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Journal articles on the topic '1848 revolutions'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Lamouria, Lanya. "FINANCIAL REVOLUTION: REPRESENTING BRITISH FINANCIAL CRISIS AFTER THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848." Victorian Literature and Culture 43, no. 3 (May 29, 2015): 489–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150315000042.

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Punch's Mr. Dunupis indeed in an awful position. Having fled to France to escape his English creditors, he finds himself in the midst of the French Revolution of 1848. The question that he must answer – what is worse, revolution in France or bankruptcy in England? – is one that preoccupied Victorians at midcentury, when a wave of European revolutions coincided with the domestic financial crisis of 1845–48. In classic accounts of nineteenth-century Europe, 1848 is remembered as the year when a crucial contest was waged between political revolution, identified with the Continent, and capitalism, identified with Britain. According to Eric Hobsbawm, the failure of the 1848 revolutions to effect lasting political change ushered in “[t]he sudden, vast and apparently boundless expansion of the world capitalist economy”: “Political revolution retreated, industrial revolution advanced” (2). For mid-nineteenth-century Britons, however, the triumph of capitalism was by no means assured. In what follows, I look closely at how Victorian journalists and novelists imagined the British financial crisis of the 1840s after this event was given new meaning by the 1848 French Revolution. Much of this writing envisions political revolution and the capitalist economy in the same way as thePunchsatirist does – not as competing ideologies of social progress but as equivalent forms of social disruption. As we will see, at midcentury, the ongoing financial crisis was routinely represented as a quasi-revolutionary upheaval: it was a mass disturbance that struck terror into the middle classes precisely by suddenly and violently toppling the nation's leading men and social institutions.

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2

Arthur, C. J. "Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 20 (March 1986): 147–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00004089.

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Karl Marx (1818–1883) was born in Trèves in the Rhineland. He studied law in Bonn, philosophy and history in Berlin, and received a doctorate from the University of Jena for a thesis on Epicurus (341–270 BC). (Epicurus' philosophy was a reaction against the ‘other-worldliness’ of Plato's theory of Forms. Whereas for Plato knowledge was of intelligible Forms, and the criterion of the truth of a hypothesis about the definition of a Form was that it should survive a Socratic testing by question and answer, for Epicurus the criterion of truth was sensation, and employment of this criterion favoured the theory with which Plato explicitly contrasted the theory of Forms (Sophist 246a–d), namely, the materialism of the atomists, Leucippus and Democritus.) Marx was editor of the Rheinische Zeitung of Cologne, 1842–1843. The paper was suppressed and he moved to Paris, becoming co-editor of the Deutsch-französische Jahrbücher, the one and only issue of which contained two articles by Marx and two by his friend, Friedrich Engels (1829–1895). Together they wrote The German Ideology (1846) and their most influential work, The Communist Manifesto (1848). Marx had been expelled from France in 1845, and went to Brussels, from where he was expelled during the 1848 revolutions. He went to Cologne to start, with Engels and others, a paper with a revolutionary editorial policy, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. Expelled once again, Marx finally settled in London, working in the British Museum on his great historical analysis of capitalism, Das Kapital. The first volume was published in 1867, the remaining two volumes, completed by Engels after Marx's death, in 1885 and 1895.

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3

Price, R. "The European Revolutions, 1848-1851." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 502 (May 30, 2008): 776. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen146.

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Waling, Geerten, and Niels Ottenheim. "Waarom Nederland in 1848 geen revolutie kende." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.1.002.wali.

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Abstract Why the Netherlands did not witness a revolution in 1848In 1848, a wave of democratic revolutions struck most of Europe, but not the Netherlands. Historians have provided only partial explanations from a range of perspectives, such as socio-economic, socio-political, and institutional. We argue that none of these are fully tenable or satisfactory by comparing the Dutch situation with countries that did experience revolutions in 1848. Also, we add a cultural perspective by studying the role of the Dutch consensus culture. After tracing its roots, we identify its key characteristics and use these as a prism to interpret several governmental sources, brochures, and newspaper articles. On this basis, we argue that it is likely that the consensus culture strongly contributed to the stability of Dutch society during the European revolutionary months of 1848. Without wanting to present this perspective as the definitive explanation, we claim that (political) culture as such deserves more attention in studies to the Netherlands during 1848.

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5

Dimond, Mark. "The Czech Revolution of 1848: The Pivot of the Habsburg Revolutions." History Compass 2, no. 1 (January 2004): **. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2004.00105.x.

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6

Taylor, M. "THE 1848 REVOLUTIONS AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE." Past & Present 166, no. 1 (February 1, 2000): 146–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/166.1.146.

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7

Hamlin, C., and S. Sheard. "Revolutions in public health: 1848, and 1998?" BMJ 317, no. 7158 (August 29, 1998): 587–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.317.7158.587.

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8

Aliprantis, Christos. "Transnational Policing after the 1848–1849 Revolutions: The Habsburg Empire in the Mediterranean." European History Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 2020): 412–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420932489.

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This article investigates the policing measures of the Habsburg Empire against the exiled defeated revolutionaries in the Mediterranean after the 1848–1849 revolutions. The examination of this counter-revolutionary policy reveals the pioneering role Austria played in international policing. It shows, in particular, that Vienna invested more heavily in policing in the Mediterranean after 1848 than it did in other regions, such as Western Europe, due to the multitude of ‘Forty-Eighters’ settled there and the alleged inadequacy of the local polities (e.g., the Ottoman Empire, Greece) to satisfactorily deal with the refugee question themselves. The article explains that Austria made use of a wide array of both official and unofficial techniques to contain these allegedly dangerous political dissidents. These methods ranged from official police collaboration with Greece and the Ottoman Empire to more subtle regional information exchanges with Naples and Russia. However, they also included purely unilateral methods exercised by the Austrian consuls, Austrian Lloyd sailors and ship captains, and ad hoc recruited secret agents to monitor the émigrés at large. Overall, the article argues that Austrian policymakers in the aftermath of 1848 invented new policing formulas and reshaped different pre-existing institutions (e.g., consuls, Austrian Lloyd), channelling them against their opponents in exile. Therefore, apart from surveying early modes of international policing, this study also adds to the discussion about Austrian (and European) state-building and, furthermore, to the more specific discussion of how European states dealt with political dissidents abroad in the nineteenth century.

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9

Guyver, C. "The Perilous Crown: France between Revolutions 1814-1848." French History 22, no. 2 (May 19, 2008): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crn016.

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10

Pilbeam, P. "The Perilous Crown: France between Revolutions, 1814-1848." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 507 (April 1, 2009): 456–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep067.

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11

Berger, Helge, and Mark Spoerer. "ECONOMIC CRISES AND THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTIONS OF 1848." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 2 (June 2001): 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701028029.

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12

Stuven, Ana María. "The European Revolutions of 1848 and the Americas." Hispanic American Historical Review 84, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 184–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-84-1-184.

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13

Neely, Sylvia. ":The Perilous Crown: France between Revolutions, 1814–1848." American Historical Review 113, no. 4 (October 2008): 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.4.1255.

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14

Goldstein, Robert Justin. "Comparing the European Revolutions of 1848 and 1989." Society 44, no. 6 (August 3, 2007): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-007-9026-8.

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15

Izzo, Francesco. "Comedy between Two Revolutions: Opera Buffa and the Risorgimento, 1831-1848." Journal of Musicology 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 127–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2004.21.1.127.

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For more than a century discussions of the relationship between the operatic stage and the socio-political scene of the Risorgimento have relied almost exclusively on serious operas (particularly those of Giuseppe Verdi) and especially on the period after 1848. Roger Parker's recent revision of Verdi's ostensibly exclusive role as "Bard of the Risorgimento" provides an opportunity to reassess the politics of Italian opera during this period, considering also other composers and works. The purpose of this study is to discuss the interaction between opera and the Risorgimento in a group of comic works composed between the revolutions of 1831 and 1848, focusing in particular on the representation and implications of national identity in Luigi Ricci's Il nuovo Figaro(1832) and in two Italian versions of Donizetti's La Fille du rgiment (1840), as well as on the significance of military themes. Furthermore, relevant cases of censorship in these and other comic works are examined. These operas uncover numerous affinities with the political discourse in contemporary serious melodrama, showing that warlike themes, choruses, and other statements of patriotism were not a prerogative of Verdi's operas, nor an exclusive feature of the serious genre. Their authors used conventional buffa procedures, such as modern European settings and encoded allegories of national character, in ways that reveal connections with the tensions and aspirations of the Risorgimento. A better knowledge of this repertory can only improve our understanding of the politics of opera during this crucial period of Italian history.

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16

Lee, Loyd E. "Baden between Revolutions: State-Building and Citizenship, 1800–1848." Central European History 24, no. 2-3 (June 1991): 248–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019038.

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Arising from the French revolutionary upheaval and the collapse of the Holy Roman Empire, nineteenth-century Baden, as a political and administrative structure joined to a social body, had few continuities with an earlier past. Though a Napoleonic progeny, its successful transition to modern statehood started as an act of dynastic and bureaucratic will, imposed upon a recalcitrant or disinterested population. Remarkably, the new creation struck roots within its inhabitants which are still evident today. Beyond doubt the Zähringen monarch and the grand duchy's officialdom were estranged from large segments of the population at midcentury, as the revolutionary events of 1848–49 show. Nonetheless, a sense of Badenese citizenship and patriotism had become widely institutionalized by 1848.

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17

Belchem, John. "Britishness, the United Kingdom and the Revolutions of 1848." Labour History Review 64, no. 2 (July 1999): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.64.2.143.

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18

Mering, Sabine Von, and Hanna Ballin Lewis. "A Year of Revolutions: Fanny Lewald's Recollections of 1848." German Studies Review 22, no. 3 (October 1999): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432276.

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19

Wrobel, D. M. "Distant Revolutions: 1848 and the Challenge to American Exceptionalism." Journal of American History 97, no. 4 (March 1, 2011): 1122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaq120.

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20

COSMA, ELA. "DIPLOMATIC AND MILITARY AGENTS OF THE POLISH EMIGRATION IN THE ROMANIAN PRINCIPALITIES (1833–1849)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 30 (December 25, 2019): 111–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2019.30.111-140.

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Before the 1848–1849 revolution, the Romanian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, under Turkish suzerainty and Russian protectorate, hosted a significant number of Poles belonging to both factions of the Polish Great Emigration, Adam Czartoryski’s circle and the democrats. The names and activity of the Poles emigrated in the Romanian Lands during the Peoples’ Spring are less known than those of the Polish Great Emigration in France and England. The study brings to light the diplomatic involvement (1833–1849) of leading characters among the Polish monarchists sent by Czartoryski and Michał Czajkowski in the Romanian national movement promoted by Ion Câmpineanu (1838), as well as their bounds and military support offered to Nicolae Bălcescu and other revolutionaries from Wallachia (1848). Special attention is paid to the activity unfolded by Polish democrats in Moldavia, in order to prepare and trigger an uprising in neighbouring Galicia (1846, 1848). Led by Faustyn Filanowicz, Teofil Wiśniowski, Ioan Loga, the democrats’ main accomplishment was the establishment of the Polish South Legion (1842), with operational basis in Grozeşti (Oituz) and military deployment in southern Moldavia and north-eastern Wallachia (1848). The study case of the Polish emigration in the Romanian Principalities between 1833–1849 reveals useful conclusions regarding the organization of the universal revolution, a phenomenon of world interest for nineteenth century history.

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21

Wilson, Karen S. "Seeking America in America." Southern California Quarterly 95, no. 2 (2013): 105–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2013.95.2.105.

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This article presents the California Gold Rush as an ideological battleground. The 1848 discovery of gold in California and the 1848 Revolutions in France launched an influx of French argonauts with expectations of equal opportunities and individual rights common to both nations’ ideologies. In the accounts of four bourgeois French observers of the Gold Rush, this article finds America’s promise falling short of practice as nativism barred European foreigners from the equal fruits of free enterprise.

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22

Seaton, Douglass, and Alexander Ringer. "The Early Romantic Era: Between Revolutions [of] 1789 and 1848." Notes 49, no. 2 (December 1992): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/897908.

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23

Broers, M. "Shorter notice. The German Revolutions of 1848-49. W Siemann." English Historical Review 115, no. 461 (April 2000): 486. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.461.486.

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Broers, M. "Shorter notice. The German Revolutions of 1848-49. W Siemann." English Historical Review 115, no. 461 (April 1, 2000): 486. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.461.486.

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25

Aliprantis, Christos. "Lives in exile: foreign political refugees in early independent Greece (1830–53)." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 43, no. 02 (September 10, 2019): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2019.8.

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This article discusses the stay in Greece of Italian and Polish political refugees of the 1830–1 and 1848–9 European revolutions. The article depicts the human geography of the refugees and examines the experience of exile both collectively and individually. Apart from studying the émigré communities as a whole in Athens, Patras and Syros, this paper also analyses the problems and expectations of specific refugees in Greece after 1849 (e.g. Antonio Morandi, Marco Antonio Canini, Oronzio Spinazzolla). This contribution thus adds to our understanding of both Greece under King Otto and the Mediterranean by highlighting aspects of transnational mobility and interaction of peoples and ideas in the mid-nineteenth century.

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26

Claeys, Gregory. "Mazzini, Kossuth, and British Radicalism, 1848–1854." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 3 (January 1989): 225–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385936.

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The relative quiescence of British working-class radicalism during much of the two decades after 1848, so central to the foundations of mid-Victorian stability, has been the subject of many explanations. Though Chartism did not expire finally until the late 1850s, its mainstream strategy of constitutionalist organization, huge meetings, enormous parliamentary petitions, and the tacit threat of violent intimidation seemed exploded after the debacle of Kennington Common and the failed march on Parliament in April 1848. But other factors also contributed to undermine the zeal for reform. Alleviating the pressures of distress, emigration carried off many activists to America and elsewhere. Relative economic prosperity rendered the economic ends of reform less pressing, and proposals like the Chartist Land Plan less appealing. The popularity of various self-help doctrines, including consumer cooperation, also militated against collectivist political action. “Labour aristocrats” and trade union leaders, moreover, preferred local and sectional economic improvement to the risks and expense of political campaigning.Accounts of mid-Victorian political stability have had little to say, however, about the impact of European radicalism on the British working-class movement after 1848. That the failure of the continental revolutions brought thousands of refugees to Britain is well known. But although useful studies exist of the internationalist dimensions of Chartism prior to 1849—and of some of the refugee groups generally in this period—the effects of the exiled continental radicals on British working-class politics in the early 1850s have remained largely unconsidered.

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27

Dickie, John. "Antonio Bresciani and the sects: conspiracy myths in an intransigent Catholic response to the Risorgimento." Modern Italy 22, no. 1 (February 2017): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.51.

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Antonio Bresciani’s notorious trilogy of novels about the revolutions of 1848, starting withL’Ebreo di Verona, first appeared in the earliest issues of the Jesuit periodicalLa Civiltà Cattolicafrom 1850. They constitute an intransigentist attack on the Risorgimento, and portray the events of 1848–1849 as the result of a satanically inspired conspiracy by secret societies. This article re-analyses those novels by placing Bresciani in the context of the ‘culture war’ between lay and religious world views across Europe from the middle of the nineteenth century. The article argues that Bresciani represents a significant case study in the intransigent Catholic response to the kind of patriotic motifs identified by the recent cultural historiography on the Risorgimento. The ‘paranoid style’ of Bresciani’s conspiracy myth is analysed, as is Bresciani’s portrayal of Garibaldi, female fighters, and Jews – in particular the tale of Christian conversion presented inL’Ebreo di Verona. The article argues that, despite its polarising, reactionary intentions, Bresciani’s fiction betrayed many influences from the Romantic culture of the Risorgimento that he claimed to despise.

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28

KURT, Selim. "THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 AND ITS REFLECTIONS TO MODERN POLITICAL MENTALITY." Journal Of History School 7, no. XVIII (January 1, 2014): 359–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.14225/joh506.

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29

CROOK, MALCOLM. "The Perilous Crown: France between Revolutions, 1814-1848 - By Munro Price." History 95, no. 320 (September 29, 2010): 510–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2010.00496_33.x.

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30

Belchem, John. "NATIONALISM, REPUBLICANISM AND EXILE: IRISH EMIGRANTS AND THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848." Past and Present 146, no. 1 (1995): 103–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/146.1.103.

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31

Clark, Christopher. "AFTER 1848: THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION IN GOVERNMENT." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 22 (December 2012): 171–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440112000114.

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ABSTRACTThis paper revisits the question of the impact of the 1848 revolutions on governance and administration across the European states. Few historians would contend that the immediate post-revolutionary years saw a ‘return’ to pre-1848 conditions, but the transitions of the 1850s are usually presented as episodes within a narrative that is deemed to be specific to the respective nation-state. This paper argues that the 1850s saw a profound transformation in political and administrative practices across the continent, encompassing the emergence of new centrist political coalitions with a distinctively post-revolutionary mode of politics characterised by a technocratic vision of progress, the absorption into government of civil-society-based bodies of expertise, and changes in public information management. In short, it proposes that we need to move beyond the restrictive interpretation implied by the tenacious rubric ‘decade of reaction’ towards recognising that the 1850s were – after the Napoleonic period – the second high-water-mark in nineteenth-century political and administrative innovation across the continent. The paper argues, moreover, that these transitions took place on an authentically European basis and that they only come fully into focus when we survey the spectrum of governmental experiences across the European states. The paper closes with some reflections on the broader implications of this reappraisal for our understanding of European history in the middle and later decades of the nineteenth century.

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Izzo, Francesco. "Verdi, the Virgin, and the Censor: The Politics of the Cult of Mary in I Lombardi alla prima crociata and Giovanna d'Arco." Journal of the American Musicological Society 60, no. 3 (2007): 557–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2007.60.3.557.

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Christian elements and themes developed rapidly in mid-nineteenth-century Italian culture. This essay concentrates on Giuseppe Verdi's I Lombardi alla prima crociata (1843) and Giovanna d'Arco (1845)—the first nineteenth-century Italian operas to include explicit references to the Virgin Mary. Whereas Giselda's prayer to the Virgin in I Lombardi was allowed by the censors with only one minimal emendation, evidence in the autograph score of Giovanna d'Arco reveals that numerous relevant Marian elements in this opera were modified or suppressed. The different attitude of the Milanese censors toward the two operas, both premiered at La Scala, may at first seem contradictory. Examined in the context of contemporary cultural ramifications of the cult of Mary, however, these works and their censorship acquire new meanings, shedding light on the intersections between religion and politics in the phase of the Risorgimento leading to the revolutions of 1848–49. On the one hand, Giselda's character and her prayer embody the feminine mildness, faith, and passivity characteristic of the Catholic-liberal movement, hardly posing a threat to the political and religious status quo. On the other, the Marian elements in Giovanna d'Arco suggest an appropriation of this religious icon for the purposes of an overtly revolutionary agenda, and thus prompted the intervention of the censors. What may at first seem a straightforward instance of religious censorship bears profound political implications, suggests that the censors operated according to contextual or semantic (rather than merely textual or lexical) criteria, and invites a more nuanced perception of the political meanings of Verdi's works prior to 1848.

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33

Hakkarainen, Heidi. "Contagious Humanism in Early Nineteenth-Century German-Language Press." Contributions to the History of Concepts 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 22–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2020.150102.

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This article explores the ways the emerging concept of humanism was circulated and defined in early nineteenth-century German-language press. By analyzing a digitized corpus of German-language newspapers and periodicals published between 1808 and 1850, this article looks into the ways the concept of humanism was employed in book reviews, news, political reports, and feuilleton texts. Newspapers and periodicals had a significant role in transmitting the concept of humanism from educational debates into general political language in the 1840s. Furthermore, in an era of growing social problems and political unrest, humanism became increasingly associated with moral sentiments. Accordingly, this article suggests that its new political meanings and emotional underpinnings made humanism culturally contagious, particularly immediately before and during the 1848/49 revolutions.

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34

Stanonik, Janez. "Anton Füster - a Slovene forty-eighter." Acta Neophilologica 31 (December 1, 1998): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.31.0.81-93.

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Anton Füster, originally by profession a Catholic priest and a leading figure in the Vienna Revolution of 1848/49, lived the early part of his life- from 1808 till 1847 - in his native Slovenia. A few months before the outbreak of the revolution he was nominated Professor at Vienna University. After the suppression of the revolution in spring 1849 he emigrated by way of Germany and London to the United States. After the first three years in Boston he lived in New York until his return to Austria in 1876. He died in Vienna in 1881.

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Stanonik, Janez. "Anton Füster - a Slovene forty-eighter." Acta Neophilologica 31 (December 1, 1998): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.31.1.81-93.

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Anton Füster, originally by profession a Catholic priest and a leading figure in the Vienna Revolution of 1848/49, lived the early part of his life- from 1808 till 1847 - in his native Slovenia. A few months before the outbreak of the revolution he was nominated Professor at Vienna University. After the suppression of the revolution in spring 1849 he emigrated by way of Germany and London to the United States. After the first three years in Boston he lived in New York until his return to Austria in 1876. He died in Vienna in 1881.

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36

BRYANT, CHAD. "Zap's Prague: the city, the nation and Czech elites before 1848." Urban History 40, no. 2 (February 21, 2013): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926813000011.

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ABSTRACT:Karel Vladislav Zap, who came of age during the 1830 revolutions in Europe, belonged to a generation of Czech elites determined to promote national consciousness while actively carving out a space within Prague's middle-class social milieu. Zap, as his topographies of the city demonstrate, also called on his countrymen to claim the city and its structures from their German-speaking neighbours, thus contributing to a dynamic that would continue throughout the century.

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37

Laven, David. "AUSTRIA'S ITALIAN POLICY RECONSIDERED: REVOLUTION AND REFORM IN RESTORATION ITALY." Modern Italy 2 (August 1997): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949708454776.

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This article examines Austrian policy towards the Italian states from the Congress of Vienna to the revolutions of 1848. It argues that the paramount concern of Habsburg policy was not revolution, but rather the maintenance of a hegemonic position in the peninsula against threats from the Habsburgs’ traditional enemy - the French. Revolution caused significant concern only because it might provide the French with a pretext for intervention in the peninsula. Consequently a number of strategies were adopted both to forestall insurrection (vigorous policing, encouraging moderate reform programmes, armed intervention), and to retain influence over the peninsula's rulers (diplomatic pressure, dynastic and military alliances, promises of assistance against unrest). However, by the 1830s the Austrians were faced by increasing challenges to their position of dominance. This was in part because of the personal ambitions of individual Italian rulers, but it also reflected the changing situation in Paris after the July Revolution, and in Vienna after the death of Francis I.

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Anderson, Bonnie S. "The Lid Comes Off: International Radical Feminism and the Revolutions of 1848." NWSA Journal 10, no. 2 (July 1998): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nws.1998.10.2.1.

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39

Zadoks, J. C. "The Potato Murrain on the European Continent and the Revolutions of 1848." Potato Research 51, no. 1 (March 2008): 5–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11540-008-9091-4.

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40

Thomson, Guy. "Garibaldi and the Legacy of the Revolutions of 1848 in Southern Spain." European History Quarterly 31, no. 3 (July 2001): 353–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140103100302.

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41

Prior, David. "Distant Revolutions: 1848 and the Challenge to American Exceptionalism (review)." Journal of the Early Republic 31, no. 2 (2011): 347–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2011.0021.

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Hatch, Christopher. ": The Early Romantic Era: Between Revolutions, 1789 and 1848 . Alexander L. Ringer." 19th-Century Music 15, no. 1 (July 1991): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.1991.15.1.02a00080.

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Jørgensen, Claus Møller. "Transurban interconnectivities: an essay on the interpretation of the revolutions of 1848." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 19, no. 2 (April 2012): 201–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2012.662945.

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Weyland, Kurt. "The Diffusion of Revolution: ‘1848’ in Europe and Latin America." International Organization 63, no. 3 (July 2009): 391–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818309090146.

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AbstractWhat accounts for the spread of political protest and contention across countries? Analyzing the wildfire of attempted revolutions in 1848, the present article assesses four causal mechanisms for explaining diffusion, namely external pressure from a great power (such as revolutionary France after 1789); the promotion of new norms and values—such as liberalism and democracy—by more advanced countries; rational learning from successful contention in other nations; or boundedly rational, potentially distorted inferences from select foreign experiences. The patterns in which revolutionary contention spread and eyewitness reports from all sides of the ensuing conflicts suggest that bounded rationality played a crucial role: cognitive heuristics that deviate from fully rational procedures drew attention to some experiences but not others and induced both challengers and defenders of the established order to draw rash conclusions from these experiences, particularly the French monarchy's fall in February 1848. My study also shows, however, that other factors made important contributions, for instance by preparing the ground for the wave of regime contention.

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Vella, F. "Laughter between Two Revolutions: Opera Buffa in Italy, 1831-1848. By Francesco Izzo." Music and Letters 95, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 662–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/gcu089.

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Hodgson, Max. "Russia and the British Left: From the 1848 Revolutions to the General Strike." Revolutionary Russia 32, no. 2 (July 3, 2019): 306–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2019.1670436.

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Kelly, Patrick J. "The European Revolutions of 1848 and the Transnational Turn in Civil War History." Journal of the Civil War Era 4, no. 3 (2014): 431–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2014.0069.

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Morrison, Michael A. "American Reaction to European Revolutions, 1848-1852: Sectionalism, Memory, and the Revolutionary Heritage." Civil War History 49, no. 2 (2003): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2003.0042.

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Gluck, Mary. "In Search of “That Semi-Mythical Waif: Hungarian Liberalism”: The Culture of Political Radicalism in 1918–1919." Austrian History Yearbook 22 (January 1991): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800019895.

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In contemporary discussions of the new, post-Communist regimes of Eastern Europe, Hungary is often given pride of place as the most “liberalized” society in the region. Although this perception is based on undeniable political and economic facts, it is also nourished by long-established historical traditions and myths. During the revolutions of 1848–49, Hungarians were also hailed by European opinion as the champions of liberty and heroic resistance to oppression. Over half a century later, in the wake of the political and military collapse of the Habsburg monarchy, Hungary once again staged a series of dramatic revolutions which earned it the reputation of being part of a political avant-garde. And in 1956, Hungarians yet again assumed the mantle of political idealism and revolutionary self-sacrifice in the face of foreign despotism.

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Nørgaard, Anne Engelst. "Nu kommer Bonden:." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 71 (August 18, 2015): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i71.107312.

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This article investigates how a Danish peasant movement, united in the association ‘Bondevennernes Selskab’, became a social movement and therefrom developed into an early version of a parliamentary party. Established in 1846, it was the revolutions of 1848 and following political development in Denmark that triggered the movement’s entrance to parliamentary politics. In this process, the association challenged the bourgeois liberal concept of politics, as the association argued that it would represent one particular class – the peasants – in parliament. The argument of the article is unfolded in an analysis of a conflict between the peasant association and the dominating bourgeois, liberal opinion. As the conflict took place in the daily press, the article investigates both the arguments, the peasant movement had to face in the liberal newspaper Fædrelandet and its replies in the paper Almuevennen. Thereby the article touches upon how the association legitimized its actions as a social, political movement.

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