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Journal articles on the topic '1625'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Bonilla-Cerezo, Rafael. "Prólogos de ida y vuelta: Juan de Piña, Alonso de Castillo Solórzano, Francisco de Quintana, Juan Pérez de Montalbán y María de Zayas en el campo literario de Lope de Vega." Rilce. Revista de Filología Hispánica 38, no. 1 (2021): 81–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/008.38.1.81-132.

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El presente artículo pasa revista al diálogo y las controversias entre los paratextos de un corpus de colecciones de relatos –y de novelas largas– publicadas desde 1624 a 1637: Novelas ejemplares y prodigiosas historias (1624) y Varias fortunas (1627) de Juan de Piña; La desdicha en la constancia (1624) y El cuerdo amante (1628) de Miguel Moreno; Sucesos y prodigios de amor (1624) de Juan Pérez de Montalbán; Tardes entretenidas (1625), Jornadas alegres (1626), Tiempo de regocijo (1627), Escarmientos de amor moralizados (1628), Lisardo enamorado (1629) y Huerta de Valencia (1629) de Alonso de Castillo Solórzano; Experiencias de amor y fortuna (1626) e Historia de Hipólito y Aminta (1627) de Francisco de Quintana; y Novelas amorosas y ejemplares (1637) de María de Zayas. Se hace hincapié en el activo campo literario alrededor de Lope de Vega, en las colaboraciones de los impresores Juan González y Luis Sánchez con el librero Alonso Pérez y, sobre todo, en el “Prólogo al que leyere” y el “Prólogo de un desapasionado” del volumen de Zayas. Luego de proponer una fecha de redacción para el primero (1626), se evidencia que el autor del segundo (c. 1635-1637) fue Castillo Solórzano.

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2

Petean, Ioan, Gertrud Alexandra Paltinean, Emanoil Pripon, Gheorghe Borodi, and Lucian Barbu Tudoran. "Silver Depreciation in 3-PolkerCoins Issued during 1619–1627 by Sigismund III Vasa King of Poland." Materials 15, no. 21 (2022): 7514. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ma15217514.

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The present research is focused on the 3-Polker coins issued during 1619–1627 by Sigismund III Vasa, King of Poland. A major financial crisis took place at that time due to the 30-year War, which started in 1619. There are two theories among historians concerning the silver depreciation of these coins. The most common theory (generally accepted without proof) is that the later years of issue are depreciated below 60% Ag. The second theory is based on the medieval sources that indicate inflation during the years from 1621–1625, but the medieval source only refers to the inflation of the type of coins and does not mention the issuer. Therefore, in this study, we use modern investigation techniques and materials science methods to help historians elucidate the aforementioned aspects regarding the medieval period. The XRD investigation results are in good agreement with the SEM-EDX elemental analysis. The coins from 1619 and 1620 have high silver content, namely, 86.97% and 92.49%, which corresponds to good silver. The amount of Ag found in the coins from 1621–1625 issituated in the range of 63.2–74.6%. The silver titleis suddenly restored in 1626 at about 84.3% and is kept in a good range until the end of this decree under Sigismund III in 1627. In conclusion, the second theory was partly validated by our experimental results, certifying the currency depreciation during 1621–1625, but the silver title was not lower than 54.2%. Notably, even this depreciated silver title assures a good quality of the 3-Polker coins compared to similar coins issued in other countries that were copper–silver-plated. Therefore, the 3-Polker coins were preferably hoarded at that time.Small alterations in the mint mark’s design were observed in all the depreciated coins compared to the good ones. This might be a sign for an expert to identify the depreciated coins, a fact which requires supplementary investigations. The silver title’s restoration in 1626 also came with a complete change of the mintmark.

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3

Broos, Ben. "Rembrandts eerste Amsterdamse periode." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 114, no. 1 (2000): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501700x00290.

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In 1925 W. Martin published Pieter Lastman's painting Coriolanus and the Roman Women (Dublin, Trinity College). He read the date as 1622, which is stated in all subsequent publications. In the Lastman exhibition at the Rembrandthuis in 1991 the signature was transcribed as 'PLastman fecit A 0 1625'. This reading was, albeit unnoticed, a new source of information about Rembrandt's debut. Lastman's importance as Rembrandt's teacher is known. His Coriolanus turned out to be a key work, as has been stressed by Schatborn and Schwartz. On the basis of this painting, Rembrandt's training stint with Lastman has been dated 1624-1625 (Haak, Van de Wetering, White). Broos favoured 1625-1626, contending that this is suggested by Rembrandt's paintings of those years. Rembrandt's status in Lastman's workshop evidently entitled him to sign his own work. This view is contradicted by Defoer, who deems it unlikely that work signed by pupils would have left the master's workshop. It now appears that this actually did happen. In the year that Lastman painted his Coriolanus (1625), Rembrandt signed his first biblical painting, The Stoning of St. Stephen. This work, and notably the History painting in Leiden, is, also according to Chr. Vogelaar, inconceivable without the example of Coriolanus. A series of pictures dating from 1625 and 1626 were painted under Lastman's supervision. Henceforth they will have to be assigned to Rembrandt's first Amsterdam period, although they were hitherto regarded as dating from his time in Leiden. In the 1630s and also towards the end of his life, Rembrandt bore witness to his admiration of Lastman. Rembrandt must have been in Amsterdam in 1625 and 1626. During his stay there he met Hendrick van Uylenburgh, who settled in Amsterdam in 1625. Rembrandt was in contact with him, invested in his business, moved into his house in 1631, met his niece Saskia there and fell in love with her. The year 1625 undeniably marked a turning point in the life of the Leiden painter who was to become a burgher of Amsterdam.

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4

ARSLANBOĞA, Kadir. "Gazi Hüsrev Bey Vakfı'nın Hicrî 1034, 1035, 1036, 1037, 1038/ Milâdî 1624/25, 1625/26, 1626/27, 1627." Journal of Turkish Studies 9, Volume 9 Issue 4 (2014): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/turkishstudies.6912.

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5

Bourque, S. N., J. R. Valero, M. C. Lavoie, and R. C. Levesque. "Comparative Analysis of the 16S to 23S Ribosomal Intergenic Spacer Sequences of Bacillus thuringiensis Strains and Subspecies and of Closely Related Species." Applied and Environmental Microbiology 61, no. 7 (1995): 2811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/aem.61.7.2811-2811b.1995.

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Volume 61, no. 4, p. 1624, column 2, lines 38-41: The sentence should read "For example, at position 21, the G nucleotide (Fig. 1) was present in all the ISR B. thuringiensis subspecies except for B. thuringiensis subsp. tenebrionis (Te4), which contained an A." Page 1624, column 2, line 45: "Position 62" should read "position 11." Page 1624, column 2, line 47: "Position 90" should read "position 39." Page 1624, column 2, line 49: "Position 83" should read "position 32." Page 1625, column 1, line 3: "Position 83" should read "position 32." Page 1626, column 1, line 1: "Positions 62, 90, and 165, and one deletion at position 83" should read "positions 11, 39, and 114, and one deletion at position 32." [This corrects the article on p. 1623 in vol. 61.].

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6

Seipp, David J. "Robert Paynell's King's Bench Reports (1625–1627)." American Journal of Legal History 52, no. 4 (2012): 505–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajlh/52.4.505.

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7

Bruin, G. de. "N. Stellingwerff, S. Schot, J.W. Veenendaal-Barth, Particuliere notulen van de vergaderingen der Staten van Holland 1620-1640, I, december 1620-augustus 1623, II, september 1623-mei 1625, III, juli 1625-april 1628, J. W. Veenendaal-Barth, e. a., ed." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 108, no. 3 (1993): 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.3732.

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8

Gruss, Susanne. "Slippery Pirates: Generic Conventions and Discursive Instability in John Fletcher and Philip Massinger’s Pirate Plays." Humanities 9, no. 1 (2019): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h9010007.

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The term piracy marks a slippery category in early modern England: as a legal denomination, it describes the feats of armed robbery at sea for which pirates were prosecuted but their state-sanctioned counterparts, privateers, were not; in a seaman’s professional life, being a pirate was often a phase rather than a stable marker of self-identification. Like their real-life models, literary pirates are contradictory creatures—they shed their pirate identity as quickly as they have adopted it, are used for veiled socio-political commentary, or trimmed to size in order to fit generic constraints. The slipperiness of the pirate has made him (and sometimes her) an attractive figure for early modern playwrights. I argue that John Fletcher and Philip Massinger appropriate the discursive instability of piratical individuals for their pirate plays. Rather than looking at the ideological and political implications of piracy, I analyze the pirate figures in Fletcher and Massinger’s The Double Marriage (1621) and The Sea Voyage (1622) as well as in Massinger’s The Renegado (1623–1624) and The Unnatural Combat (1624–1625) as literary creations. Alternating between the heroic and the villainous, their pirates are convenient plot devices that are attuned to the evolving generic conventions of the early Stuart stage in general and early Stuart tragicomedy in particular.

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9

Lock, Ashley, Gloria Gutierrez, Elizabeth Hand, Colleen Barthol, and Rebecca Attridge. "1625." Critical Care Medicine 48 (January 2020): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.ccm.0000648404.95005.fb.

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10

Madrzyk, Elizabeth, Scott Benken, Gourang Patel, et al. "1625." Critical Care Medicine 47 (January 2019): 787. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.ccm.0000552366.54629.5f.

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11

Dutra, Francis A. "A Hard-Fought Struggle for Recognition: Manuel Gonçalves Doria, First Afro-Brazilian to Become a Knight of Santiago." Americas 56, no. 1 (1999): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008444.

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The first Afro-Brazilian to be awarded a knighthood in the Portuguese Order of Santiago seems to have been the light-skinned mulatto, Manuel Gonçalves Doria. In 1628 he was rewarded by King Philip IV with the habit and knighthood, as well as an annual pension of 20$ or 20 milreis, for his eight years of service as a soldier and captain (through 1627) and, especially for his bravery in Bahia in 1624 and 1625, fighting against the Dutch when they captured and occupied Salvador, the capital of Brazil. A letter from the crown praised him as “the prime mover behind the attacks and ambushes” which the Portuguese made as the Dutch occupiers tried to expand their military presence beyond the city limits. So great were his exploits during the Dutch invasion that the Portuguese-born Jesuit priest Bartolomeu Guerreiro, in his Jornada dos Vassalos da Coroa de Portugal, published in Lisbon in 1625, highlighted several examples of his derringdo. Not to be outdone, the Bahian-born Franciscan Frei Vicente do Salvador gave Gonçalves Doria's actions against the Dutch at least eleven mentions in his História do Brasil. But as Manuel and many of his contemporaries would discover, it was one thing to be awarded a knighthood and another to receive the authorization for the ceremonies to be performed.

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12

Young, Michael B. "Charles I and the Erosion of Trust, 1625–1628." Albion 22, no. 2 (1990): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049598.

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In contrast to their predecessors, who emphasized constitutional conflict and opposition in the parliaments of early Stuart England, revisionists emphasized harmony and cooperation. There was a problem with this new, anti-Whig orthodoxy from the outset, however, and that was the problem of trust. Defying the revisionist model of harmonious relations between Crown and Parliament, the M.P.s of early Stuart England perversely refused to trust James I and Charles I. Revisionists adopted two strategies to deal with this problem of trust. Conrad Russell exemplified the one strategy: he acknowledged the existence of distrust but treated it as a deep mystery requiring ingenious explanations. Surveying the reign of James I, Russell discovered “profound distrust, but it is hard to show how this distrust was implanted.” Perplexed by this enigma, Russell observed, “One of the most crucial, and one of the most difficult, questions of the early Stuart period is why this distrust developed.” For Russell, then, it was not natural for M.P.s to distrust the king. It was, instead, an unnatural attitude that had to be “implanted” or “developed.” In time, of course, Russell solved the mystery of distrust by providing a series of explanations: distrust resulted from the pressures of war, friction between the localities and the center, the functional breakdown of an inadequately financed government, court factionalism, and the growth of Arminianism. In Russell's view, the underlying problems that gave rise to distrust had more to do with circumstances and structures than with people, least of all James I and Charles I. A second strategy for dealing with the problem of trust is best exemplified by Kevin Sharpe: he solves the problem neatly by denying its existence. Steadfastly adhering to the revisionist model of harmony and cooperation, Sharpe claims that M.P.s did in fact behave the way that model predicts they should have. “In the early Stuart period,” writes Sharpe, “compromises between king and parliaments…were common because fundamental beliefs were shared and there was an atmosphere of trust.” Sharpe admits that there was an “erosion of trust” in the latter part of Charles's reign. “But,” he insists, “there is little evidence that it unfolds in the parliaments of early Stuart England.”

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13

Lockhart, Paul Douglas. "Political Language and Wartime Propaganda in Denmark, 1625–1629." European History Quarterly 31, no. 1 (2001): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140103100101.

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14

Sushir, M. A., D. S. Kadam, V. M. Sali, D. P. Deshmukh, and S. B. Dighule. "Seedling resistant test of wheat genotypes against selective pathotypes of stem and leaf rusts under glass house condition." Ecology, Environment and Conservation 30, no. 02 (2024): 731–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53550/eec.2024.v30i02.052.

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Forty six AVT wheat genotypes received from the Indian Institute of Wheat and Barly Research, Karnal (Haryana) during Rabi 2017-18 were screened for testing their resistance against selective and virulent pathotypes of stem and leaf rusts under glass house condition. These genotypes were tested at seedling stage against thirteen pathotypes of stem rust viz. 11, 21-1,34-1, 40A, 42, 42-B, 117, 117A, 117-2, 117-3, 117- 6, 122 and 184 and fourteen pathotypes of leaf rust viz. 77, 77A1, 77-4, 77-5, 77-9, 104A, 104-1, 104-2, 12A, 12-2, 12-3, 12-5, 162A and 108. Among them, seventeen wheat genotypes viz,. HI 1544 (C), GW 495, DBW 110 (C), DDW 47(d), MP 3288 (C), GW 491, GW 493, DBW 235, HI 1624, MACS 6222 (C), DBW 168 (I) (C), GW 495, HI 1625, PBW 770, GW 492, MPO 1336 (d) and MACS 6695 were found resistant to stem rust disease of wheat. While, thirteen wheat genotypes viz,. HI 1544 (C), GW 495, MP 3288 (C), AKAW 4924, GW 491, GW 493, HI 1624, MACS 6222 (C), HI 1625, UAS 428 (d) (C), GW 492, GW 1346 (d) and DBW 93 (c) were found to be resistant to leaf rust disease of wheat. Whereas nine genotypes viz,. HI 1544 (C), GW 495, MP 3288 (C), GW 491, GW 493, HI 1624, MACS 6222 (C), HI 1625 and GW 492 were resistant to both rusts under glasshouse condition. These AVT genotypes resistant to both rust pathotypes are recommended for further breeding programme.

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15

Moll, H. "Fall 1625." DMW - Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift 114, no. 01 (2009): e1-e2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0029-1235626.

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16

Bonilla Cerezo, Rafael. "Engaños y desengaños del prólogo “Al que leyere” del Honesto y entretenido sarao de María de Zayas." Revista de Filología Española 103, no. 2 (2024): 285–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/rfe.2023.011.

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Este artículo publica las fuentes del prólogo “Al que leyere” de la primera parte del Honesto y entretenido sarao [Novelas amorosas y ejemplares] (1637) de María de Zayas, una suerte de plagio del proemio y el “Discurso primero” de la Historia de Hipólito y Aminta (1627) de Francisco de Quintana. También se razona cómo Zayas, al socaire del exordio “Al bien intencionado” que Juan Pérez de Montalbán firmó para Tiempo de regocijo y carnestolendas de Madrid (1627) de Alonso de Castillo Solórzano, tuvo alguna voz en la polémica desde 1625 a 1629 sobre las cultas colecciones de Juan de Piña.

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17

HAIGH, CHRISTOPHER, and ALISON WALL. "CLERGY JPs IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1590–1640." Historical Journal 47, no. 2 (2004): 233–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003693.

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In the 1621 parliament members of the House of Commons clashed with the king over the issue of clergy as JPs: there were suggestions that no clergyman should sit as a JP, or that only bishops and deans should be appointed. Why were there complaints at that time, and were they justified? Was the nomination of clergy as justices an element in ‘the rise of clericalism’? This analysis of clergy JPs between 1590 and 1640 shows that they had been increasing slowly in number from 1590, and more rapidly towards 1617 under Lord Chancellor Ellesmere. But the major expansion in their ranks came under his successors Francis Bacon 1617 to 1621, and especially Bishop John Williams 1621 to 1625. However, there was no systematic central policy behind appointments, and local interests and the normal processes of patronage were important. Perhaps precedence among the justices and the exercise of secular authority by clerical JPs were sometimes troublesome issues. But, despite continuing complaints from MPs, the proportion of clergy to lay JPs was always small – at its highest in 1626, with 7·6 per cent. Thereafter Lord Keeper Thomas Coventry allowed the clerical presence to decline, both absolutely and proportionately. If there was a ‘rise of the clergy’ after 1625, clergy JPs were not part of it.

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18

Owen, Gwyn. "Enigma Number 1625." New Scientist 208, no. 2790 (2010): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(10)63047-3.

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19

Carlos Morales, Carlos Javier. "EL ENCUENTRO ENTRE OLIVARES Y LOS BANQUEROS CONVERSOS PORTUGUESES (1625-1628)." Librosdelacorte.es, no. 19 (January 7, 2020): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/ldc2019.11.19.006.

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20

Hámori Nagy, Zsuzsanna. "A Special Form of Diplomatic Encounter: Negotiations in Constantinople (1625–1626)." Hungarian Historical Review 12, no. 2 (2023): 224–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2023.2.224.

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In this article, I present a case study of a special form of diplomatic encounter that took place as secret negotiations between the resident ambassadors of France, England, Holland, and Venice and the Transylvanian envoys in Constantinople in 1625–1626 about a prospective alliance between Prince Gábor Bethlen and the anti-Habsburg powers during the Danish phase of the Thirty Years’ War. My analysis of this special form of negotiation offers a comprehensive overview of the practices deriving from the most characteristic circumstances and setbacks of diplomatic activity in Constantinople, i.e., what solutions (if any) were found to resolve problems of precedence, information brokerage, poor economic conditions, and bribery and corruption. I address, furthermore, the private interests of the participating Transylvanian diplomats and consider the extent to which these interests corresponded to the interests of their sending polity and especially of Gábor Bethlen. My discussion sheds light on the ways in which, in general, everyday challenges and networks of relations in Constantinople influenced the diplomacy of small states in the Ottoman orbit, specifically Transylvania in this case, when entering into an alliance with major powers outside the bonds of their Ottoman tributary status.

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Ventura, Margarida Garcez, and José Varandas. "Relato de João Carvalho Mascarenhas, um soldado português deslocado pelo mundo." História (São Paulo) 32, no. 1 (2013): 8–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-90742013000100003.

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Chegamos a este número da História, sob o tema Deslocamentos Culturais, munidos do testemunho escrito por João Carvalho Mascarenhas, após ter estado uns quatro anos cativo na cidade de Argel. Capturado na sequência da perda da nau Nossa Senhora da Conceição, a 11 de Outubro de 1621, à vista da Ericeira, é levado pelos "turcos" e aí permanece até sua libertação, em 1625 ou 1626. Durante este tempo - infortúnio sobre infortúnio - foi "metido ao remo" na nau capitânia de uma frota turca, em retaliação, pelo mediterrâneo: "para que nisto pudesse também ser testemunha de vista" (COMBATE, p. 138).

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22

Fechner, Manfred. "Bemerkungen zu Carlo Farina und seiner Instrumentalmusik." Schütz-Jahrbuch 18 (August 23, 2017): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.13141/sjb.v1996835.

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Der italienische Geigenvirtuose Carlo Farina (1600-39) wurde 1625 in die von Schütz geleitete Dresdner Hofkapelle aufgenommen, wo er vermutlich bis Ende 1628 als Konzertmeister tätig war. In seinen Dresdner Jahren veröffentlichte Farina fünf Drucksammlungen mit insgesamt 128 Instrumentalwerken für unterschiedliche Besetzung, die zum großen Teil als Beiträge zur höfischen Tafel- und Tanzmusik entstanden. Nach Ausdehnung, Virtuosität und kompositorischer Extravaganz beurteilt, verdienen seine Sonaten nach dem berühmten <Capriccio stravagante> die größte Aufmerksamkeit. An den Vermählungsfeierlichkeiten 1627 in Torgau war Farina unmittelbar beteiligt. Seine <Gagliarda à 4> ist mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit Teil der verschollenen <Dafne>-Musik. (Wagner, Dorothea)

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23

Aughterson, Kate. "“The Waking Vision“: Reference in the New Atlantis." Renaissance Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1992): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862833.

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Bacon's Only Piece of fictional writing, in addition to the masques he wrote for a Christmas entertainment at Gray'sjnn in 1594, was published posthumously by Rawley. Most commentators assume that he wrote New Atlantis at the time he hoped to become provost of Eton in 1623. Bacon's death in 1626 meant that, apart from the last edition of the Essays in 1625, this was his last major work written in English. Many critics have discussed Bacon's stylistic methods, and several have speculated that his view and practice of linguistic representation in the 1620s had become rigorously non-metaphoric for the purpose of imparting scientific knowledge.

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Laios, Konstantinos, Evangellos Mavrommatis, George Kostoulas, et al. "Adrianus Spigelius’ (1578 – 1625) Ocular Anatomy." Acta Medica Academica 48, no. 2 (2019): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/ama2006-124.264.

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<p>The aim was to study Adriaan van den Spiegel’s ideas on ocular anatomy. He is better known by his Latinized name as Adrianus Spigelius (1578 – 1625). He was a Flemish physician and anatomist who lived and worked in Padua, where in 1605 he was elected to be Professor of Anatomy and Surgery. Chapter IX of book ten of Spigelius’ work on human anatomy, entitled <em>De humani corporis fabrica libri X tabulis aere icisis exornati </em>(1627) was devoted to an anatomical description of the eye. Corresponding to contemporary ideas of the production of knowledge Spigelius endeavoured to enhance Andreas Vesalius’ (1514–1564) anatomy, he did not repeat his predecessor’s theories of ocular anatomy. He conceptualised that the eye has six muscles, five tunics and three humors, while he gave a brief description of ocular physiology combining anatomy and the functional role of the anatomic ocular parts.</p><p><strong>Conclusion. </strong>He managed to correct Vesalius’ errors and to present ocular anatomy with original notes, which so far, have been ignored and are highlighted now.</p>

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25

Staecker, P. Christopher. "Addendum to “Nielsen equalizer theory” [Topology Appl. 158 (13) (2011) 1615–1625]." Topology and its Applications 158, no. 16 (2011): 2256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.topol.2011.07.001.

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26

Needels, Martin, Maija Jansson, and William Bidwell. "Proceedings in Parliament, 1625." Sixteenth Century Journal 19, no. 4 (1988): 696. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541023.

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KYLE, CHRIS R. "PRINCE CHARLES IN THE PARLIAMENTS OF 1621 AND 1624." Historical Journal 41, no. 3 (1998): 603–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007936.

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This article explores the actions of Prince Charles in the parliaments of 1621 and 1624. It discusses his role in the electoral process, his activities in parliaments, and the legislation which affected his interests. It begins by exploring the precedents for the heir to the throne being summoned to parliament, before examining his political apprenticeship in 1621, and how his actions in 1624 reveal the difficulties in controlling the reversionary interest. Throughout the two parliaments, Charles was an active participant, taking part in debates in the House of Lords, committee meetings, joint conferences, and in liaising between the king and parliament. The article concludes by suggesting that Charles, although successful in achieving some of his aims, believed that he had been able to manipulate parliament for his own ends when in fact the tide of events ran with him and deluded him. This led to a false assumption that he could control parliament – a notion which had disastrous consequences when he summoned his own parliaments after he had succeeded to the throne in 1625.

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USTAOĞLU-, Züleyha. "Tereke Kayıtlarına Göre XVII. Yüzyıl Başlarında (1624-1625) Manisa’da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayat." Turkish Studies - Historical Analysis Volume 16 Issue 1, Volume 16 Issue 1 (2021): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.47846/turkishstudies.47531.

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29

Hutton, R. "Britain in Revolution, 1625-1660." English Historical Review 118, no. 477 (2003): 713–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.477.713.

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30

Helmholz, Richard. "Sir Leoline Jenkins (1625–1685)." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 16, no. 3 (2014): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x14000556.

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31

Piirimäe, Pärtel. "Loomuõigus Euroopa ülikoolides 1625–1850." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (December 21, 2015): 460. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/12511.

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Eyffinger, Arthur. "On Good Faith and Bad Faith: Introductory Note." Grotiana 36, no. 1 (2015): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760759-03600004.

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In this Introductory Note Grotius’ views on Good Faith, Humanity, and Justice as exposed in De fide et perfidia (1602) are addressed with reference to the theories he developed in De jure praedae (1605) and later elaborated in De jure belli ac pacis (1625).

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Pomozi, Péter. "„Agenda Parva” kultuuriloolisest taustast." Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 4, no. 3 (2013): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2013.4.3.07.

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„Agenda Parva” (1622) on esimene tervenisti säilinud raamat, mis sisaldab pikemaid eestikeelseid tekste. Teose lõunaeesti keele ortograafia erineb kardinaalselt tolle aja Põhja-Eesti alade saksapärasest kirjaviisist, kuid ka hilisemast lõunaeesti omast. Eriliselt paindlik kirjaviis sündis tänu Tartu jesuiitide kolleegiumi ja tõlkeseminari tööle aastail 1583–1625. Selles õppeasutuses töötanud, mitmelt Euroopa maalt valitud preestrid tundsid üsna hästi ka kohalikke keeli. Haridust said siin ka eesti soost kasvandikud, kelle hulgast mõned astusid hiljem ordusse. Baltimaades arenes välja jesuiitide kolleegiumide võrk, mis töötas Liivimaal kuni Rootsi aja alguseni (1622–1625). Koolide võrgustik poleks aga saanud nendel aladel tekkida ilma Transilvaaniast pärit Poola kuninga István Báthoryta (valitsemisaeg 1576–1586). Báthory oli suurepärane väejuht ja haritud humanist. Tema saavutatud sõjaline edu Ivan Julma vastu võimaldas alustada suurejoonelist rekatoliseerimistööd ka Liivimaal. Siinses artiklis tuleb juttu „Agenda Parva” kultuuriloolise tausta vähem tuntud üksikasjadest. Need mängisid otsustavat rolli selles, et tänu jesuiitide koolidele sündis lugejasõbralik ortograafia, millesarnast ei olnud Liivimaal kasutusel samal ajal ega ka hiljem kuni 19 sajandi alguseni.On the culture-historical background of the „Agenda Parva”. The „Agenda Parva” (1622) is the earliest fully surviving book which contains a longer text in Estonian. The orthography of its South- Estonian language differs totally from the Germanic spelling of the contemporary North-Estonian texts, as well as from the later South-Estonian spelling. What was behind this was the work of the Jesuit College and translators’ seminary in Tartu, 1583–1625. The monks who taught there, having been selected from several European countries, knew the local languages good, and many of their students who were native speakers of Estonian later became members of the Jesuit order as well. Until the Swedish occupation in Livland 1622–1625, there was a whole network of Jesuit colleges in the Baltic region. The formation of this network would have been unimaginable without Stephen Báthory, the Transylvanian-Hungarian king of Poland (1575–1585). He was an excellent strategist and a learned humanist. His military successes established the chance of recatholisation in Livonia. This article focuses on less known details from the culture-historical background of the „Agenda Parva”, which had, however, a crucial role in that by the Jesuit schooling and education an excellent scribal tradition could develop, that was unique not only in its age but as late as the 19th century.

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Wadkins, Timothy H. "The Percy-“Fisher” Controversies and the Ecclesiastical Politics of Jacobean Anti-Catholicism, 1622–1625." Church History 57, no. 2 (1988): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167183.

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Theologically and ecclesiologically James I of England was a “Gentleman of Wide Swallow.” Although he did not possess the type of skepticism that later emerged in post-Restoration latitudinarianism, he did endorse as orthodox only those essential doctrines which Christians had agreed upon in the early centuries of the church, which were grounded in the “expresse word of God” and given their most basic formulation in the creeds. The king viewed himself as an irenic monarch, one who could bring peace to Christendom by promoting an accommodation to these essentials and compromise between conflicting parties. This was an ecumenical approach to religion for his day, and he believed he could help disagreeing Christians “meet in the middest which is the center and perfection of all things.”

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Kolfin, Elmer. "African man with a conch, ca. 1620-1625: A new attribution to Abraham Bloemaert." Oud Holland 131, no. 3-4 (2018): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750176-1310304002.

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Camenietzki, Carlos Ziller, and Gianriccardo Grassia Pastore. "1625, o Fogo e a Tinta: a batalha de Salvador nos relatos de guerra 1625." Topoi (Rio de Janeiro) 6, no. 11 (2005): 261–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2237-101x006011003.

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A reconquista da cidade de Salvador pelas forças da Monarquia Católica em 1625 foi um grande feito bélico. A abundância de testemunhos, relatos e histórias da batalha são tantos elementos que certificam a importância do acontecido para seus contemporâneos. Um exame detido dessa literatura é capaz de mostrar uma oposição, ainda que dissimulada, entre fidalgos portugueses e castelhanos: eles disputavam a proeminência nos feitos bélicos e a honra do desempenho vitorioso. Festejada, narrada e comemorada, a Batalha da Bahia acabou por se transformar num acontecimento revelador de tensões entre fidalgos de Portugal e de Castela, que iria alimentar uma dissensão mais que secular e que viria a tomar corpo em dezembro de 1640.

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Timmermann, Anina, René Heller, Ansgar Reiners, and Mathias Zechmeister. "Radial velocity constraints on the long-period transiting planet Kepler-1625 b with CARMENES." Astronomy & Astrophysics 635 (March 2020): A59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/0004-6361/201937325.

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Context. The star Kepler-1625 recently attracted considerable attention when an analysis of the stellar photometric time series from the Kepler mission was interpreted as showing evidence of a large exomoon around the transiting Jupiter-sized planet candidate Kepler-1625 b. However, the mass of Kepler-1625 b has not been determined independently and its planetary nature has not been formally validated. Moreover, Kepler’s long-period Jupiter-sized planet candidates, like Kepler-1625 b with an orbital period of about 287 d, are known to have a high false-alarm probability. An independent confirmation of Kepler-1625 b is therefore particularly important. Aims. We aim to detect the radial velocity (RV) signal imposed by Kepler-1625 b (and its putative moon) on the host star, or, as the case may be, determine an upper limit on the mass of the transiting object (or the combined mass of the two objects). Methods. We took a total of 22 spectra of Kepler-1625 using CARMENES, 20 of which were useful. Observations were spread over a total of seven nights between October 2017 and October 2018, covering 125% of one full orbit of Kepler-1625 b. We used the automatic Spectral Radial Velocity Analyser pipeline to deduce the stellar RVs and uncertainties. We then fitted the RV curve model of a single planet on a Keplerian orbit to the observed RVs using a χ2 minimisation procedure. Results. We derive upper limits on the mass of Kepler-1625 b under the assumption of a single planet on a circular orbit. In this scenario, the 1σ, 2σ, and 3σ confidence upper limits for the mass of Kepler-1625 b are 2.90 MJ, 7.15 MJ, and 11.60 MJ, respectively (MJ being Jupiter’s mass). An RV fit that includes the orbital eccentricity and orientation of periastron as free parameters also suggests a planetary mass but is statistically less robust. Conclusions. We present strong evidence for the planetary nature of Kepler-1625 b, making it the (confirmed) planet with the tenth longest period known today. Our data do not allow us to make any form conclusions regarding a second, possibly shorter period planet that could be responsible for the observed transit timing variation of Kepler-1625 b.

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Павленко, С. "Золотий вік Батурина (1625 - 1707 рр.)". Сіверянський літопис, № 4 (1995): 54–68.

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39

Павленко, С. "Золотий вік Батурина (1625 - 1707 рр.)". Сіверянський літопис, № 4 (1995): 54–68.

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40

Henry, D. S., and T. H. Taylor. "Registration of KY 1625 Switchgrass Germplasm." Crop Science 29, no. 4 (1989): 1096. http://dx.doi.org/10.2135/cropsci1989.0011183x002900040072x.

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Williams, P. "The Government of Scotland, 1560-1625." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 491 (2006): 607–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel065.

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Pattison, Paul. "The First Landguard Fort, 1625–1720." English Heritage Historical Review 3, no. 1 (2008): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/175201608797653030.

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Kotrotsiou, S., T. Paralikas, K. I. Gourgoulianis, M. Gouva, E. Kotrotsiou, and N. Skenteris. "1625 – External shame to greek roma." European Psychiatry 28 (January 2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(13)76619-7.

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44

Maihold, Harald. "Rau, Kurt, Augsburger Kinderhexenprozesse 1625–1730." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 124, no. 1 (2007): 606–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2007.124.1.606.

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45

Black, Ronald. "Hegarty’s lists: Jura names in 1625." Innes Review 73, no. 2 (2022): 178–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2022.0334.

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In 1624–25 a Franciscan brother, Patrick Hegarty, visited the isle of Jura as part of an apostolic mission to the West Highlands, and brought forty-two individuals back to the faith. He listed their names in latinised form in a document which survives in the Vatican. Ronald Black attempts a thorough analysis of the names with the aim of establishing the identity of each individual. To do this he presents a numbered table of the names in their Latin, Gaelic and English forms, summarises the history of Jura landownership from 1334 to 1624, and then discusses each name individually. The names represent about 10% of Jura’s population, concentrated in the south. Black finds that at least 40% of them represent the hereditary professional classes of Gaelic Scotland, those whose heritage was most under threat from the Reformation, the recent Campbell takeover of most of the island, and the Statutes of Iona.

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46

Wiethaus, Ulrike. ":Augsburger Kinderhexenprozesse 1625-1730." Sixteenth Century Journal 40, no. 2 (2009): 478–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj40540669.

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47

Puchalska-Dąbrowska, Bernadetta M. "Królewicz wśród królów. Portrety władców zachodnioeuropejskich w staropolskich relacjach z podróży Władysława Wazy (1624–1625)." Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 49, no. 4 (2021): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.544.

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The aim of the article is to analyse literary images of selected silhouettes from the travels of Prince Władysław Vasa to the countries of Western Europe in the years 1624-1625. The young Vasa’s train included future authors of peregrination reports: Stefan Pac – a writer, later treasurer and Grand Chancellor of Lithuania, Albrecht Stanisław Radziwiłł – Grand Chancellor of Lithuania, and Jan Hagenaw of Warmia. The silhouettes of Western European monarchs, presented in the context of specific events, were treated in a fragmentary way and included elements interesting to the author. On the other hand, the ways of presenting the Polish prince, according to the “promotional” strategy adopted by diarists, are aimed at showing the hero as an individual worthy of being “among kings”, capable – thanks to his skills – of finding his place in court structures.

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Forain, Guillaume. "Ecrits antiques et décors classiques dans les Masques de Cour de Ben Jonson (1605-1625)." Seizième Siècle 2, no. 1 (2006): 215–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xvi.2006.895.

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Thorlacius, H. "Self-expanding metallic stents for large bowel obstruction (Br J Surg 2011; 98: 1625-1629)." British Journal of Surgery 99, no. 2 (2012): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/bjs.8673.

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D’Amelio, Maria Grazia, and Delfín Rodríguez Ruiz. "Sul perduto bozzetto della medaglia per il theatrum canonizationis (1629) di Andrea Corsini nella Basilica di San Pietro a Roma." Opus Incertum 9 (December 13, 2023): 196–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/opus-14852.

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On 22 April 1629, the day of the canonisation of the Florentine Andrea Corsini, the apse of St. Peter’s was refigured and refunctioned with a scenographic ephemeral decoration designed by Giovan Lorenzo Bernini. It consisted of a wooden lining with a peribolos of architraved columns, all painted to simulate stone, bronze and gold, with the papal throne in the centre. The ceremony is immortalized in a description by Federico Cristofari, in an engraving (1625) from a reworked copper plate (1628-1629) and on two medals bearing, on the reverse side, a figurative scene in which some details of the canonisation can be glimpsed. A preparatory sketch for an uncoined medal (Raclin Murphy Museum of Art) and, in recent years, a second sketch for an unexecuted medal have also been traced back to the event. The latter sketch, which was destroyed during the Spanish Civil War and of which only a photographic reproduction is preserved (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas in Madrid), offers further valuable information on the teatro aperto created to ensure that the ceremony was fully visible to the faithful present in the Basilica.

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