Journal articles on the topic '1814-1818'

The family Schistochilaceae Buch (1928: 9) consists of approximately 80 extant species. More than two-thirds of its diversity occurs in temperate to subantarctic South America and Australasia, and nearly one third in the tropical mountain forests of Southeast Asia and the western Pacific Islands. The plants of Schistochilaceae are usually robust and form a prominent component of the ground layer of cool temperate forests or upper montane tropical forests, commonly forests in which Nothofagus is a dominant genus. The first species of the family, published as Jungermannia appendiculata Hooker (1818: tab. 15), Jungermannia glaucescens Hooker (1818: tab. 39), Jungermannia lamellata Hooker (1818: tab. 49), Jungermannia nobilis Hooker (1818: tab. 11), Jungermannia sphagnoides Schwägrichen (1814: 23) and Jungermannia thouarsii Hooker (1818: tab. 48), were described during 1814–1818. Dumortier established the genus Schistochila Dumortier (1835: 15) to accommodate the above mentioned species except Jungermannia glaucescens and Jungermannia sphagnoides, but he also added one new species, Schistochila pinnatifolia Dumortier (1835: 15) nom. inval. (ICN Art. 38.1(a); no description; McNeill et al. 2012). The definition of Schistochilaceae has remained largely unchanged since it was separated from Scapaniaceae Migula (1904: 479) by Buch (1928) and then later Balantiopsaceae Buch (1955: 23). The presence of magenta rhizoids, winged and complicate-bilobed leaves with smaller dorsal lobes, a shoot calyptra elaborated into a well-developed coelocaule, and a cylindrical sporophyte capsule with straight valves generally defines the family. These features, to a great extent, isolate Schistochilaceae from the rest of the leafy liverworts. Therefore, taxonomic rearrangements or revisions, based on morphological investigations, have mostly been at generic level or below (Grolle 1966, 1968, Hässel 1973, Schuster 1971a, Schuster & Engel 1977, 1985). So far, taxonomic revisions have only been done at regional scales, a study at global scale is under way (Glenny et al., unpublished).

V nastojascej rabote avtor obrascaet vnimanie citatelej na reformu serbskoj kirillicy Savvy Mrkalja, provedennoj v 1810 godu v knige, ukazannoj vyse v nazvanii. Eto pervaja vseohvatyvajuscaja reforma serbskoj azbuki, kotoruju Vuk Karadzic prinjal v 1814 g. i dvazdy ee dorabatyval (1814 i 1818 g. g.), dovedja takim obrazom serbskuju kirillicu do ee polnogo soversenstva. Krome togo, avtor dannoj raboty otmecaet, cto Savva Mrkal' v 1817 godu ne otkazalsja ot reformirovannoj im v 1810 g. kirillicy, cto emu v serbskoj nauke XX veka desjateletijami pripisyvalos' neargumentirovanno i nespravedlivo. Savva Mrkal' v 1817 godu otcasti izmenil svoju poziciju v otnosenii bukvy'', no eta edinicnaja detal' nikak ne mozet oznacat' ego otkaz ot ego polnoj reformy kirillicy.

Feeding damage caused by Euryzygomatomys spinosus (G. Fischer, 1814) (Echimyidae) is documented for a Pinus taeda Linnaeus (Pinaceae) plantation located in Cambará do Sul, Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil. Under laboratory conditions, feeding acceptance of P. taeda trunk sections was tested with positive results for E. spinosus, but not for other three co-occurring sigmodontine rodents: Akodon montensis Thomas, 1913, Oligoryzomys nigripes (Olfers, 1818) and Delomys dorsalis (Hensel, 1872).

RESSUMENPresentamos varias cartas inéditas sobre la redacción y publicación de la «Descripción artística de la catedral de Sevilla» de Juan Agustín Ceán Bermúdez, obra publicada en 1804. Corresponden al mismo Ceán, al tesorero del Cabildo catedralicio Juan de Pradas y Ayala, y el matemático José Isidoro Morales. En ellas se ofrecen nuevos datos sobre la realización de esta importante obra para la historiografía de la arquitectura española y su recepción.PALABRAS CLAVEJuan Agustín Ceán Bermúdez (1749-1829), José Isidoro Morales (1758 1818), Bernardo de Iriarte (1735-1814), Catedral de Sevilla, Historia de la arquitectura española. TITLEUnpublished letters on the Descripción artística de la catedral de Sevilla by Juan Agustín Ceán Bermúdez (1804)ABSTRACTWe present a group of unpublished letters about the writing process and the publication of the book «Descripción artística de la catedral de Sevilla», published in 1804 by Juan Agustín Ceán Bermúdez. Their authors are Ceán, the treasurer of the Cathedral Chapter Juan de Pradas y Ayala and the matematician José Isidoro Morales. These letters offer new information on this work, which is extremely relevant for the Spanish architectural historiography and on the book’s reception.KEY WORDSJuan Agustín Ceán Bermúdez (1749-1829), José Isidoro Morales (1758-1818), Bernardo de Iriarte (1735-1814), Seville Cathedral, History of Spanish Architecture.

This article is devoted to the analysis of the rhetoric presented in the Russian press in 1814—1818 regarding the imperial policy in the newly annexed Kingdom of Poland. The aim of the authors is to show that it is necessary to separate the real policy of the Russian autocracy in this territory from the images created first by French publicists, and then repeatedly exaggerated by Russian journalists. It is noted that Alexander I in 1814—1818 appears on the pages of French publications as a tsar-liberator. It is shown that these stories were quickly picked up by Russian newspapers and magazines and, as a result, a paradoxical picture emerged: for several years the mass media convinced the Russian society that the Russian Tsar was the new Polish national sovereign. It is argued that this, of course, caused rejection in conservative circles and among advanced Westerners such as Vyazemsky or Turgenev. It is concluded that it is the dominant discourse that can be considered, on the one hand, one of the factors in the emergence of the Decembrist movement, and on the other, a “trap” for Alexander I, since the liberal rhetoric of the press over time began to diverge more and more from the real policy of the Russian autocracy.

Rainbow Smelt (Osmerus mordax, Mitchill, 1814) has been widely introduced into lakes across North America and are reported to have an adverse effect on native fishes. In this study, we investigated the long-term changes to the pelagic fish assemblage in a northwestern Ontario lake (Sandybeach Lake) after Rainbow Smelt were introduced in the 1980s. We repeated an earlier summer, pelagic gill-netting survey of Sandybeach Lake and a nearby reference lake (Little Vermillion Lake) that does not contain Rainbow Smelt. Fishes throughout the water column were sampled with overnight sets of 5.2-m-deep, multi-mesh horizontal gill-nets. Compared with 1990 pelagic sampling, native fishes were significantly less abundant, less diverse, and largely absent from the deeper parts of Sandybeach Lake in 2012. Cisco (Coregonus artedi, Lesueur, 1818), Emerald Shiner (Notropis atherinoides Rafinesque, 1818), and Lake Whitefish (Coregonus clupeaformis, Mitchill, 1814) were notably absent in 2012. In contrast, Rainbow Smelt remained abundant at all depths sampled. A small number of ciscoes — including Shortjaw Cisco (Coregonus zenithicus (Jordan and Evermann, 1909)) — and Lake Whitefish were captured from benthic gill-nets. Based on the lack of ciscoes in pelagic gill-nets, the very old ages (mean 30 years) of the few individuals captured in benthic gill-nets, and a severely skewed sex ratio, it is highly likely that ciscoes will be extirpated from Sandybeach Lake. Although the composition of the pelagic fish assemblage differed between years, Cisco was still abundant in Little Vermillion Lake with the presence of young individuals indicating ongoing recruitment.

Martin Ludwig Rhesa sent Lithuanian books to Abraham Jakob Penzel in Jena twice: in May 1818 and in the spring of 1819. Although this is a well-known fact, there is a lack of knowledge concerning which and how many books were in those two packages. Rhesa himself, in a letter to Scheffner dated April 1819, mentioned the following three books from the second package:Martin Ludwig Rhesa sent Lithuanian books to Abraham Jakob Penzel in Jena twice: in May 1818 and in the spring of 1819. Although this is a well-known fact, there is a lack of knowledge concerning which and how many books were in those two packages. Rhesa himself, in a letter to Scheffner dated April 1819, mentioned the following three books from the second package:1) A new edition of the Lithuanian Bible published by Rhesa (1816);2) Gottfried Ostermeyer’s Erste Littauische Liedergeschichte (1793);3) Gotthard Friedrich Stender’s Neue vollständigere Lettische Grammatik, Nebst einem hinlänglichen Lexico.But it is a mere drop in the ocean, as it is known that Rhesa not only bought books for this occasion, but also added 12 books from his own book collection, and a bundle from Ostermeyer.We also know little about the content of the first package sent to Penzel in May 1819. There are few books in the Latvian Academic Library that have inscriptions with the name Penzel in them. As it is clear from the published copies of the inscriptions (see pictures in this paper), in all of those, Rhesa is mentioned as a sender – all except for one book without any coherent record, which this paper concludes is also one of the books sent by Rhesa. This paper concludes that the following is the list of the books from 1818 (the first three in the list were noticed years ago by Tumelis and Jovaišas): 1) May 29, 1818 Christian Daniel Hassenstein Nuſidawimai βwento Karawimo (1814) (LU AB sign: D6 5813);2) May 31, 1818 Nathaniel Friedrich Ostermeyer Graudenimo balsas (1818) (LU AB sign: D6 5787);3) June 1, 1818 Nathaniel Friedrich Ostermeyer Nedel=Dienos knygeles, krikſʒ́ćʒoniems ſuraβytos (1818), (LU AB sign: D6 5517);4) June 2, 1818 Adam Friedrich Schimmelpfennig Iß naujo pérveiʒdėtos ir pagérintos giesmiû=Knygos (1791), kartu su Danielio Kleino Naujos labbay priwalingos ir Dußoms naudingos Maldû Knygélos (LU AB sign: D6 5515);5) (without a provenance of Penzel himself) Christian Daniel Hassenstein Kaip krikßcʒonißzka Wiera bey Baznycʒia, Ʒmonû pagadinta (1818) (LU AB sign: D6 5518);6) (supposedly) Christian Donaleitis Das Jahr in Vier Gesängen: Ein Ländliches Epos (1818).

Solid experimental evidence indicates that EBA-175 is used as a ligand by the Plasmodium falciparum merozoite to bind to human RBC, via different binding processing fragments. Using synthetic peptides and specific receptor-ligand interaction methodology, we have identified 6 high-activity binding sequences from the EBA-175 CAMP strain; peptide 1758 (KSYGTPDNIDKNMSLIHKHN), located in the so-called region I for which no binding activity has been reported before, peptides 1779 (NIDRIYDKNLLMIKEHILAI) and 1783 (HRNKKNDKLYRDEWWKVIKK), located in region II, in a sub-region known as 5′ Cys F2, previously reported as being a binding region, and peptides 1814 (DRNSNTLHLKDYRNEENERH), 1815 (YTNQNINISQERDLQKHGFH) and 1818 (NNNFNNIPSRYNLYDKKLDL), in region III–V where antibodies inhibit merozoite invasion of erythrocytes. The affinity constants were between 60 and 180 nM and the critical amino acids involved in the binding were identified. The binding of these peptides to enzyme-treated RBC was analysed; binding of peptide 1814, located in the III–V region, was found to be sialic acid dependent. Some of these high binding peptides were able to inhibit in vitro merozoite invasion and to block the binding of recombinant RII-EBA to RBC. Several of these peptides are located in regions recognized by protective immune clusters of merozoites (ICMs) eluted antibodies.

The Swedish botanist Olof Peter Swartz (1760–1818), a student of Carl Peter Thunberg and Carl Linnaeus the Younger at Uppsala University, developed an interest in mosses and lichens, which he made the subject of his medical dissertation. He visited Jamaica (1783–1786) where he collected all plant groups and a substantial number of lichens. Apart from the lichens that Swartz described himself, his lichen collections from Sweden, the eastern United States and Jamaica were critically examined by Erik Acharius who described many species from his material. Swartz was a key supporter of Acharius's work on the development of a new system of lichen taxonomy between 1794 and 1814. Although he is largely known for his pioneering work on flowering plants (especially orchids) and ferns, Swartz made important contributions to late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century lichenology, publishing five major accounts describing 37 new species. Of these, 27 names are basionyms of accepted taxa.

Abstract Justus von Liebig (1803-1873) has been described as “one of the founding fathers of organic chemistry and a great teacher who transformed scientific education, medical practice, and agriculture in Great Britain” [1]. His research was generally initially published in German, although in some cases an English translation was released at the same time. William Brock identified a number of people associated with providing English translations. Most of these were former students, such as John Buddle Blyth (1814-1871), John Gardner (1804-1880), William Gregory (1803-1858), Samuel William Johnson (1830-1909), Benjamin Horatio Paul (1827-1917), Lyon Playfair (1818-1898), Thomas Richardson (1816-1867), Warren De La Rue (1815-1889), as well as Edward Turner (1796-1837) and his brother Wilton George Turner (1810-1855). In this article, the emphasis is on Edward Turner, Wilton George Turner, and John Buddle Blyth, who were all born on sugar plantations in Jamaica [2].

The logical and illogical unity of translation with a triadic approach was mediated by Peirce's three-way semiotics of sign, object, and interpretant. Semiotranslation creates a dynamic network of Peircean interpretants, which deal with artificial but alive signs progressively growing from undetermined ("bad") versions to higher determined ("good") translations. The three-way forms of translation were mentioned by Goethe. He imitated the old Persian poetry of Hafiz (14th Century) to compose his German paraphrase of West-östlicher Divan (1814–1819). To justify the liberties of his own translation/paraphrase, Goethe furnished notes in Noten und Abhandlungen and Paralipomena (1818–1819). Through his critical glosses, he explained information, adaptation, and reproduction of the foreign culture and literature (old Persian written in Arabic script) to become transplanted into the "equivalent" in German 19th Century verse. As critical patron of translation and cultural agent, Goethe's Divan notes are a parody mixing Orient and Occident. He built a (lack of) likeness, pointing in the pseudo-semiosis of translation to first and second degenerate types of object and sign.

Maternal influences on age-0 walleye (Sander vitreus (Mitchill, 1818)) recruit abundance and survival from egg to fall were observed in Escanaba Lake, Wisconsin, in 1957–2015. Annual egg production best explained variation in age-0 recruitment, compared with female relative abundance, and adult abundance (sexes combined). Age-0 recruitment was not significantly correlated with any temperature metric tested or our index of yellow perch (Perca flavescens (Mitchill, 1814)) abundance. Survival of walleye from egg to fall age-0 was positively correlated with the percent contribution of large females (>55.9 cm) to annual egg production. Mean size diversity of females by length class did not influence age-0 recruit abundance or survival over time. Evidence for maternal effects via size- and age-specific influences on fecundity and age-0 walleye survival suggest that exploitation may influence natural recruitment by altering adult female size structure. Given recent declines observed in walleye natural recruitment in the upper Midwestern USA, understanding the roles of maternal drivers and exploitation on recruitment is critical for sustainable walleye management.

The parasitic isopod family Cymothoidae Leach, 1818 of the India exclusive economic zone is reviewed. A total of 56 nominal species corresponding to 48 valid species belonging to sixteen genera are reviewed from 73 host species belonging to 35 families. Mothocya plagulophora (Haller, 1880), Nerocila depressa Milne Edwards, 1840, Nerocila loveni Bovallius, 1887, Nerocila trichiura (Miers, 1877), Norileca triangulata (Richardson, 1910) and Ryukyua globosa Williams & Bunkley-Williams, 1994 are redescribed. Indusa pustulosa Pillai, 1954 is synonymised with Agarna malayi Tiwari, 1952; Cymothoa krishnai Jayadev Babu & Sanjeeva Raj, 1984 is synonymised with Cymothoa eremita (Brünnich, 1783) and Nerocila priacanthusi Kumari, Rao & Shyamasundari, 1987 is synonymised with Nerocila arres Bowman & Tareen, 1983. Ourozeuktes bopyroides (Lesueur, 1814) is revised and excluded from the Indian fauna. The Indian cymothoid species Agarna bengalensis Kumari, Rao & Shaymasundari, 1990, Cymothoa asymmetrica Pillai, 1954 and Nerocila hemirhamphusi Shyamasundari, Rao & Kumari, 1990 are regarded here as species inquirenda. A key to the Indian genera of the family Cymothoidae and keys to the Indian species of the genera Cymothoa, Joryma, Mothocya, and Nerocila are presented. A checklist of the valid Cymothoidae species until now reported from Indian marine fishes are compiled. Host preferences, morphological variability and distribution are discussed.

Considerando que os roedores possuem diversas formas de locomoção, o presente estudo apresenta e discute variações na forma das pegadas anteriores e posteriores de sete espécies [Akodon cursor (Winge, 1887), Necromys lasiurus (Lund, 1840), Oecomys bicolor (Tomes, 1860), Oecomys concolor (Wagner, 1845), Oligoryzomys nigripes (Olfers, 1818), Hylaeamys megacephalus (Fischer, 1814) e Rhipidomys macrurus (Gervais, 1855)], utilizando técnicas de morfometria geométrica e análises discriminantes. As variáveis de forma das pegadas foram relacionadas com a topologia filogenética e os modos de locomoção das espécies para verificar a influência de fatores históricos e ecológicos na morfologia das pegadas. A forma das pegadas dos roedores arborícolas (curtas e largas) foi claramente distinta dos cursoriais (estreitas e alongadas). As reclassificações das pegadas anteriores (Kappa = 0,72) e posteriores (Kappa = 0,88) das espécies foram consideradas substanciais e quase perfeitas, respectivamente. As pegadas posteriores discriminaram melhor as espécies além de indicarem os níveis de atividade arborícola e cursorial dos roedores. Efeitos alométricos foram observados nas análises das pegadas anteriores (13%) e posteriores (3%). O modo de locomoção explicou 90,3% da variação na forma nas pegadas dos roedores (p = 0,02), indicando convergência nos padrões morfológicos nas pegadas das espécies de roedores arborícolas e cursoriais.

El. paštas: julijacep@takas.ltPawelas Jarkowskis (1781–1845) – bibliografijos (bibliologijos) dėstymo pradininkas buvusioje Lietuvos ir Lenkijos valstybės teritorijoje. Jo palikimas – rankraščiais išlikę ir publikuoti paskaitų planai bei kiti darbai. Pagrindinis straipsnio tikslas yra atskleisti bibliografijos reiškinių, ypač tikrosios (vadinamosios) bibliografijos ir jos viduje P. Jarkowskio pateikiamų bibliografinės informacijos išteklių, klasifikavimo bandymus ir idėjas, principus, įtakas XVIII a. pabaigos–XIX a. pradžios Europos bibliografijos knygotyrinės paradigmos kontekste. Tyrimo objektu tapo į jo 1814–1815 m. ir 1818 m. paskaitų planus įtrauktos bibliografijos (bibliologijos) sandaros schemos. Į jas žvelgiama turinio, formos, funkciniu ir formaliu loginiu aspektais. Su pastaruoju aspektu besisiejantys bibliografijos reiškinių klasifikavimo bandymai analizuojami keliais lygmenimis: 1) visumos (bibliografijos plačiąja bibliologijos prasme), 2) bibliografijos siaurąja prasme (tikrosios arba vadinamosios), 3) bibliografinės informacijos išteklių. Nagrinėjami bibliografinės informacijos išteklių skirstymo į rūšis fragmentai (mikroklasifikacijos): katalogų, tvarkai palaikyti bibliotekoje naudojamų pagalbinių knygų (gaunamų, nurašomų, išduodamų veikalų) ir atskira nesusijusių su fondais bibliografijos priemonių rūšinė klasifikacija. P. Jarkowskis nekėlė sau specialaus bibliografijos reiškinių klasifikavimo uždavinio. Dirbdamas besiformuojančios knygotyrinės bibliografijos paradigmos laikotarpiu, jis pats neturėjo tikslo kurti naujų žinių, ėmė iš jos pradininkų (ypač M. Deniso) ir gausių kūrėjų tai, kas tiko dėstymui, kūrybiškai naudodamasis kitų sukurtomis žiniomis, tam tikrais atvejais pasiekė originalių sprendimų.

The SacramentoriumTynecensis was written in circa 1060-1070, probably in Cologne. It was located in the Benedictine Abbey in Tyniec from 11th century to 19th century. In 1814 the illuminated manuscript was bought by Stanisław Kostka Zamoyski, then in 1818 he located the codex in the Zamoyski Ordynacja Library in Warsaw. It stayed there to the end of World War II. Two formations of Nazi Germany were as follows: a military unit led by Professor of Archaeology, Peter Paulsen and a group led by art historian Kajetan Mühlman. Both were responsible for the plundering of Poland's cultural heritage. They wanted to get the Sacramentorium Tynecensis because it was connected with German culture. The employees of the Zamoyski Ordynacja Library have tried to rescue the codex, sometimes at the risk of their own lives. In 1944 during the action of rescuing library collections from the ruins of the capital city of Poland (action called ‘Pruszkowska’), the manuscript codex was exported and hidden by Stanisław Lorentz in the Cathedral in Łowicz. Thankfully that the ST returned to Warsaw in 1947 and was deposited in the National Library of Poland.

Todos os anos milhares de aves limícolas e migratórias invernam ao longo da costa da América do Sul, entre setembro e abril, onde adquirem massa corpórea e realizam mudas para retornar aos sítios de reprodução. Estudos quali-quantitativos foram realizados na Área de Proteção Ambiental de Piaçabuçu, Alagoas, Brasil, através da contagem direta, objetivando o acompanhamento das flutuações sazonais da avifauna migrante. Foram registradas cinco espécies da família Charadriidae: Vanellus chilensis (Wagler, 1827); Pluvialis squatarola (Linnaeus, 1758); Charadrius semipalmatus Bonaparte, 1825; Charadrius collaris Vieillot, 1818 e Charadrius wilsonia (Ord, 1814) e cinco espécies da família Scolopacidae: Arenaria interpres (Linnaeus, 1758); Actitis macularius (Linnaeus, 1766); Catoptrophorus semipalmatus (Gmelin, 1789); Calidris pusilla (Linnaeus, 1766) e Calidris alba (Pallas, 1764). Pluvialis squatarola, Charadrius semipalmatus, Charadrius collaris, Arenaria interpres, Calidris pusilla e Calidris alba foram consideradas constantes (presentes em mais de 50% das observações). Charadrius semipalmatus e Calidris alba apresentaram os maiores índices de freqüência de ocorrência nos meses de novembro e dezembro e, março e setembro, respectivamente. A correlação de Spearman demonstra uma forte dependência na migração destas espécies. A fidelidade dessas aves a APA de Piaçabuçu observada nessa pesquisa indica ser a área um sítio de invernada, reforçando sua importância para a conservação das espécies migratórias que utilizam o local.

The second largest inland walleye (Sander vitreus (Mitchill, 1818)) and sauger (Sander canadensis (Griffith and Smith, 1834)) fishery in Canada is found in Lake Winnipeg, Manitoba. To manage the fishery for a sustainable future, the growth and condition of these fish must be understood. Objectives were to (1) examine baseline growth and condition of walleye and sauger in Lake Winnipeg, (2) evaluate variation between the North and South basins, and (3) contribute observational findings on the distribution of dwarf walleye. Gill nets were set to catch walleye, sauger, and dwarf walleye throughout both basins at various locations and in all seasons during 2010 and 2011. North Basin walleye and sauger had higher growth rates and condition relative to the South Basin. This may be due to differential exploitation rates or diets such as the consumption of invasive rainbow smelt (Osmerus mordax (Mitchell, 1814)) in the North Basin and not in the South Basin. Dwarf walleye were observed more frequently in the South Basin than in the North Basin. Overall, this study provides important baseline data on the growth and condition of walleye and sauger populations prior to invasion of the spiny waterflea (Bythotrephes longimanus Leydig, 1860) and zebra mussels (Dreissena polymorpha (Pallas, 1771)).

Four women have been conventionally framed as wives and/or mistresses and/or sexual partners in the biographical reception of Karl Marx (1818–1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820–1895) as heterosexual men. These women were Jenny Marx (née von Westphalen) (1814–1881), Helene Demuth (“Lenchen”) (1820–1890), Mary Burns (1821–1863), and Lydia Burns (1827–1878). How exactly they appear in the few contemporary texts and rare images that survive is less interesting than the determination of subsequent biographers of the two “great men” to make these women fit a familiar genre, namely intellectual biography. An analysis of Marx–Engels biographies shows how this masculinized genre enforces an incuriosity that makes gendered political partnerships unthinkable and therefore invisible. By contrast, a positive interest in these women, which rethinks what a gendered political partnership is or could be, results in a significantly different view of the two men. As historical figures, they shift from being individualized or paired‐with‐each‐other “great thinkers” to communist/socialist activists working in and through everyday spaces and material practices. Their pamphlets, articles, and books thus appear more as immediate political interventions and less as timeless theorizing or as the raw material for such intellectualizing reconstructions.

Early reports of large bones from slate mines in the Middle Jurassic rocks at Stonesfield, Oxfordshire are reviewed, along with previously unpublished accounts of the workings. The material that formed the basis for publication of the genus Megalosaurus Buckland and Conybeare, 1824 is documented. The lectotype, a partial right lower jaw, was acquired by Sir Christopher Pegge, Dr Lees Reader in Anatomy at Christ Church, Oxford in 1797. The paralectotype sacrum was acquired by an Oxford undergraduate, Philip Barker Webb, sometime prior to 1814, as revealed by a letter to William Buckland from George Griffin, a Stonesfield well-sinker and mason, in which this specimen is mentioned. Another letter to Buckland from David Oliver, also of Stonesfield, records the discovery of further large bones, and annotations by Buckland indicate their purchase. The reptilian nature of the bones was confirmed during a visit to Oxford by the great French comparative anatomist Georges Cuvier in 1818. The presence of a giant reptile in the Stonesfield Slate became widely known in the English geological community. The six year delay between recognition and publication probably reflects Buckland's other commitments and priorities. Although Buckland largely disappears from the record at the end of 1849, we note one final reference to Megalosaurus in 1854, in the form of a letter to Buckland from Benjamin Waterhouse Hawkins, in which he requests dimensions of Megalosaurus bones to aid construction of the life-sized model of Megalosaurus that can still be seen at Crystal Palace Park in south London.

The Rottenstone Domain of the Trans-Hudson orogen is a 25-km-wide granitic–migmatitic belt lying between the La Ronge volcanic–plutonic island arc (1890–1830 Ma) to the southeast and the ensialic Wathaman Batholith (1855 Ma) to the northwest. The Rottenstone Domain consists of three lithotectonic belts parallel to the orogen: (i) southeast — gently folded migmatized quartzo-feldspathic metasedimentary and mafic metavolcanic rocks intruded by small concordant and discordant white tonalite–monzogranite bodies; (ii) central — intensely folded and migmatized metasedimentary rocks and minor metavolcanic rocks intruded by largely discordant, xenolith-rich, pink aplite-pegmatite monzogranite bodies; and (iii) northwest — steeply folded migmatized metasedimentary rocks cut by subvertical white tonalite–monzogranite sheets. Emplacement of granitoid rocks consists predominantly of contiguous, orogen-parallel, steeply dipping, syntectonic and post-tectonic sheets with prominent magmatic schlieren bands, overprinted by parallel solid-state deformation features. The white granitoid rocks have A/CNK (mol Al2O3/(mol CaO + Na2O + K2O)) = 1.14–1.22, K/Rb ≈ 500, ΣREE (sum of rare-earth elements) < 70 ppm, Eu/Eu* > 1, 87Sr/86Sri ≈ 0.7032, and εNdi ≈ –2. The pink monzogranites have A/CNK = 1.11–1.16, K/Rb ≈ 500, ΣREE > 90 ppm, Eu/Eu* < 1, 87Sr/86Sri ≈ 0.7031, and εNdi ≈ –2. The white granitoid rocks show a wider compositional range and more compositional scatter than the pink monzogranites, reflecting some combination of smaller volume melts, less homogenization, and less control by crystal–melt equilibria. All metavolcanic, metasedimentary, and granitic rocks in the Rottenstone Domain have the distinctive geochemical signatures of an arc environment. New sensitive high-resolution ion microprobe (SHRIMP) U–Pb geochronology on the Rottenstone granitoid rocks reveals complex growth histories for monazite and zircon, variably controlled by inheritance, magmatism, and high-grade metamorphism. Monazite ages for the granitoid bodies and migmatites cluster at ~1834 and ~1814 Ma, whereas zircon ages range from ~2480 Ma (rare cores) to ~1900–1830 Ma (cores and mantles), but also ~1818–1814 Ma for low Th/U recrystallized rims, overgrowths, and rare discrete euhedral prisms. These results demonstrate that at least some source material for the granitic magmas included earliest Paleoproterozoic crust (Sask Craton?), or its derived sediments, and that Rottenstone granitic magmatism postdated plutonism in the bounding La Ronge Arc and Wathaman Batholith. We estimate the age of terminal metamorphism in the Davin Lake area to be ~1815 Ma. Petrogenetically, the Rottenstone migmatites and granitoid rocks appear, for the most part, locally derived from their metasedimentary and metavolcanic host rocks, shed from the La Ronge Arc, Sask Craton, and possibly the Hearne Craton. The Rottenstone Domain was the least competent member in the overthrust stack and probably underwent a combination of fluid-present melting and fluid-absent decompression melting, resulting in largely syntectonic granitoid magmatism ~1835–1815 Ma, analogous to granite production in the High Himalayan gneiss belt.

The article describes the progress of the activities of the congresses of the Holy Alliance as a tool for establishing internationallaw and order, their results and significance for the development of international law. The tasks of the Holy Alliance were fulfilledthrough a system of international legal norms adopted at three diplomatic congresses. The first of them took place in the German cityof Aachen. During the congress, a number of regulations were signed, two of which are in the spotlight, because they enshrined theimplementation of the new international law – the protocol and declaration of November 15, 1818. The preamble to the Aachen Protocolidentifies France’s place in the system of international relations and European policy on the basis of the Paris Peace Treaty. Francebecame a full ally of Austria, England, Prussia and Russia. The second task solved at the congress was the fixation of the universal ruleof law, initiated by the Congress of Vienna in 1814–1815. Thus, there was an informal division of states into two groups: the first gua -ranteed the international rule of law, the second – pledged to comply with imperative norms. The significance of the Aachen Congressfor the development of international law lies in the introduction of the practice of adopting special regulations on diplomatic relations.The Second Congress of the Holy Alliance was regarded as two separate ones sometimes, since it was started at Opava, October23, 1820, and continued with a short break in Laibach until the end of April 1822. At that congress, a protocol was signed on the rightof armed intervention in the affairs of other states and the introduction of Austrian occupation troops into the Kingdom of Both Sicilieswas authorized. The Verona Congress discussed the issues of armed intervention in Spain, the recognition of Latin American countries,the fight against slave trade, the freedom of navigation on the Rhine and more.Despite the shakiness of the Alliance, its rather short lifecycle, the form of international communication itself has proved to beeffective and, at times, effective, and has, in fact, been reproduced in the form of the League of Nations and the United Nations. Theexisting provisions have created the basis for further interstate dialogue, expanding the range of international imperative norms andimproving the tools for their elaboration.

The Young Grundtvig and NorwayBy Gustav AlbeckThis article is a revised and extended version of the lecture given by Professor Albeck on April 30th 1984 at the annual general meeting of the Grundtvig Society in Oslo. It describes Grundtvig’s close relationship to a number of Norwegian friends he made during his residence at the Walkendorf hostel in Copenhagen in the years 1808-11; this circle of friends lasted and widened to include other Norwegians in his later life.Grundtvig was 67 before he set foot on Norwegian soil, but from his early youth he had familiarised himself with the Norwegian landscape and history through Norwegian literature. His feeling of kinship with the spirit and history of Norway was for a time stronger than his consciousness of being Danish. In his youth Norway and the Norwegians played a major role in opinion-making in Denmark, and in this respect Grundtvig was no different from his contemporary Danes. But the idea of Norway’s future continued to concern him long after his youth was over. The lecture, however, confines itself to the way certain Norwegians regarded Grundtvig between 1808 and 1811.When Grundtvig returned to Copenhagen from Langeland in 1808 he had no friends in the capital. But at the Walkendorf hostel he met first and foremost Svend B. Hersleb, a Norwegian theologian, to whom he addressed a jocular poem in the same year, revealing that Grundtvig now felt himself young again and among young people following his unrequited passion for Constance Leth. Otherwise we have only a few witnesses to this first period of happiness, with Grundtvig gaining a foothold on the Danish parnassus through his first Norse Mythology and Scenes from Heroic Life in the North.The fullest accounts of Grundtvig’s relationship to the Norwegians in the period following his nervous breakdown and religious breakthrough in 1810 come from the journals of the Norwegian-Danish dean and poet, Frederik Schmidt, made during various trips to Denmark. These journals were published in extenso between 1966 and 1985 in three volumes, the last of which includes a commentary by the editors and a postscript by Gustav Albeck. Many of the valuable notes about Grundtvig are repeated in the lecture. Frederik Schmidt was the son of a Norwegian bishop; he became a rural dean and later a member of the first National Assembly at Eids voll in 1814. He was a Norwegian patriot but loyal to the Danes and in fact returned to Denmark in 1820. His descriptions of Grundtvig’s conversations with Niels Treschow, the Norwegian-born Professor of Philosophy at Copenhagen University, give an authentic and concentrated picture of Grundtvig’s reflections on his conversion to a strict Lutheran faith, which for a time threatened to hinder his development as a secular writer. Schmidt found their way of presenting their differing views “very interesting and human”, and Grundtvig’s Christian faith “warm, intense and sincere”. “In the animated features of his dark eyes and pale face there is something passionate yet also gentle”. When Schmidt himself talked to Grundtvig about a current paper which stated that in early Christianity there was a fusion between Greek thought and oriental feeling, Grundtvig exclaimed, “Yet another Christianity without Christ!” A draft of a reply to one of Schmidt’s articles shows that at that point, April 1811, Grundtvig did not believe in the working of “the living word” in its secular meaning. The draft was not printed and Grundtvig does not appear to have discussed it with Schmidt. There is a very precise description of Grundtvig’s appearance: “There is... something confused in his eyes; he sometimes closes them after a tiring conversation, as if he wants to pull his thoughts together again.” Schmidt in no way agrees with Grundtvig’s point of view, which he partly puts down to “disappointed hopes, humbled pride and the persecution... he has been subjected to...” But he does find another important explanation in Grundtvig’s “need for reassuring knowledge” and his conviction “that the misery of the age can only be helped by true religious feeling”.There are also descriptions of Grundtvig in a more jovial mood, for example together with Professor George Sverdrup, where Grundtvig repeated some rather unflattering accounts of the playwright Holberg’s behaviour towards a couple of professors who were colleagues. The same evening he and Schmidt set about attacking Napoleon while Treschow and Sverdrup defended him. Schmidt considered Grundtvig’s little book, New Year’s Eve, “devout to the point of pietist sentiment”, but thought the error lay rather in Grundtvig’s head than his heart. Lovely is the Clear Blue Night (Dejlig er den himmel blaa), published in April 1811 was even read aloud by Schmidt to a woman poet; but he criticised The Anholt-Campaign.After 1814 Schmidt adopted a somewhat cooler tone towards Grundtvig’s books. He was unable to go along with Grundtvig’s talk of a united Denmark- Norway as his fatherland. He criticised the poems Grundtvig published in his periodical, Danevirke, including even The Easter Lily for its “vulgar language”, which Grundtvig appeared to confuse with a true “language of power”. It is impossible to prove any close relationship between Schmidt and Grundtvig, but he was an attentive observer when they met in Copenhagen in 1811.With the opening of the Royal Frederik University in Christiania in 1813 Grundtvig became separated from his Norwegian friends, as Hersleb, Treschow and Sverdrup were all appointed to the new Norwegian university. They were keen for Grundtvig to join them as Professor of History. Sverdrup in particular was captivated by his personality, and in a letter dated April 21st 1812 he informed Grundtvig that he was among the candidates for the post proposed by the commission to the King. But Grundtvig himself hesitated; he felt “calm and quietly happy” in Udby “as minister for simple Christians”. To his friend, the Norwegian-born Poul Dons, he wrote, “... something in me draws me up there, something keeps me down here.” The fact that he never got the job was in many ways his own fault. His World Chronicle (1812) could not but offend scholars of a rationalist approach, in particular the prediction at the end of the book about the new university’s effect. It is linked to Grundtvig’s interpretation (1810) of the letters to the seven churches in Revelation, which are seen as a prediction of the seven great churches in the historical advance of Christianity.“It was an idea,” says Albeck, “which in spite of its obvious irrationality never left Grundtvig, and as late as 1860 it found poetic form in the great poem, The Pleiades of Christendom (Christenhedens Syvstjerne).” Grundtvig “was in no doubt that the sixth church was the Nordic, and that it would grow out of the Norwegian university, the new Wittenberg.” In 1810 Grundtvig felt himself “chosen to be the forerunner of a new reformer, a new Johan Huss before a new Luther.” From a scholarly point of view there is no reason to reproach the Danish selection panel for the negative judgment they reached regarding Grundtvig’s qualifications as a historian. His name was not even mentioned in the appointments for the new professorships. He had caused quite a stir not long before by writing a birthday poem for the King in which he directly expressed his wish that the new university might become a Wittenberg. The poem took the form of a series of accusations against Norway and the Norwegians, and in particular against Nicolai Wergeland, who in a prize-winning essay on the Norwegian university entitled Mnemosyne had stuck a few needles into Denmark and the Danes. Grundtvig accused the Norwegians of ingratitude to Denmark and unchristian pride. Even his good friend Hersleb reacted to such an attack.From the diaries of the Norwegian, Claus Pavels, we know how the Norwegian poet, Jonas Rein, wrote and told Grundtvig that “a greater meekness towards people with a different opinion would be more fitting for a teacher of Christianity.” Grundtvig replied that he had had to speak the truth loud and clear in a degenerate age. The Bishop of Bergen, Nordal Brun, also considered Grundtvig’s views as expressed to the King “misplaced and insulting”. He was particularly hurt that Norway “should have to thank Denmark for its Christianity and protestantism”. When Grundtvig printed the poem in Little Songs (Kv.dlinger) in 1815, Nicolai Wergeland was moved to write Denmark’s Political Crimes against the Kingdom of Norway, published in 1816.For Grundtvig’s Norwegian friends it was a matter of regret that he did not come to Norway, not least for Stener Stenersen, who in 1814 became a lecturer and in 1818 a professor of theology at the Norwegian university. His correspondence with Grundtvig from 1813 is now regarded as a valuable source for Grundtvig’s view of Christianity at that time. In his diary entry for August 27th 1813 Pavels notes that Stenersen had proposed that the Society for the Wellbeing of Norway should use all its influence to get Grundtvig to Norway. In his proposition Stenersen asked who possessed such unity and purity of thought as to be able to understand fully the importance of scholarship; he himself had only one candidate - Grundtvig. From a contemporary standpoint he had won his way to the Christian faith. But the rationalist Pavels, the source of our information, was far from convinced that “no man in the whole of Norway” possessed these abilities in equal measure to Grundtvig”. He therefore had misgivings about “requesting him as Norway’s last and only deliverer”.When Grundtvig heard of Stenersen’s proposition he sought an audience with the King on September 8th at which he clearly expressed his desire to become Professor of History at the Norwegian University. Two Danish professors, Børge Thorlacius and Laurids Engelsto. found it strange, however, that Treschow, Sverdrup and Hersleb could “deify Grundtvig”. And his great wish was never fulfilled. Nonetheless he did not give up. On November 15th he saw that the post of curate was being advertised at Aggers church near Christiania and applied for the job. From his book Roskilde Rhymes (published on February 1st 1814) it is clear that he believed that it was there that his great work was to be accomplished. But in those very days Frederik VI was signing the peace of Kiel which would separate Norway from Denmark, and Grundtvig from his wish.In the preface to Danevirke (dated May 1817) he realised that he had deserved the scorn of the Norwegians, for he had expected too much of them. But he never forgot his Norwegian friends. He named one of his sons after Svend Hersleb, and another son married Stenersen’s daughter. When he himself visited Norway in 1851 he was welcomed like a prince.

The article shows that the Czech humanists formed the largest group among the foreign members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow. It is mainly based on the reports of the activities of the Academy. The Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was established by transforming the Krakow Learned Society. The Statute of the newly founded Academy was approved by a decision of the Emperor Franz Joseph I on February 16, 1872. The Emperor nominated his brother Archduke Karl Ludwig as the Academy’s Protector. The Academy was assigned to take charge of research matters related to different fields of science: philology (mainly Polish and other Slavic languages); history of literature; history of art; philosophical; political and legal sciences; history and archaeology; mathematical sciences, life sciences, Earth sciences and medical sciences. In order to make it possible for the Academy to manage so many research topics, it was divided into three classes: a philological class, a historico‑philosophical class, and a class for mathematics and natural sciences. Each class was allowed to establish its own commissions dealing with different branches of science. The first members of the Academy were chosen from among the members of the Krakow Learned Society. It was a 12‑person group including only local members, approved by the Emperor. It was also them who elected the first President of the Academy, Józef Majer, and the Secretary General, Józef Szujski, from this group. By the end of 1872, the organization of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was completed. It had its administration, management and three classes that were managed by the respective directors and secretaries. It also had three commissions, taken over from the Krakow Learned Society, namely: the Physiographic Commission, the Bibliographic Commission and the Linguistic Commission. At that time, the Academy had only a total of 24 active members who had the right to elect non‑ resident and foreign members. Each election had to be approved by the Emperor. The first public plenary session of the Academy was held in May 1873. After the speeches had been delivered, a list of candidates for new members of the Academy was read out. There were five people on the list, three of which were Czech: Josef Jireček, František Palacký and Karl Rokitansky. The second on the list was – since February 18, 1860 – a correspondent member of the Krakow Learned Society, already dissolved at the time. They were approved by the Emperor Franz Joseph in his rescript of July 7, 1873. Josef Jireček (1825–1888) became a member of the Philological Class. He was an expert on Czech literature, an ethnographer and a historian. František Palacký (1798–1876) became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The third person from this group, Karl Rokitansky (1804–1878), became a member of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. The mere fact that the first foreigners were elected as members of the Academy was a perfect example of the criteria according to which the Academy selected its active members. From among the humanists, it accepted those researchers whose research had been linked to Polish matters and issues. That is why until the end of World War I, the Czech representatives of social sciences were the biggest group among the foreign members of the Academy. As for the members of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences, the Academy invited scientists enjoying exceptional recognition in the world. These criteria were binding throughout the following years. The Academy elected two other humanists as its members during the session held on October 31, 1877 and these were Václav Svatopluk Štulc (1814–1887) and Antonin Randa (1834–1914). Václav Svatopluk Štulc became a member of the Philological Class and Antonin Randa became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The next Czech scholar who became a member of the Academy of Arts and Scientists in Krakow was Václav Vladivoj Tomek (1818–1905). It was the Historico‑Philosophical Class that elected him, which happened on May 2, 1881. On May 14, 1888, the Krakow Academy again elected a Czech scholar as its active member. This time it was Jan Gebauer (1838–1907), who was to replace Václav Štulc, who had died a few months earlier. Further Czech members of the Krakow Academy were elected at the session on December 4, 1899. This time it was again humanists who became the new members: Zikmund Winter (1846–1912), Emil Ott (1845–1924) and Jaroslav Goll (1846–1929). Two years later, on November 29, 1901, Jan Kvičala (1834–1908) and Jaromir Čelakovský (1846–1914) were elected as members of the Krakow Academy. Kvičala became a member of the Philological Class and Čelakovský – a corresponding member of the Historical‑Philosophical Class. The next member of the Krakow Academy was František Vejdovský (1849–1939) elected by the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. Six years later, a chemist, Bohuslav Brauner (1855–1935), became a member of the same Class. The last Czech scientists who had been elected as members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow before the end of the World War I were two humanists: Karel Kadlec (1865–1928) and Václav Vondrák (1859–1925). The founding of the Czech Royal Academy of Sciences in Prague in 1890 strengthened the cooperation between Czech and Polish scientists and humanists.

SummaryThis article discusses the impact of the ‘second’ Vienna Medical School, hallmarked by Karl Rokitansky, Joseph Skoda and Ferdinand Hebra, on the study and practice of medicine in Hungary. Six medical doctors’ lives and achievements are outlined, who formed a bridge between Vienna and Budapest through their studies and work. Four of them returned to Hungary and promoted the cause of medicine and medical education there. Lajos Arányi (1812–1877) founded in 1844 the Institute of Pathology at the University of Pest. János Balassa (1814–1868) took the Chair of the Surgical Department. Ignaz Philip Semmelweis (1818–1865), the ‘Saviour of Mothers’, received a position at the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology in Vienna in 1846. Gustav Scheuthauer (1832–1894) became Arányi’s successor. Each of them continued to keep contact with their tutors in Vienna, especially with Karl Rokitansky, and followed the clinicopathological conception pioneered by the Vienna Medical School regarding diagnostics, treatment and prevention of diseases. Two physicians remained in Vienna: Mór Kaposi (1837–1902), who became known worldwide posthumously due to the connection between Kaposi’s sarcoma and AIDS, was the director of the Department of Dermatology of the Vienna University in 1878. Salomon Stricker (1837–1898) undertook the leadership of the Department of General and Experimental Pathology in 1872.