x.

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37

Møller, Anders Pape, and Stéphane Legendre. "Allee effect, sexual selection and demographic stochasticity." Oikos 92, no. 1 (January 2001): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1034/j.1600-0706.2001.920104.x.

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38

Zanette, Liana Y., Michael Clinchy, Marty L. Leonard, Andrew G. Horn, Daniel T. Haydon, and Elizabeth Hampson. "Brood-parasite-induced female-biased mortality affects songbird demography: negative implications for conservation." Oikos 121, no. 9 (May 1, 2012): 1493–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0706.2012.20287.x.

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39

Millar, John S., and Andrew G. McAdam. "Life on the edge: the demography of short-season populations of deer mice." Oikos 93, no. 1 (April 2001): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1034/j.1600-0706.2001.930107.x.

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40

Atul, Kumar, Tewari Hem Kumar, Goyal Mallika, and Mitra Sandip. "Socio-demographic trends in ocular cysticercosis." Acta Ophthalmologica Scandinavica 73, no. 5 (May 27, 2009): 438–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0420.1995.tb00304.x.

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41

Axell, Tony, and Lars Rundquist. "Oral lichen planus - a demographic study." Community Dentistry and Oral Epidemiology 15, no. 1 (February 1987): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0528.1987.tb00480.x.

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42

Das, Satyajit, Mia Huengsberg, and Mohsen Shahmanesh. "Treatment failure of vaginal trichomoniasis in clinical practice." International Journal of STD & AIDS 16, no. 4 (April 1, 2005): 284–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/0956462053654258.

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We have conducted a retrospective study of treatment failure of Trichomonas vaginalis (TV) infection in a busy, urban genitourinary medicine clinic in Birmingham, UK, between 1998 and 2002. The prevalence of non-response to standard doses of metronidazole without any history of reinfection or nonadherence was 1.7% (28/1603) overall, and has significantly increased from 0.38% in 1999 to 3.5% in 2002 ( P=0.001, χ2 test). There were no associated demographic factors. The majority of patients (53% or 15/28) responded to either a repeat of standard (10/26) or higher oral dose (5/7) of metronidazole. A standardized treatment algorithm using a high dose of metronidazole may be useful in the absence of any new, efficacious non-imidazole-based TV therapy in the clinical management of persistent TV infection.

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43

Galpern, A. N., and Philip Benedict. "The Huguenot Population of France, 1600-1685: The Demographic Fate and Customs of a Religious Minority." American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1995): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168040.

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44

Farge, James K., and Philip Benedict. "The Huguenot Population of France, 1600-1685: The Demographic Fate and Customs of a Religious Minority." Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 3 (1992): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542510.

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45

Benedict, Philip. "The Huguenot Population of France, 1600-1685: The Demographic Fate and Customs of a Religious Minority." Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 81, no. 5 (1991): i. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006507.

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46

Dannehl, Karin, Margaret Ward, and Lyn Boothman. "LPSS Spring Conference Report, 2011. Domestic Service in England, 1600-2000." Local Population Studies, no. 87 (December 31, 2011): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35488/lps87.2011.7.

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47

Smith, Henrik G., Annika Ryegård, and Sören Svensson. "Is the large-scale decline of the starling related to local changes in demography?" Ecography 35, no. 8 (December 1, 2011): 741–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0587.2011.06310.x.

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48

Kruger, Oliver, and Jan Lindstrom. "Lifetime reproductive success in common buzzard, Buteo buteo: from individual variation to population demography." Oikos 93, no. 2 (May 2001): 260–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1034/j.1600-0706.2001.930209.x.

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Tonkin, Elizabeth, Pieter de Marees, Albert van Dantzig, and Adam Jones. "Description and Historical Account of the Gold Kingdom of Guinea (1602)." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 24, no. 1 (1990): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485615.

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Geltner, G. "Kinetic health: ecologies and mobilities of prevention in Europe, c. 1100-1600." Mobilities 16, no. 4 (March 23, 2021): 553–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2021.1886572.

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