Academic literature on the topic '1805-1878'

Fernand Toussaint (Meulebeke 1805 - Elsene 1885), zoon van een Frans emigrant was eerst ambtenaar tijdens het Hollandse regime. In september 1830 vluchtte hij naar Brussel en speelde een niet onbelangrijke rol in de Belgische revolutie. Hij werd lid van de revolutionaire en republikeinse Club, de ‘Réunion Centrale’. Deze Club hield zich intens bezig met de voorbereiding van de nieuwe staatsinstellingen. Toussaint heeft zich tweemaal (in het Frans) in de debatten gemengd, op 15 en op 30 oktober 1830.Zijn republikeinse opvattingen kwamen het duidelijkst tot uiting op 15 oktober, waarbij hij de erfelijke monarchie, de instelling van een Senaat en het koninklijk veto verwerpt.Op 15 oktober verdedigde hij de ‘Vlaamse taal, op een ogenblik dat alle discussies in het Frans verliepen’. Wetten en besluiten dienden volgens hem ook in het Vlaams vertaald te worden. Hij werd daarin gesteund door de Waals-Brabander Lucien Jottrand (1804-1877). Toussaint voerde daarover een perscampagne.Deze materie kwam aan bod tijdens de werkzaamheden van het Nationaal Congres (10 november 1830-21 juli 1831). Op 27 november 1830 werd een amendement door de Oudenaardse vertegenwoordiger, Charles Liedts (1802-1878), goedgekeurd. Het stipuleerde dat alle wetten en besluiten dienden voorzien te zijn van een Vlaamse vertaling, ‘in de gemeenten waar Vlaams gesproken wordt’.In die zin is Toussaint een voorloper van de Gentse groep rond Philip Blommaert (1808-1871), de eerste ‘taalijveraars’ in de Vlaamse beweging.________Jozef Ferdinand Toussaint (1807-1885), zealot of the Flemish language. 15 October 1830Fernand Toussaint (Meulebeke 1805 – Ixelles 1885), son of a French emigrant, was at first a civil servant under the Dutch regime. In September 1830 he fled to Brussels and played a not unimportant role in the Belgian Revolution. He became a member of the revolutionary republican club, La Réunion Centrale. This club was intensely preoccupied with the preparation of the new state institutions. Toussaint took part in these debates twice, on 15 and 30 October 1830.His republican opinions were most evident on 15 October, when he rejected the hereditary monarchy, the institution of the Senate, and the royal veto.On 15 October he defended the “Flemish language, at a moment when all the discussions took place in French”. According to him, laws and decrees should also be translated into Flemish. He was supported in this by Lucien Jottrand (1804-1877) of Walloon Brabant. Toussaint lead a press campaign about this.This matter came up during the proceedings of the National Congress (10 November 1830-21 July 1831). On 27 November 1830, an amendment from the representative from Oudenaarde, Charles Liedts (1802-1878), was approved. It stipulated that all laws and decrees should be provided with a Flemish translation, “in the municipalities where Flemish is spoken”. In this sense, Toussaint is a forerunner of the Ghent group around Philip Blommaert (1808-1871), the first “language zealots” in the Flemish Movement.

- Udine into a Structured City Udine, the capital of Friuli, as well as the whole region, was introduced to a number of innovations, such as the cadastre, under French rule from 1805 to 1813. Such kinds of innovations were continued by the subsequent Austrian and the Italian royal governments (after the annexation of Friuli in 1866). The city plans of 1878 and 1880 aimed at regulating urban development after the demolition of the city walls. No overall city planning was adopted. Instead, local authorities tended to focus on political concerns that led them to deal with each specific situation separately. The choices made in Udine were in line with what was done in many more Italian and European cities at the time. These illustrate that urban planning was then generally a matter of sanitation rather than of architecture. Architecture came to the fore only at a later stage in the plan of 1899. The minutes of the town council meetings testify to the clash between private and public interests, especially around the issue of expropriation. In addition, they illustrate that developers making up a new class were strengthening their influence and that their interests were bound to modify the appearance of the city.

Abstract Background Crawford Williamson Long (1815 to 1878) was the first to use ether as an inhaled anesthetic for surgical operations. By not publishing his discovery for 7 yr, his pioneering work was largely overshadowed by that of Horace Wells (1815 to 1848), Charles Thomas Jackson (1805 to 1880), and William Thomas Green Morton (1819 to 1868). As a result, sites commemorating Long’s discovery are not offered the same recognition as those affiliated with Wells or Morton. Methods We highlight sites in Athens, Danielsville, and Jefferson, Georgia, that honor the first man to regularly use ether as an anesthetic agent. Extensive site visits, examination of museum artifacts, and genealogical research were used to obtain information being presented. Results Historic Oconee Hill Cemetery in Athens is where Long and members of his family are buried. Established in 1856, it is closely linked to the history of Athens and the University of Georgia (Athens, Georgia). The main site we describe is the Crawford W. Long Museum, located in Jefferson, Georgia, which opened to the public in 1957. It has undergone extensive renovations and holds an expansive collection of Long’s family heirlooms and personal artifacts. In addition, it displays an impressive art collection, depicting Long, surgical procedures, members of Long’s family, and homes associated with him. Visitors to the museum may also enjoy a walking audio tour that highlights the life of Long and his contribution to medicine. Conclusions We provide information on sites and artifacts that honor Georgia’s most celebrated physician. Much of this has not been published before, and it is our hope that Crawford Williamson Long’s legacy receives the attention it richly deserves.

Η ανασκαφή του Τσούντα στην Αγία Κυριακή, το 1890, δεν σήμανε μόνο το ξεκίνημα της αρχαιολογικής έρευνας του Αμυκλαίου, αλλά και τον τερματισμό μιας μακράς φάσης αναζήτησής του, μιας φάσης γεμάτης από μυστήρια, παρεξηγήσεις, παρανοήσεις και επινοήσεις. Το τέλος της αρχαιότητας είχε φέρει και την καταστροφή της ίδιας της μνήμης σχετικά με τη θέση των Αμυκλών και του Αμυκλαίου. Η λέξη διατηρήθηκε, στη λόγια παράδοση, αλλά αποκομμένη από το αρχικό της σημαινόμενο. Σε κείμενα των μεσαιωνικών χρόνων, όπως στον Βίο του Οσίου Νίκωνος, το όνομα Αμύκλες ή Αμύκλιον εμφανίζεται ταυτισμένο με το Νίκλι της Αρκαδίας, στην αρχαία Τεγέα. Στη συνέχεια, σαν έδρα επισκοπής, περιφερόμενη από την Τεγέα στο Μουχλί και στην Τριπολιτσά.Ο Γάλλος επιγραφολόγος Abbé Fourmont, που ήρθε στην περιοχή της Σπάρτης την άνοιξη του 1730, ισχυρίσθηκε ότι βρήκε το Αμυκλαίο στο Σκλαβοχώρι και ότι το «κατάστρεψε». Παρουσίασε επίσης δήθεν πανάρχαιες επιγραφές που «ανακάλυψε» στα ερείπια του ιερού, όπως έναν κατάλογο των ιερειών του Αμυκλαίου, τις οποίες είχε πλαστογραφήσει ο ίδιος. Αυτές οι επιγραφές θα θεωρούνταν αυθεντικές επί πολλές δεκαετίες. Ο Fourmont πέρασε και από την Αγία Κυριακή, όπου αντέγραψε μια πραγματική επιγραφή, χωρίς όμως να συνδέσει τη θέση της με το Αμυκλαίο ή τις Αμύκλες. Το δικό του «Αμυκλαίο» το “είδε” στον σημερινό οικισμό Καλύβια Σοχάς, δυτικά από το Σκλαβοχώρι, στη ρίζα του Ταΰγετου. Για ένα μεγάλο διάστημα οι Αμύκλες θα τοποθετούνταν, ασαφώς, κάπου στο Σκλαβοχώρι.Ο επόμενος σημαντικός σταθμός της ιστορίας είναι το 1805, όταν πέρασε ο Βρετανός στρατιωτικός και αρχαιοδίφης William Martin Leake. Ο Leake, βασισμένος κυρίως στην ερμηνεία αρχαίων πηγών όπως ο Πολύβιος, ήταν ο πρώτος που πρότεινε ότι οι αρχαίες Αμύκλες βρίσκονταν στην Αγία Κυριακή. Παρουσίασε την επιχειρηματολογία στο βιβλίο του για την Πελοπόννησο που εξέδωσε το 1830.Αλλά ο πρώτος που τοποθέτησε ρητώς το ιερό του Αμυκλαίου Απόλλωνα πάνω στον λόφο της Αγίας Κυριακής ήταν ο Γάλλος αρχαιολόγος Charles Lenormant, μέλος της Γαλλικής Επιστημονικής Αποστολής του Μοριά, που πέρασε από την περιοχή το 1829. Ωστόσο, αυτή η ταύτιση θα έμενε στην αφάνεια, μέχρι το καλοκαίρι του 1878, όταν επισκέφθηκε για πρώτη φορά την Αγία Κυριακή ο Adolf Furtwängler και αναγνώρισε τα εντοιχισμένα στην εκκλησία αρχιτεκτονικά μέλη ως κομμάτια του Θρόνου.

En este trabajo he abordado la relación cultural de España con Egipto, relación que se remonta a tiempos muy lejanos; de modo que se quedó grabada en la memoria de viajeros, estudiosos españoles y gobernantes egipcios. Partieron desde España en dirección al oriente islámico muchos viajeros, misioneros, conferenciantes del Ateneo de Madrid y escritores que visitaron Egipto, además de fantasiosos que nunca estuvieron allí, como José de Castro y Serrano. Todos ellos redactaron libros, ensayos, cuentos, novelas y memorias que fueron impresas entre 1850 y1914, en las que el tema egipcio encontró un buen asiento y un mejor cultivo. En este clima, emprendió desde España su aventura hacia Egipto don Antonio de orleáns, duque de Montpensier, afincado en Sevilla; era el hijo menor del rey de Francia Luis Felipe de orleáns y estaba casado con la infanta María Luisa, matrimonio del que nacería María de las Mercedes (1860-1878), primera esposa de Alfonso XII (1857-1885). Este viaje de don Antonio de orleáns fue realizado en 1845 según el relato de su secretario Antonio Latour, publicado en 1849. Aquel viaje coincidió en el tiempo con la magnífica expedición prusiana dirigida por el egiptólogo, lingüista y museógrafo Richard Carl Lepsius (1810-1884), que contaba con la aprobación y el apoyo de Federico Guillermo III de Prusia (1770-1840), quien consiguió para las colecciones de sus museos más de quince mil objetos antiguos que fueron llevados a Berlín y regalados oficialmente por Mohamed Alí Bajá de Egipto entre 1805 y 1848. Los orientalistas que pudieron visitar Egipto desde 1840 hasta 1900 pretendían describir la imagen de un Egipto “oriental”, es decir, su objetivo se centraba en destacar los barrios populares, los zocos con carpas, las gentes rezando en las mezquitas y la descripción de los maravillosos monumentos de la civilización faraónica. A mediados del siglo XIX, concretamente en vísperas de la apertura del canal de Suez, España aspiraba a mantener estrechas relaciones con Egipto, basadas principalmente en fines exploratorios, científicos, culturales, y sobre todo, objetivos comerciales y económicos, ya que en aquel entonces Egipto representaba el acceso a las rutas de las especias, extensión y difusión del cristianismo, hegemonía política, etc. España nunca fue ajena a la fascinación por la civilización de Egipto, y desde los primeros años del siglo XIX existieron muchos viajeros y escritores españoles que recorrieron el oriente Próximo y Egipto. Entre ellos, destacamos los nombres de José de Castro y Serrano, José Ramón Mélida, Eduardo Toda y Güell, Antonio Bernal, Arturo Baldasano y Topete, Lázaro Bardón y Gómez.

Com esta pesquisa, de cunho documental e bibliográfico, fundamentada em princípios da Historiografia da Linguística, retomamos o problema da influência (Koerner, 2014) com o objetivo de investigarmos o processo através do qual o filólogo alemão Johann Joseph Hoffmann (1805-1878), primeiro catedrático de Língua Japonesa do mundo ocidental, na Universidade de Leiden, romanizou o idioma japonês. Ao examinarmos a obra de Hoffmann, percebemos que o mesmo, ao indicar ao leitor a maneira pela qual romaniza o japonês, faz referência ao sistema criado pelo linguista e egiptólogo prusso Carl Richard Lepsius (1810- 1884), divulgado em Das Allgemeine Linguistische Alphabet. Grundsätze der Übertragung fremder Schriftsysteme und bisher noch ungeschriebener Sprachen in Europäische Buchstaben (O alfabeto linguístico geral. Princípios para a transliteração de sistemas estrangeiros de escrita e de línguas ágrafas para o alfabeto latino), obra publicada em alemão (1854 e 1855), em inglês (sob o título Standard Alphabet for Reducing Unwritten Languages and Foreign Graphic Systems to a Uniform Orthography in European Letters, em 1855), e novamente em inglês, em segunda edição (1863). Ao cruzarmos referências nas obras de Hoffmann (Winkelgesprekken in het Hollandsch, Engelsch em Japansch / Shopping-dialogues in Dutch, English and Japanese, de 1861 e A Japanese Grammar, Second Edition, de 1876) e de Lepsius (Standard Alphabet, 1863), percebemos que um autor alude à obra do outro. Nossa hipótese é que Hoffmann teria adotado e melhorado o sistema descrito na primeira edição (1855) de Standard Alphabet, ao ponto de influenciar o próprio Lepsius, que teria aceito as modificações propostas por Hoffmann, o que teria culminado com a publicação da segunda edição inglesa (1863) de seu Standard Alphabet. Após a comparação entre as obras dos autores citados, confirmamos a hipótese levantada.
This research, grounded on Historiography of Linguistics principles, and taking into consideration the problem of influence (Koerner, 2014), aims at analyzing the process through which the German philologist Johann Joseph Hoffmann (1805-1878), first professor of Japanese Language in the Western Hemisphere, at Leiden University, romanized that language. By taking a closer look at Hoffmanns work we found out that, when informing the reader the way by which he romanizes the Japanese language, he makes reference to the system created by the Prussian linguist and egyptologist Richard Carl Lepsius (1810-1884), made public in Das Allgemeine Linguistische Alphabet. Grundsätze der Übertragung fremder Schriftsysteme und bisher noch ungeschriebener Sprachen in Europäische Buchstaben (The general linguistic alphabet. Principles for the transliteration of foreign writing systems and non-written languages into the Latin alphabet), a book published in German (1854 and 1855), in English (under the tittle Standard Alphabet for Reducing Unwritten Languages and Foreign Graphic Systems to a Uniform Orthography in European Letters, in 1855), and again in English, in second edition (1863). When conducting a cross-reference research in the works by Hoffmann (Winkelgesprekken in het Hollandsch, Engelsch em Japansch / Shoppingdialogues in Dutch, English and Japanese, from 1861; A Japanese Grammar, Second Ed., from 1876) and by Lepsius (Standard Alphabet, from 1863), we noticed that the authors refer to the work of each other. Our hypothesis is that Hoffmann would have adopted and improved the system described in the first edition (1855) of Standard Alphabet, to the point of influencing Lepsius himself, who would have accepted the modifications made and proposed by Hoffmann, culminating in the publication of the second edition (1863) of his Standard Alphabet. After contrasting the works of the above-mentioned authors, we confirm the hypothesis raised.