Journal articles on the topic '1850-1941'

The tribe Lichniini (Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae: Melolonthinae), which includes two genera and six species, is revised. A key to species, descriptions of genera and species, a checklist, distributional and temporal data, and designation of lectotypes and neotypes are given. The genus Lichnia Erichson, 1835 includes two species: L. gallardoi Gutiérrez, 1941 and L. limbata Erichson, 1835 (lectotype designated). The genus Arctodium Burmeister, 1844 includes four species: A. discolor (Erichson, 1835) (neotype designated), A. mahdii new species, A. planum (Blanchard, 1850) (lectotype designated), and A. vulpinum (Erichson, 1835) (lectotype designated). The following nomenclatural changes are made: Lichniini is transferred from Glaphyridae to Melolonthinae (Scarabaeoidea: Scarabaeidae) and the spelling is emended from “Lichnini” to “Lichniini”; Dasychaeta Erichson, 1847 is a new junior synonym of Lichnia; Dasychaeta lateralis Erichson, 1847 (neotype designated) is a new junior synonym of L. limbata; Lichnia porteri Gutiérrez, 1941 (neotype designated) is a new junior synonym of L. gallardoi; Cratoscelis aterrima Blanchard, 1850 (lectotype designated) is a new junior synonym of A. vulpinum; Cratoscelis canicapilla Philippi & Philippi, 1864 (lectotype designated) is a new junior synonym of A. planum; Cratoscelis gayana Blanchard, 1850 (lectotype designated) is a new junior synonym of A. vulpinum; Cratoscelis striolata Redtenbacher, 1868 (lectotype designated) is a new junior synonym of A. vulpinum; Cratoscelis villosa Blanchard, 1850 (lectotype designated) is a new junior synonym of A. vulpinum; and Cratoscelis Erichson, 1835 is a junior homonym of Cratoscelis Lucas, 1834 (Araneae: Sicariidae) and a synonym of Arctodium Burmeister, 1844.

The genus Triportheus Cope, 1872 is revised and a total of 16 species (including 3 new species) are recognized from most of the major river drainages of South America. Triportheus magdalenae (Steindachner, 1878) is the sole species occurring west of the Andean Cordilleras. Triportheus paranensis (Günther, 1874) is considered a junior synonym of Triportheus nematurus (Kner, 1858) and a new Triportheus species is described for the río Paraguay basin. Chalcinus rotundatus iquitensis Nakashima, 1941 and Chalcinus elongatus iquitensis Nakashima, 1941 are placed into the synonymy of Triportheus albus Cope, 1872 and T. culter (Cope, 1872) respectively. The name Salmo clupeoides employed by Natterer (in Kner, 1860) is considered a nomen nudum. Neotypes are designated for Chalceus angulatus Spix & Agassiz, 1829, Chalceus rotundatus Jardine in Schomburgk, 1841 and Chalcinus auritus Valenciennes in Cuvier & Valenciennes, 1850. Lectotypes are designated for Chalcinus brachipomus Valenciennes in Cuvier & Valenciennes, 1850 and Chalcinus nematurus. Identification keys are provided for the Triportheus species in the major drainage basins of South America.

AbstractMono Lake sediments have recorded five major oscillations in the hydrologic balance between A.D. 1700 and 1941. These oscillations can be correlated with tree-ring-based oscillations in Sierra Nevada snowpack. Comparison of a tree-ring-based reconstruction of the Pacific Decadal Oscillation (PDO) index (D’Arrigo et al., 2001) with a coral-based reconstruction of Subtropical South Pacific sea-surface temperature (Linsley et al., 2000) indicates a high degree of correlation between the two records during the past 300 yr. This suggests that the PDO has been a pan-Pacific phenomena for at least the past few hundred years. Major oscillations in the hydrologic balance of the Sierra Nevada correspond to changes in the sign of the PDO with extreme droughts occurring during PDO maxima. Four droughts centered on A.D. 1710, 1770, 1850, and 1930 indicate PDO-related drought reoccurrence intervals ranging from 60 to 80 yr.

The Prairie Bluff Chalk of Alabama and Mississippi yields a diverse ammonite fauna of Maastrichtian age. Twenty-eight species, of which three are new, are recorded herein: Pseudophyllites indra (Forbes, 1846), Hauericeras rembda (Forbes, 1846), Pachydiscus (Pachydiscus) maconensis n. sp., P. (P.) cf. gollevillensis (d'Orbigny, 1850), P. (P.) jacquoti (Seunes, 1890), P. (P.) egertoni (Forbes, 1846), Sphenodiscus lobatus (Tuomey, 1854), S. pleurisepta (Conrad, 1857), Coahuilites sheltoni Böse, 1928, Nostoceras (Nostoceras) alternatum (Tuomey, 1854), N. (N.) mendryki Cobban, 1974a, N. (N.) magdadiae Lefeld and Uberna, 1991, N. (N.) irregulare n. sp., Glyptoxoceras torquatum (Morton, 1834), Glyptoxoceras sp. A, Glyptoxoceras? sp., Baculites lomaensis Anderson, 1958, Baculites spp. A–C, Eubaculites labyrinthicus (Morton, 1834), E. carinatus (Morton, 1834), Baculites? trabeatus (Morton, 1834), Trachybaculites columna (Morton, 1834), Discoscaphites conradi (Morton, 1834), D. gulosus (Morton, 1834), Jeletzkytes criptonodosus Riccardi, 1983, Trachyscaphites alabamensis n. sp., and T. yorkensis (Stephenson, 1941). One genus, Trachybaculites, is new. The bulk of the fauna can be referred to a Discoscaphites conradi assemblage zone, but some elements in the fauna are significantly older.

By the end of the 18th century eminent scientists explained the climatic changes on the basis of temperature and the ensuing glacial retreat. This disturbing observation led many prominent scientists to send air balloons equipped with special devices to trap air from the lower atmosphere in order to measure CO2 concentrations. Ninety thousand (90,000) measurements were carried out at 138 locations in 4 continents between 1810 and 1961. The data indicated that atmospheric CO2 concentrations, during the 19th century varied between 290 and 430 ppm (with an average of 322 ppm for the pre-industrial period). For the 20th century, the average concentration is 338 ppm when combined with comparable CO2 measurements carried out by Mauna Loa Observatory, Hawaii, USA (1958- 2000). Measurement precision is ±3%. Based on thermometric measurements, the mean average temperature increase from 1850 to the present is 0.75o C (0.44o C/100 years) with the following fluctuations. From 1850 to 1940 the temperature increased by +0.6o C, while from 1941 to 1975 temperature dropped by -0.2o C. From 1976 to 1998, the temperature rose by +0.35o C. From 1999 to 2006 temperature increase was nil. Finally, since 2007 the Mean Annual Temperature of Earth’s surface has substantially decreased. As far as CO2 concentration in the air’s atmosphere is concerned, it has been well documented that during the Holocene Epoch there is a substantial time lag between maximum temperatures recorded during the Interglacial periods and maximum CO2 concentrations in the atmosphere. Moreover, the same time lag is documented between 1850 and 1980, where CO2 concentrations in the atmosphere lag behind the increase of temperature for more than 100 years. A parallel increase of CO2 concentrations in the atmosphere and temperature increase is observed only between 1981 and 1995. No correlation is seen thereafter. The divergence is substantial from 2003 to the present where CO2 concentrations are increased while temperatures are decreased. These interpretations exclude any correlation between atmospheric CO2 concentrations and temperature fluctuations. Hence, in order to explain the well documented climatic changes the influence of many natural climate drivers should be accepted. Key words: climatic changes, temperatures, CO2 concentrations.

We provide the first molecular phylogeny of Keroplatidae and Lygistorrhinidae, families of fungus gnats (Diptera: Bibionomorpha: Sciaroidea). Phylogenies reconstructed by Maximum Likelihood and Bayesian methods, based on four nuclear and four mitochondrial gene markers (5106 base pairs) sequenced for 75 genera and 105 species, show Keroplatidae as monophyletic only with the family Lygistorrhinidae included, herewith treated as the subfamily Lygistorrhininae stat. nov. The subfamily Arachnocampinae is retained in the family, although lowering its overall support. An early branching clade, comprising species of Platyura Meigen, 1803 and Paleoplatyura melanderi Fisher, 1941, forms subfamily Platyurinae Loew, 1850 stat. nov. The subfamilies Sciarokeroplatinae and Macrocerinae grouped together with three genera considered here as Keroplatidae incertae sedis. Subfamily Lygistorrhininae forms a sister clade to subfamily Keroplatinae, both retained monophyletic with high support. The traditional division of the subfamily Keroplatinae into the tribes Orfeliini and Keroplatini appears as outdated, resting largely on adaptive characters prone to parallel evolution. We find support for an alternative tribe corresponding to the Cloeophoromyia–Asindulum genus group, but a tribal reclassification of the Keroplatinae is left for future studies. The genus Heteropterna Skuse, 1888 is considered as identical with Ctenoceridion Matile, 1972 syn. nov.

Summary Noam Chomsky’s frequent references to the work of Wilhelm von Humboldt during the 1960s produced a considerable revival of interest in this 19th-century scholar in North America. This paper demonstrates that there has been a long-standing influence of Humboldt’s ideas on American linguistics and that no ‘rediscovery’ was required. Although Humboldt’s first contacts with North-American scholars goes back to 1803, the present paper is confined to the posthumous phase of his influence which begins with the work of Heymann Steinthal (1823–1899) from about 1850 onwards. This was also a time when many young Americans went to Germany to complete their education; for instance William Dwight Whitney (1827–1894) spent several years at the universities of Tübingen and Berlin (1850–1854), and in his writings on general linguistics one can trace Humboldtian ideas. In 1885 Daniel G. Brinton (1837–1899) published an English translation of a manuscript by Humboldt on the structure of the verb in Amerindian languages. A year later Franz Boas (1858–1942) arrived from Berlin soon to establish himself as the foremost anthropologist with a strong interest in native language and culture. From then on we encounter Humboldtian ideas in the work of a number of North American anthropological linguists, most notably in the work of Edward Sapir (1884–1939). This is not only true with regard to matters of language classification and typology but also with regard to the philosophy of language, specifically, the relationship between a particular language structure and the kind of thinking it reflects or determines on the part of its speakers. Humboldtian ideas of ‘linguistic relativity’, enunciated in the writings of Whitney, Brinton, Boas, and others, were subsequently developed further by Sapir’s student Benjamin Lee Whorf (1897–1941). The transmission of the so-called Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis – which still today is attracting interest among cultural anthropologists and social psychologists, not only in North America – is the focus of the remainder of the paper. A general Humboldtian approach to language and culture, it is argued, is still present in the work of Dell Hymes and several of his students.

Los anillos de árboles constituyen una fuente de información de alta resolución que permite extender la información climática en sitios donde los registros documentales son escasos. Se obtuvieron núcleos de crecimiento de Pinus cembroides en el noroeste del estado de Guanajuato y se generaron dos cronologías de ancho de anillo para sitios en los municipios de Ocampo y San Felipe. El análisis de regresión determinó que las cronologías no poseen variabilidad común (p<0.05), por lo que se crearon dos cronologías por separado, una de 223 años (1790 a 2007) para el sitio de Ibarra y otra de 158 años (1850 a 2007) para Las Palomas del Cubo. El análisis de calibración entre los índices dendrocronológicos y las precipitaciones estacional y anual procedente de estaciones climáticas aledañas a la ubicación de las cronologías, indicó una respuesta significativa (p<0.05) y explicó 51% y 48% de la variabilidad de precipitación, respectivamente. La sequía reconstruida más intensa se registró en 1999 para la cronología de Ibarra y en 1956 y 2006 para la cronología de Las Palomas. Entre los eventos húmedos donde ocurrieron inundaciones severas destacan las del período 1785 a 1788 en Ibarra y en los años 1865, 1871, 1877, 1941, 1966 - 1967 y 1980 en Las Palomas. El efecto de patrones circulatorios no mostró una influencia significativa en la precipitación, excepto cuando se tuvo la presencia de Niños muy intensos. Para un mejor entendimiento de este fenómeno, se recomienda ampliar la red de cronologías de anillos de árboles en esta región de Guanajuato.

Abstract. More than fifty years ago, Elofson (1941) showed that it is fully possible to maintain living cultures of marine ostracods in aquaria. He concentrated particularly on determining the generation length of several species. In this study, we provide some preliminary observations on the mode of life and morphological variations of marine ostracods kept in aquaria. They derive from a water depth of 40m in the Gullmar Fjord (58°17′N and 11°29′E), west coast of Sweden. The dominant species are Krithe praetexta praetexta (Sars, 1866) and Sarsicytheridea bradii (Norman, 1865). Other species housed in the aquaria are: Jonesia acuminata (Norman, 1865), Palmoconcha guttata (Norman, 1865), Palmoconcha laevata (Norman, 1865), Cytheropteron latissimum (Norman, 1865), Pterygocythereis jonesii (Baird, 1850), Acanthocythereis dunelmensis (Norman, 1865), Robertsonites tuberculatus (Sars, 1866), Elofsonella concinna (Jones, 1857) and Argilloecia conoidea (Sars, 1923).MATERIAL AND METHODSThe study was carried out at the Kristineberg Marine Research Station, west coast of Sweden, from July of 1992 to June of 1994. Sediment from a depth of 40 m in the Gullmar Fjord was sieved to remove the macrofauna and frozen, then thawed to constitute a 10–20 mm thick sediment layer in two 501 aquaria. The sediment consisted of 8 % sand (>63 μm), 44 % silt (>3.9 μm) and 49 % clay (<3.9 μm), and with a water content of 71 % ± 5% (σ = 2.4). Ostracods from the ≥250 μm sieve fraction of the dredge sample (from a depth of 40 m) were added to the aquaria. They were kept. . .

The rove beetles (Coleoptera: Staphylinidae) are one of the most diverse families of beetles comprising more than 63650 species worldwide (Irmler et al. 2018). It is the best studied coleopteran family in Georgia (Herman, 2001; Schülke & Smetana, 2015), with more than 750 species recorded (Tarkhnishvili & Chaladze, 2019). The first records of Staphylinidae from Lagodekhi were reported by Zhizhilashvili (1941), who recorded 12 species of rove beetles from the reserve: Anotylus hybridus Eppelsheim, 1878 as Oxytelus; Anotylus gibbulus Eppelsheim, 1878 as Oxytelus; Xantholinus variabilis Hochhuth, 1851; Cordalia obscura Gravenhorst; Philonthus parvicornis Gravenhorst, 1802 as P. agilis Gravenhorst; Stenus circularis Gravenhorst, 1802 as S. clavulus Hochhuth; S. cribratus Kiesenwetter, 1850; Tachyporus hypnorum (Fabricius, 1775); Ocypus nitens (Schrank, 1781) as Staphylinus similis Fabricius; Quedius minor Hochhuth, 1849 as Q. distincticolor Roubal; Aleochara intricata Mannerheim; Olophrum caucasicum Fauvel, 1875. The record of Medon bicolor (Olivier, 1795) (as Sunius) in the same paper is erroneous because the species is absent from Georgia. Coiffait (1969) described Quedius grouziacus as a new species from Lagodekhi, however the species was later synonymized with Q. suramensis Epelsheim, 1880 by Solodovnikov (2002). Ushakov (1988) recorded Gauropterus sanguinipes Reitter, 1889, Gyrohypnus angustatus Stephens,1832 and Atrecus affinis (Paykull, 1789) as Baptolinus affinis caucasius Roubal, 1933. Gusarov and Koval (2002) registered Korgella caucasica (Gusarov & Koval, 2002; Özdikmen, 2005), as Heinzia. Later Shavrin & Khachikov (2019) added Acrolocha amabilis (Heer, 1841) which was new to the staphylinid fauna of Georgia. There have been no other focused studies on the Staphylinidae of Lagodekhi Protected Areas (LPA), though we recognize that there are likely further records in the literature.

Methods of physical medicine, many of which have been empirically applied since the ancient times, have become particularly popular in 19th century Europe. The first examples of the works of Serbian doctors in this area originate from the same period. In 1838 and 1839, Dr. Konstantin Peicic wrote about Prissnitz?s method of hydrotherapy. In 1842, Dr. Dimitrije Radulovic published in Latin his doctoral dissertation concerning medical gymnastics. In the middle of the 19th century, in the Principality of Serbia, hydrotherapy treatments (by Dr. Andrija Ivanovic, 1850) and electrotherapy (by Dr. Jovan Valenta, 1857) w?re applied. Among the pioneers of physical medicine in Serbia, Dr Avram Farkic is a very important figure. In 1896, Farkic founded the first Serbian institute for physiotherapy in Belgrade, and, two years later, the First Institute for Orthopedics, Swedish Gymnastics and Massage. These institutions were merged in 1899. After the death of Dr. Farkic in 1925, the Institute worked under his name until the German bombing of Belgrade on April 6, 1941. The diversity and continuous introduction of modern therapeutic procedures were the main characteristics of the Institute during its 45-year-long existence. Dr. Farkic was also the initiator of the establishment of the Therapy Joint Stock Company, which founded the first institute for physical medicine in Vrnjacka Banja, the Therapy Institute for Treatment by Water and Electricity, in 1911. Until the First World War, it was the most modern spa sanatorium in Serbia. During spa seasons of 1911, 1912, 1913, and 1924, Dr. Farkic himself was the manager and the main physician of the Therapy Institute.

It is presurned that the generic name, Cocos as well as the popular name coconut are derived from the spanish word ‘coco’ meaning ‘monkey face’ probably a reference to the three sears on the base of the shell resembling a monkey's face (Rosengarten, 1984). The origin of coconut was placed by Martius (1850) on the West Coast of Central America near the Isthmus of Panama. On the basis of evidences for the cultivation of coconut in Sri Lanka by about 300 BC. as well as the discovery of a fossil (Pliocene) Cocos in Newzealand (Hill, 1929) and in the deserts of Rajasthan (Kaul, 1951) the theory of Central American origin has been contested. Early spanish explorers discovered the cultivation of coconut on the Pacific.Coast of Panama in pre‑Columbian times. The first report of appearance of coconut in Western Mexico came around 1540 AD and it is believed to have spread to Mexico in the last decade of the 16th century (Bruman, 1945). It is presurned that coconut might have been carried to Mexico by ocean currents from Polynesia before the discovery of the New World (Purseglove, 1972). The available evidences point to the domestication of coconut in the Indo‑Pacific area (de Candolle, 1886; Beccari, 1917; Vavilov, 1951; Corner, 1966; Child, 1974). According to the most widely accepted theory, the origin of coconut is in the Old World, somewhere in Southeast Asia or the Pacific Islands from where it might have been transported to other regions either by man or by sea currents. Evidences are available in literature regarding the germination capacity of coconut even after floating in the sea for a period of 110 days and within this period it is capable of travelling up to 4,900 kilometers (Edmondson, 1941). It indicates the possibility of natural dissernination between the islands in the Pacific and Indian Oceans (Harries, 1978).

Abstract. We assessed societal landslide and flood risk to the population of Italy. The assessment was conducted at the national (synoptic) and at the regional scales. For the assessment, we used an improved version of the catalogue of historical landslide and flood events that have resulted in loss of life, missing persons, injuries and homelessness in Italy, from 1850 to 2008. This is the recent portion of a larger catalogue spanning the 1941-year period from 68 to 2008. We started by discussing uncertainty and completeness in the historical catalogue, and we performed an analysis of the temporal and geographical pattern of harmful landslide and flood events, in Italy. We found that sites affected by harmful landslides or floods are not distributed evenly in Italy, and we attributed the differences to different physiographical settings. To determine societal risk, we investigated the distribution of the number of landslide and flood casualties (deaths, missing persons, and injured people) in Italy, and in the 20 Italian Regions. Using order statistics, we found that the intensity of a landslide or flood event – measured by the total number of casualties in the event – follows a general negative power law trend. Next, we modelled the empirical distributions of the frequency of landslide and flood events with casualties in Italy and in each Region using a Zipf distribution. We used the scaling exponent s of the probability mass function (PMF) of the intensity of the events, which controls the proportion of small, medium, and large events, to compare societal risk levels in different geographical areas and for different periods. Lastly, to consider the frequency of the events with casualties, we scaled the PMF obtained for the individual Regions to the total number of events in each Region, in the period 1950–2008, and we used the results to rank societal landslide and flood risk in Italy. We found that in the considered period societal landslide risk is largest in Trentino-Alto Adige and Campania, and societal flood risk is highest in Piedmont and Sicily.

The taxonomy of the Palearctic genusMegacraspedusZeller, 1839 (Lepidoptera, Gelechiidae) is revised, based on external morphology, genitalia and DNA barcodes. An integrative taxonomic approach supports the existence of 85 species which are arranged in 24 species groups (disputed taxa from other faunal regions are discussed). Morphology of all species is described and figured in detail. For 35 species both sexes are described; for 46 species only the male sex is reported, in one species the male is unknown, whereas in three species the female adult and/or genitalia morphology could not be analysed due to lack of material.DNA barcode sequences of the COI barcode fragment with &gt; 500 bp were obtained from 264 specimens representing 62 species or about three-quarters of the species. Species delimitation is particularly difficult in a few widely distributed species with high and allegedly intraspecific DNA barcode divergence of nearly 14%, and with up to 23 BINs in a single species. Deep intraspecific or geographical splits in DNA barcode are frequently not supported by morphology, thus indicating a complex phylogeographic history or other unresolved molecular problems.The following 44 new species (22 of them from Europe) are described:Megacraspedusbengtssonisp. n.(Spain),M.junnilainenisp. n.(Turkey),M.similellussp. n.(Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey),M.golestanicussp. n.(Iran),M.tokarisp. n.(Croatia),M.nelisp. n.(France, Italy),M.faunierensissp. n.(Italy),M.gredosensissp. n.(Spain),M.bidentatussp. n.(Spain),M.fuscussp. n.(Spain),M.trineaesp. n.(Portugal, Spain),M.skouisp. n.(Spain),M.spinophallussp. n.(Spain),M.occidentellussp. n.(Portugal),M.granadensissp. n.(Spain),M.heckfordisp. n.(Spain),M.tenuiuncussp. n.(France, Spain),M.devoratorsp. n.(Bulgaria, Romania),M.brachypterissp. n.(Albania, Greece, Macedonia, Montenegro),M.barcodiellussp. n.(Macedonia),M.sumpichisp. n.(Spain),M.tabellisp. n.(Morocco),M.gallicussp. n.(France, Spain),M.libycussp. n.(Libya, Morocco),M.latiuncussp. n.(Kazahkstan),M.kazakhstanicussp. n.(Kazahkstan),M.knudlarsenisp. n.(Spain),M.tenuignathossp. n.(Morocco),M.glaberipalpussp. n.(Morocco),M.nupponenisp. n.(Russia),M.pototskiisp. n.(Kyrgyzstan),M.feminensissp. n.(Kazakhstan),M.kirgizicussp. n.(Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan),M.ibericussp. n.(Portugal, Spain),M.steinerisp. n.(Morocco),M.gibeauxisp. n.(Algeria, Tunisia),M.multipunctellussp. n.(Turkey),M.teriolensissp. n.(Croatia, Greece, Italy, Slovenia),M.korabicussp. n.(Macedonia),M.skuleisp. n.(Spain),M.longivalvellussp. n.(Morocco),M.peslierisp. n.(France, Spain),M.pacificussp. n.(Afghanistan), andM.armatophallussp. n.(Afghanistan).NevadiaCaradja, 1920,syn. n.(homonym),CauloecistaDumont, 1928,syn. n.,ReichardtiellaFilipjev, 1931,syn. n., andVadeniaCaradja, 1933,syn. n.are treated as junior synonyms ofMegacraspedus. Furthermore the following species are synonymised:M.subdolellusStaudinger, 1859,syn. n.,M.tuttiWalsingham, 1897,syn. n., andM.grossisquammellusChrétien, 1925,syn. n. ofM.lanceolellus(Zeller, 1850);M.culminicolaLe Cerf, 1932,syn. n.ofM.homochroaLe Cerf, 1932;M.separatellus(Fischer von Röslerstamm, 1843),syn. n.andM.incertellusRebel, 1930,syn. n.ofM.dolosellus(Zeller, 1839);M.mareotidellusTurati, 1924,syn. n.ofM.numidellus(Chrétien, 1915);M.litovalvellusJunnilainen, 2010,syn. n.ofM.imparellus(Fischer von Röslerstamm, 1843);M.kaszabianusPovolný, 1982,syn. n.ofM.leuca(Filipjev, 1929);M.chretienella(Dumont, 1928),syn. n.,M.halfella(Dumont, 1928),syn. n., andM.arnaldi(Turati &amp; Krüger, 1936),syn. n.ofM.violacellum(Chrétien, 1915);M.escalerellusSchmidt, 1941,syn. n.ofM.squalidaMeyrick, 1926.Megacraspedusribbeella(Caradja, 1920),comb. n.,M.numidellus(Chrétien, 1915),comb. n.,M.albella(Amsel, 1935),comb. n.,M.violacellum(Chrétien, 1915),comb. n., andM.grisea(Filipjev, 1931),comb. n.are newly combined inMegacraspedus.

An annotated check-list of the aquatic and semi-aquatic bugs of the infraorders Enicocephalomorpha, Dipsocoromorpha, Nepomorpha, Gerromorpha, and Leptopodomorpha of Turkey and its geographical parts (Turkish Thrace [i.e., European Turkey] and Anatolia [i.e., the Asian Turkey]) is presented. The nomenclatoric history of Alpagut Kıyak, 1995 (= Harpago Linnavuori, 1951, = Raunocoris Baena & Alonso-Zarazaga, 2009) is reviewed, its gender is fixed, and two new combinations are proposed: Alpagut maroccanus (Wagner, 1960) comb. nov., and Alpagut medius (Rey, 1888) comb. nov. The list is based on a survey of all published records as well as on examination of collection material, including recent material collected in the poorly explored Turkish Thrace. The following numbers of species are accepted as occurring in Turkey: Enicocephalomorpha—1 species (Asian Turkey only), Dipsocoromorpha—2 species (Asian Turkey only), Nepomorpha—49 species (29 in European and 47 in Asian Turkey), Gerromorpha—27 species (10 in European and 25 in Asian Turkey), and Leptopodomorpha—21 species (6 in European and 20 in Asian Turkey). Forty species are known from both European and Asian Turkey, whereas 5 are recorded only from European Turkey and 55 only from Asian Turkey. Eight species and subspecies, Micronecta scholtzi (Fieber, 1860), Hesperocorixa sahlbergi (Fieber, 1848), Sigara iranica Lindberg, 1964, Hebrus ruficeps Thomson, 1871, Velia affinis filippii Tamanini, 1947, Velia rhadamantha rhadamantha Hoberlandt, 1941, Gerris kabaishanus Linnavuori, 1998, and Saldula pilosella pilosella (Thomson, 1871), are reported from Turkey for the first time; and four species, Sigara scripta (Rambur, 1840), Corixa punctata (Illiger, 1807), C. panzeri (Fieber, 1848), and Gerris argentatus Schummel, 1832, are new records for Turkish Thrace. First exact localities of several other species are provided as well. Three species, Sigara kervillei (Poisson, 1927), Microvelia hozari Hoberlandt, 1952, and Velia mariae Tamanini, 1971, seem to be endemic to Anatolia; 22 species occur only in Turkey and the adjacent regions (Balkan Peninsula, Cyprus, Near East, Iran, and Transcaucasia). The 75 remaining species have a wider distribution. Occurrences of 10 species, previously recorded from Turkey, need further confirmation. Finally, 19 species-group taxa are excluded from Turkish fauna as they are based on proven or suspected misidentifications or taxonomic confusion: Micronecta minutissima (Linnaeus, 1758), Cymatia bonsdorffii (C. R. Sahlberg, 1819), Arctocorisa carinata carinata (C. R. Sahlberg, 1819), Callicorixa praeusta praeusta (Fieber, 1848), Hesperocorixa castanea (Thomson, 1869), Hesperocorixa occulta (Lundblad, 1929), Sigara hoggarica Poisson, 1929, Sigara scotti (Douglas & Scott, 1868), Heleocoris minusculus (Walker, 1870), Anisops debilis canariensis Noualhier, 1893, Velia caprai caprai Tamanini, 1947, Aquarius najas (De Geer, 1773), Gerris costae costae (Herrich-Schaeffer, 1850), G. gibbifer Schummel, 1832, G. lateralis Schummel, 1832, Saldula fucicola (Sahlberg, 1870), S. pilosella hirsuta (Reuter, 1888), Salda morio Zetterstedt, 1838, and S. muelleri (Gmelin, 1790). In addition, first records of Aquarius ventralis (Fieber, 1860) from Syria, and Saldula melanoscela (Fieber, 1859) and Leptopus marmoratus (Goeze, 1778) from Lebanon, are provided. The previously published records of Rhagovelia nigricans nigricans (Burmeister, 1835) from Cyprus and Israel (Hoberlandt 1952b) belong to R. infernalis africana Lundblad, 1936.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> In Portugal, in the historical cartography of viticulture, there are two important phases in which the use of cartography was recurrent: the first was essentially at the beginning of the last quarter of the nineteenth century, when the surveys and publications of the base cartography were consolidated, until the fall of the monarchical regime; the second began with the phase of political affirmation of the Estado Novo, and ended in the fifties of the last century.</p><p> From the cartographic documents elaborated in both phases we present a consolidated contribution, concluding a large research project on the history of the cartography of the vine and wine, with which new elements are added to the history of Portuguese thematic cartography. Thus, the whole discourse is based on the autorts and on the known history of Portuguese cartography and results from the analysis and contextualization of dozens of cartographic documents published between 1867 and 1952, namely:</p><p> 1867 - AGUIAR, Antonio Augusto, Visita às principaes comarcas vinhateiras no Centro do Reino no anno de 1866”, in “Memoria sobre os processos de vinificação a empregar nos principaes centros vinhateiros do Continente do Reino”, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, entre pp. 62-63.</p><p> 1890 - PÉRY, Gerardo Augusto, “Estatistica Agricola, Producção Vinicola de Portugal e Ilhas Adjacentes (Producção Approximada Media), 1884-1888”, Direcção dos Trabalhos da Carta Agrícola e Inspecção de Estatistica Agrícola, 31 de Janeiro de 1890. Lisboa, Boletim da Direcção Geral da Agricultura, 1890, nº 2, Fevereiro, pp. 244-249.</p><p> 1890 - MARÇAL, Ramiro Larcher, “Relatorio Geral do Anno de 1888, pelo agronomo chefe da 6ª região agronomica Ramiro Larcher Marçal”, Lisboa, Boletim da Direcção Geral da Agricultura, 1890, nº 12, Dezembro, pp. 1197-1248.</p><p> 1891 - MARÇAL, Ramiro Larcher, Relatorio do agronomo subalterno da 6ª região” (1890), “6ª região agronomica, inspecção geral às vinhas em 1889”, Lisboa, Boletim da Direcção Geral da Agricultura, 1890, nº 9, Setembro, pp. 997-1015</p><p> 1891 - GONDIM, Manuel Rodrigues, “Circunscripção do Norte – Inspecção da Agricultura. Relatorio de inspecção às vinhas em 1888”. Lisboa, Boletim da Direcção Geral da Agricultura, 1891, nº 4, Abril, pp. 312-330.</p><p> 1892 - BARROS, Alfredo de V. V. Corrêa, ”Relatório da inspecção da Agricultura”, Lisboa, Boletim da Direcção Geral da Agricultura, 1890, nº 9, Setembro, pp. 1087-1144.</p><p> 1892 - RAMALHO, António Gomes (agrónomo chefe da 8ª repartição), “Serviços agrícolas regionais. Relatório do agrónomo chefe da 8ª região agronómica sobre serviços agrícolas e phylloxericos, no anno de 1891”, Lisboa, Boletim da Direcção Geral da Agricultura, 1892, nº 12, Dezembro, pp. 1169-1212.</p><p> 1893 - BARROS, Alfredo de V. V. Corrêa, “Recosntituição da vinha Europea pela enxertia sobre cepas americanas”, Lisboa, Boletim da Direcção Geral da Agricultura, 1893, 5º anno, nº 12, Dezembro, pp. 937-1056.</p><p> 1894 - MENEZES, José Taveira Carvalho Pinto, “Considerações acerca da produção vinícola do Norte de Portugal em 1892”, Porto, Direcção Geral dos Serviços Ampeleográficos (manuscrito depositado na Biblioteca da Comissão de Viticultura dos Vinhos Verdes).</p><p> 1900 - COSTA, B. C. Cincinnato da e CASTRO, D. Luiz de (coords.), Portugal au point de vue agricole, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional.</p><p> 1941 - GIRÃO, Aristides de Amorim (1941, 2ª edição 1958), Atlas de Portugal. Coimbra: Gráfica de Coimbra (texto) e Lito-Coimbra (mapas). Publicação comemorativa do duplo centenário.</p><p> 1942 - JUNTA NACIONAL DO VINHO (1942), Contribuição para o Cadastro dos Vinhos Portugueses na Área de Influência da J. N. V., Vols. I e II. Lisboa, Ministério da Economia, Tipografia Ramos, Afonso e Moita, Lda., dezembro de 1943.</p><p> 1950 - MIGUEL, Américo C., “Generalidades sobre o custo de produção do vinho. Método da conta de cultura total (O caso de Almeirim)”, Lisboa, Anais da Junta Nacional do Vinho, Vol. II, pp. 159-299.</p><p> 1950 - MIGUEL, Américo C. e GODINHO, Mário Falcão, “Carta Vinícola de Portugal”, Lisboa, Anais da Junta Nacional do Vinho, Vol. II, pp. 301-316.</p><p> 1951 - OLIVEIRA, Rogério V., “O custo de produção do vinho no concelho de Torres Vedras, sua determinação pelo método da ‘conta de cultura total’”, Lisboa, Anais da Junta Nacional do Vinho, Vol. III, pp. 185-289.</p><p> - “Concelho de Torres Vedras, Carta Vitícola”, s/autor, escala gráfica (aprox. 1:150.000), 28x23 cm, entre pp. 200- 201.</p><p> 1952 - MIGUEL, Américo C. e OLIVEIRA, Rogério V., “Planificação de uma rede de adegas cooperativas para a área da jurisdição da Junta Nacional do Vinho”, Lisboa, Anais da Junta Nacional do Vinho, Vol. IV, pp. 95-369.</p>

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A different name than English literature, ‘Anglo-Indian Literature’, was given to the body of literature in English that emerged on account of the British interaction with India unlike the case with their interaction with America or Australia or New Zealand. Even the Indians’ contributions (translations as well as creative pieces in English) were classed under the caption ‘Anglo-Indian’ initially but later a different name, ‘Indo-Anglian’, was conceived for the growing variety and volume of writings in English by the Indians. However, unlike the former the latter has not found a favour with the compilers of English dictionaries. With the passage of time the fine line of demarcation drawn on the basis of subject matter and author’s point of view has disappeared and currently even Anglo-Indians’ writings are classed as ‘Indo-Anglian’. Besides contemplating on various connotations of the term ‘Indo-Anglian’ the article discusses the related issues such as: the etymology of the term, fixing the name of its coiner and the date of its first use. In contrast to the opinions of the historians and critics like K R S Iyengar, G P Sarma, M K Naik, Daniela Rogobete, Sachidananda Mohanty, Dilip Chatterjee and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak it has been brought to light that the term ‘Indo-Anglian’ was first used in 1880 by James Payn to refer to the Indians’ writings in English rather pejoratively. However, Iyengar used it in a positive sense though he himself gave it up soon. The reasons for the wide acceptance of the term, sometimes also for the authors of the sub-continent, by the members of academia all over the world, despite its rejection by Sahitya Akademi (the national body of letters in India), have also been contemplated on. References Alphonso-Karkala, John B. (1970). 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The Moving Finger. Bomaby: Padma Publications Ltd. Boria, Cavellay. (1807). “Account of the Jains, Collected from a Priest of this Sect; at Mudgeri: Translated by Cavelly Boria, Brahmen; for Major C. Mackenzie”. Asiatick Researches: Or Transactions of the Society; Instituted In Bengal, For Enquiring Into The History And Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences, and Literature, of Asia, 9, 244-286. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.104510 Chamber’s Twentieth Century Dictionary [The]. (1971). Bombay et al: Allied Publishers. Print. Chatterjee, Dilip Kumar. (1989). Cousins and Sri Aurobindo: A Study in Literary Influence, Journal of South Asian Literature, 24(1), 114-123. Retrieved from: http://www.jstor.org/ stable/40873985. Chattopadhyay, Dilip Kumar. (1988). A Study of the Works of James Henry Cousins (1873-1956) in the Light of the Theosophical Movement in India and the West. Unpublished PhD dissertation. Burdwan: The University of Burdwan. PDF. 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New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi. Encarta World English Dictionary. (1999). London: Bloomsbury. Gandhi, M K. (1938 [1909]). Hind Swaraj Tr. M K Gandhi. Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House. PDF. Retrieved from: www.mkgandhi.org/ebks/hind_swaraj.pdf. Gokak, V K. (n.d.). English in India: Its Present and Future. Bombay et al: Asia Publishing House. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.460832 Goodwin, Gwendoline (Ed.). (1927). Anthology of Modern Indian Poetry, London: John Murray. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.176578 Guptara, Prabhu S. (1986). Review of Indian Literature in English, 1827-1979: A Guide to Information Sources. The Yearbook of English Studies, 16 (1986): 311–13. PDF. Retrieved from: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3507834 Iyengar, K R Srinivasa. (1945). Indian Contribution to English Literature [The]. Bombay: Karnatak Publishing House. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/ indiancontributi030041mbp ---. (2013 [1962]). Indian Writing in English. New Delhi: Sterling. ---. (1943). Indo-Anglian Literature. Bombay: PEN & International Book House. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/IndoAnglianLiterature Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English. (2003). Essex: Pearson. Lyall, Alfred Comyn. (1915). The Anglo-Indian Novelist. Studies in Literature and History. London: John Murray. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet. dli.2015.94619 Macaulay T. B. (1835). Minute on Indian Education dated the 2nd February 1835. HTML. Retrieved from: http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00generallinks/macaulay/ txt_minute_education_1835.html Mehrotra, Arvind Krishna. (2003). An Illustrated History of Indian Literature in English. Delhi: Permanent Black. ---. (2003[1992]). The Oxford India Anthology of Twelve Modern Indian Poets. New Delhi: Oxford U P. Minocherhomji, Roshan Nadirsha. (1945). Indian Writers of Fiction in English. Bombay: U of Bombay. 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(Eds.) (1997). The Vintage Book of Indian Writing 1947 – 1997. London: Vintage. Sampson, George. (1959 [1941]). Concise Cambridge History of English Literature [The]. Cambridge: UP. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.18336. Sarma, Gobinda Prasad. (1990). Nationalism in Indo-Anglian Fiction. New Delhi: Sterling. Singh, Kh. Kunjo. (2002). The Fiction of Bhabani Bhattacharya. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and Distributors. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. (2012). How to Read a ‘Culturally Different’ Book. An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. Sturgeon, Mary C. (1916). Studies of Contemporary Poets, London: George G Hard & Co., Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.95728. Thomson, W S (Ed). (1876). Anglo-Indian Prize Poems, Native and English Writers, In: Commemoration of the Visit of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to India. London: Hamilton, Adams & Co., Retrieved from https://books.google.co.in/ books?id=QrwOAAAAQAAJ Wadia, A R. (1954). The Future of English. Bombay: Asia Publishing House. Wadia, B J. (1945). Foreword to K R Srinivasa Iyengar’s The Indian Contribution to English Literature. Bombay: Karnatak Publishing House. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/ details/indiancontributi030041mbp Webster's Encyclopedic Unabridged Dictionary of the English Language. (1989). New York: Portland House. Yule, H. and A C Burnell. (1903). Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive. W. Crooke, Ed. London: J. Murray. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/ details/hobsonjobsonagl00croogoog Sources www.amazon.com/Indo-Anglian-Literature-Edward-Charles-Buck/dp/1358184496 www.archive.org/stream/livingage18projgoog/livingage18projgoog_djvu.txt www.catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001903204?type%5B%5D=all&lookfor%5B%5D=indo%20anglian&ft= www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B.L._Indo_Anglian_Public_School,_Aurangabad www.everyculture.com/South-Asia/Anglo-Indian.html www.solo.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/primo_library/libweb/action/search.do?fn=search&ct=search&initialSearch=true&mode=Basic&tab=local&indx=1&dum=true&srt=rank&vid=OXVU1&frbg=&tb=t&vl%28freeText0%29=Indo-Anglian+Literature+&scp.scps=scope%3A%28OX%29&vl% 28516065169UI1%29=all_items&vl%281UIStartWith0%29=contains&vl%28254947567UI0%29=any&vl%28254947567UI0%29=title&vl%28254947567UI0%29=any www.worldcat.org/title/indo-anglian-literature/oclc/30452040

The earlier lectotype designation for Nematus crassipes Thomson, 1871 by Kopelke (1989) is invalid. A new lectotype for Nematus crassipes is designated from Thomson’s collection; the female was collected by C. G. Thomson at the end of the 1860s in Swedish Lapland. The correct author for Nematus betulinus and for Nematus helicinus is Dahlbom, 1850. Nematus bergmanni Dahlbom, 1835 = Nematus betulinus Dahlbom, 1850, syn. nov. The species of the Eupontania crassipes- and aquilonis-groups and E. reticulatae (Malaise) are redescribed. Lectotypes are designated for Nematus herbaceae Cameron, 1876, Pontania ora Kincaid, 1900, Pontania arctica MacGillivray, 1919, Pontania atrata MacGillivray, 1919, Pontania delicatula MacGillivray, 1919, Pontania lorata MacGillivray, 1919, Pontania lapponica Malaise, 1920, P. polaris Malaise, 1920, P. reticulatae Malaise, 1920, and Pontania aquilonis Benson, 1941. Eupontania crassipes (Thomson, 1871) = E. lapponica (Malaise, 1920), syn. nov., = E. enslini (Zirngiebl, 1937), syn. nov.; E. herbaceae (Cameron, 1876) = E. polaris (Malaise, 1920), syn. nov; Eupontania aquilonis (Benson, 1941) = Eupontania algida (Benson, 1941), syn. nov. Eupontania ora (Kincaid) and E. atrata (MacGillivray) are regarded as valid species, the latter having E. lorata (MacGillivray) as its new synonym, syn. nov. Eupontania borisi sp. n. associated with Salix rhamnifolia Pall. in Buryatskaya Republik, Eastern Siberia, Russia, E. aborigensis sp. n. reared from galls on Salix dshugdshurica Skvortsov in Magadan oblast, NE Russia, and E. alpinae sp. n. reared from galls on Salix alpina Scop. in the Slovak Republic are described. Eupontania herbaceae is reported as new to Finland. Repeated observations and rearings in N. Sweden and N. Finland indicate that both Salix herbacea L. and S. polaris Wahlenb. are the food plants of the larvae of Eupontania aquilonis. E. myrsiniticola (Kopelke, 1991) is included in E. aquilonis-group and its presence in the fauna of Finland is confirmed. An annotated key is presented for the adults of the European species of Eupontania crassipes- and aquilonis-groups together with E. reticulatae.

Literary critics have mainly read Herman Melville’s short story “I and My Chimney” (1856) as allegory. This article elaborates on the tradition of interpreting Melville’s text allegorically by relating it to Fredric Jameson’s post-structural reinterpretation of allegory. In doing so, it argues that the story is not a simple example of allegory but rather an auto-reflexive engagement with allegory that reflects the cultural and historical ambivalences of the time in which Melville was writing. The suggestion is that Melville deliberately used signifiers (or the lack thereof) of directionality and place to reframe the overt context of his allegory (Civil War divisions of North and South) through teasing reference to the contemporaneous emergence of Manifest Destiny as an East-West historical spatialization. To this extent, from a literary-historical perspective, Melville’s text presents as an enquiry into the relationship between the obvious allegorical elements of a text and the literal or material elements that may either support or, as in this case, problematize traditional allegorical modes. In some ways, Melville’s story faintly anticipates Jameson’s post-structural theory of allegory as produced over a century later. “I and My Chimney” may also be linked to later texts, such as Jack Kerouac’s On the Road, which shift the directionality of American Literary History, in a definite way, from a North-South to an East-West axis. Laura Ingalls Wilder’s Little House books may also be mentioned here. While, in recent years, some literary critics have produced readings of Melville’s story that depart from the traditional emphasis on its allegorical nature, this article claims to be the first to engage with “I and My Chimney” from within an allegorical perspective also informed by post-structural thinking. To do this, it focuses on the setting or directionality of the story, and on the orientating details of the titular chimney.Written and published shortly before the outbreak of the American Civil War (1861-1865), which pitted North against South, Melville’s story is told in the first person by a narrator with overweening affection for the chimney he sees as an image of himself: “I and my chimney, two gray-headed old smokers, reside in the country. We are, I may say, old settlers here; particularly my old chimney, which settles more and more every day” (327). Within the merged identity of narrator and chimney, however, the latter takes precedence, almost completely, over the former: “though I always say, I and my chimney, as Cardinal Wolsey used to say, I and my King, yet this egotistic way of speaking, wherein I take precedence of my chimney, is hardly borne out by the facts; in everything, except the above phrase, my chimney taking precedence of me” (327). Immediately, this sentence underscores a disjunction between words (“the above phrase”) and material circumstances (“the facts”) that will become crucial in my later consideration of Melville’s story as post-structural allegory.Detailed architectural and architectonic descriptions manifesting the chimney as “the one great domineering object” of the narrator’s house characterize the opening pages of the story (328). Intermingled with these descriptions, the narrator recounts the various interpersonal and business-related stratagems he has been forced to adopt in order to protect his chimney from the “Northern influences” that would threaten it. Numbered in this company are his mortgagee, the narrator’s own wife and daughters, and Mr. Hiram Scribe—“a rough sort of architect” (341). The key subplot implicated with the narrator’s fears for his chimney concerns its provenance. The narrator’s “late kinsman, Captain Julian Dacres” built the house, along with its stupendous chimney, and upon his death a rumour developed concerning supposed “concealed treasure” in the chimney (346). Once the architect Scribe insinuates, in correspondence to the chimney’s alter ego (the narrator), “that there is architectural cause to conjecture that somewhere concealed in your chimney is a reserved space, hermetically closed, in short, a secret chamber, or rather closet” the narrator’s wife and daughter use Scribe’s suggestion of a possible connection to Dacres’s alleged hidden treasure to reiterate their calls for the chimney’s destruction (345):Although they had never before dreamed of such a revelation as Mr. Scribe’s, yet upon the first suggestion they instinctively saw the extreme likelihood of it. In corroboration, they cited first my kinsman, and second, my chimney; alleging that the profound mystery involving the former, and the equally profound masonry involving the latter, though both acknowledged facts, were alike preposterous on any other supposition than the secret closet. (347)To protect his chimney, the narrator bribes Mr. Scribe, inviting him to produce a “‘little certificate—something, say, like a steam-boat certificate, certifying that you, a competent surveyor, have surveyed my chimney, and found no reason to believe any unsoundness; in short, any—any secret closet in it’” (351). Having enticed Scribe to scribe words against himself, the narrator concludes his tale triumphantly: “I am simply standing guard over my mossy old chimney; for it is resolved between me and my chimney, that I and my chimney will never surrender” (354).Despite its inherent interest, literary critics have largely overlooked “I and My Chimney”. Katja Kanzler observes that “together with much of [Melville’s] other short fiction, and his uncollected magazine pieces in particular, it has never really come out of the shadow of the more epic texts long considered his masterpieces” (583). To the extent that critics have engaged the story, they have mainly read it as traditional allegory (Chatfield; Emery; Sealts; Sowder). Further, the allegorical trend in the reception of Melville’s text clusters within the period from the early 1940s to the early 1980s. More recently, other critics have explored new ways of reading Melville’s story, but none, to my knowledge, have re-investigated its dominant allegorical mode of reception in the light of the post-structural engagements with allegory captured succinctly in Fredric Jameson’s work (Allison; Kanzler; Wilson). This article acknowledges the perspicacity of the mid-twentieth-century tradition of the allegorical interpretation of Melville’s story, while nuancing its insights through greater attention to the spatialized materiality of the text, its “geomorphic” nature, and its broader historical contexts.E. Hale Chatfield argues that “I and My Chimney” evidences one broad allegorical polarity of “Aristocratic Tradition vs. Innovation and Destruction” (164). This umbrella category is parsed by Sealts as an individualized allegory of besieged patriarchal identity and by Sowder as a national-level allegory of anxieties linked to the antebellum North-South relationship. Chatfield’s opposition works equally well for an individual or for communities of individuals. Thus, in this view, even as it structures our reception of Melville’s story, allegory remains unproblematized in itself through its internal interlocking. In turn, “I and My Chimney” provides fertile soil for critics to harvest an allegorical crop. Its very title inveigles the reader towards an allegorical attitude: the upstanding “I” of the title is associated with the architecture of the chimney, itself also upstanding. What is of the chimney is also, allegorically, of the “I”, and the vertical chimney, like the letter “I”, argues, as it were, a north-south axis, being “swung vertical to hit the meridian moon,” as Melville writes on his story’s first page (327). The narrator, or “I”, is as north-south as is his narrated allegory.Herman Melville was a Northern resident with Southern predilections, at least to the extent that he co-opted “Southern-ness” to, in Katja Kanzler’s words, “articulate the anxiety of mid-nineteenth-century cultural elites about what they perceive as a cultural decline” (583). As Chatfield notes, the South stood for “Aristocratic Tradition”; the North, for “Innovation and Destruction” (164). Reflecting the conventional mid-twentieth-century view that “I and My Chimney” is a guileless allegory of North-South relations, William J. Sowder argues that itreveals allegorically an accurate history of Southern slavery from the latter part of the eighteenth century to the middle of the nineteenth—that critical period when the South spent most of its time and energy apologizing for the existence of slavery. It discloses the split which Northern liberals so ably effected between liberal and conservative forces in the South, and it lays bare the intransigence of the traditional South on the Negro question. Above everything, the story reveals that the South had little in common with the rest of the Union: the War between the States was inevitable. (129-30)Sowder goes into painstaking detail prosecuting his North-South allegorical reading of Melville’s text, to the extent of finding multiple correspondences between what is allegorizing and what is being allegorized within a single sentence. One example, with Sowder’s allegorical interpolations in square brackets, comes from a passage where Melville is writing about his narrator’s replaced “gable roof” (Melville 331): “‘it was replaced with a modern roof [the cotton gin], more fit for a railway woodhouse [an industrial society] than an old country gentleman’s abode’” (Sowder 137).Sowder’s argument is historically erudite, and utterly convincing overall, except in one crucial detail. That is, for a text supposedly so much about the South, and written so much from its perspective—Sowder labels the narrator a “bitter Old Southerner”—it is remarkable how the story is only very ambiguously set in the South (145). Sowder distances himself from an earlier generation of commentators who “generally assumed that the old man is Melville and that the country is the foothills of the Massachusetts Berkshires, where Melville lived from 1850 to 1863,” concluding, “in fact, I find it hard to picture the narrator as a Northerner at all: the country which he describes sounds too much like the Land of Cotton” (130).Quite obviously, the narrator of any literary text does not necessarily represent its author, and in the case of “I and My Chimney”, if the narrator is not inevitably coincident with the author, then it follows that the setting of the story is not necessarily coincident with “the foothills of the Massachusetts Berkshires.” That said, the position of critics prior to Sowder that the setting is Massachusetts, and by extension that the narrator is Melville (a Southern sympathizer displaced to the North), hints at an oversight in the traditional allegorical reading of Melville’s text—related to its spatializations—the implications of which Sowder misses.Think about it: “too much like the Land of Cotton” is an exceedingly odd phrase; “too much like” the South, but not conclusively like the South (Sowder 130)! A key characteristic of Melville’s story is the ambiguity of its setting and, by extension, of its directionality. For the text to operate (following Chatfield, Emery, Sealts and Sowder) as a straightforward allegory of the American North-South relationship, the terms “north” and “south” cannot afford to be problematized. Even so, whereas so much in the story reads as related to either the South or the North, as cultural locations, the notions of “south-ness” and “north-ness” themselves are made friable (in this article, the lower case broadly indicates the material domain, the upper case, the cultural). At its most fundamental allegorical level, the story undoes its own allegorical expressions; as I will be arguing, the materiality of its directionality deconstructs what everything else in the text strives (allegorically) to maintain.Remarkably, for a text purporting to allegorize the North as the South’s polar opposite, nowhere does the story definitively indicate where it is set. The absence of place names or other textual features which might place “I and My Chimney” in the South, is over-compensated for by an abundance of geographically distracting signifiers of “place-ness” that negatively emphasize the circumstance that the story is not set definitively where it is set suggestively. The narrator muses at one point that “in fact, I’ve often thought that the proper place for my old chimney is ivied old England” (332). Elsewhere, further destabilizing the geographical coordinates of the text, reference is made to “the garden of Versailles” (329). Again, the architect Hiram Scribe’s house is named New Petra. Rich as it is with cultural resonances, at base, Petra denominates a city in Jordan; New Petra, by contrast, is place-less.It would appear that something strange is going on with allegory in this deceptively straightforward allegory, and that this strangeness is linked to equally strange goings on with the geographical and directional relations of north and south, as sites of the historical and cultural American North and South that the story allegorizes so assiduously. As tensions between North and South would shortly lead to the Civil War, Melville writes an allegorical text clearly about these tensions, while simultaneously deconstructing the allegorical index of geographical north to cultural North and of geographical south to cultural South.Fredric Jameson’s work on allegory scaffolds the historically and materially nuanced reading I am proposing of “I and My Chimney”. Jameson writes:Our traditional conception of allegory—based, for instance, on stereotypes of Bunyan—is that of an elaborate set of figures and personifications to be read against some one-to-one table of equivalences: this is, so to speak, a one-dimensional view of this signifying process, which might only be set in motion and complexified were we willing to entertain the more alarming notion that such equivalences are themselves in constant change and transformation at each perpetual present of the text. (73)As American history undergoes transformation, Melville foreshadows Jameson’s transformation of allegory through his (Melville’s) own transformations of directionality and place. In a story about North and South, are we in the south or the north? Allegorical “equivalences are themselves in constant change and transformation at each perpetual present of the text” (Jameson 73). North-north equivalences falter; South-south equivalences falter.As noted above, the chimney of Melville’s story—“swung vertical to hit the meridian moon”—insists upon a north-south axis, much as, in an allegorical mode, the vertical “I” of the narrator structures a polarity of north and south (327). However, a closer reading shows that the chimney is no less complicit in the confusion of north and south than the environs of the house it occupies:In those houses which are strictly double houses—that is, where the hall is in the middle—the fire-places usually are on opposite sides; so that while one member of the household is warming himself at a fire built into a recess of the north wall, say another member, the former’s own brother, perhaps, may be holding his feet to the blaze before a hearth in the south wall—the two thus fairly sitting back to back. Is this well? (328)Here, Melville is directly allegorizing the “sulky” state of the American nation; the brothers are, as it were, North and South (328). However, just as the text’s signifiers of place problematize the notions of north and south (and thus the associated cultural resonances of capitalized North and South), this passage, in queering the axes of the chimneys, further upsets the primary allegory. The same chimney that structures Melville’s text along a north-south or up-down orientation, now defers to an east-west axis, for the back-to-back and (in cultural and allegorical terms) North-South brothers, sit at a 90-degree angle to their house’s chimneys, which thus logically manifest a cross-wise orientation of east-west (in cultural and allegorical terms, East-West). To this extent, there is something of an exquisite crossover and confusion of cultural North and South, as represented by the two brothers, and geographical/architectural/architectonic north and south (now vacillating between an east-west and a north-south orientation). The North-South cultural relationship of the brothers distorts the allegorical force of the narrator’s spine-like chimney (not to mention of the brother’s respective chimneys), thus enflaming Jameson’s allegorical equivalences. The promiscuous literality of the smokestack—Katja Kanzler notes the “astonishing materiality” of the chimney—subverts its main allegorical function; directionality both supports and disrupts allegory (591). Simply put, there is a disjunction between words and material circumstances; the “way of speaking… is hardly borne out by the facts” (Melville 327).The not unjustified critical focus on “I and My Chimney” as an allegory of North-South cultural (and shortly wartime) tensions, has not kept up with post-structural developments in allegorical theory as represented in Fredric Jameson’s work. In part, I suggest, this is because critics to date have missed the importance to Melville’s allegory of its extra-textual context. According to William J. Sowder, “Melville showed a lively interest in such contemporary social events as the gold rush, the French Revolution of 1848, and the activities of the English Chartists” (129). The pity is that readings of “I and My Chimney” have limited this “lively interest” to the Civil War. Melville’s attentiveness to “contemporary social events” should also encompass, I suggest, the East-West (east-west) dynamic of mid-nineteenth century American history, as much as the North-South (north-south) dynamic.The redialing of Melville’s allegory along another directional axis is thus accounted for. When “I and My Chimney” was published in 1856, there was, of course, at least one other major historical development in play besides the prospect of the Civil War, and the doctrine of Manifest Destiny ran, not to put it too finely, along an East-West (east-west) axis. Indeed, Manifest Destiny is at least as replete with a directional emphasis as the discourse of Civil War North-South opposition. As quoted in Frederick Merk’s Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History, Senator Daniel S. Dickinson states to the Senate, in 1848, “but the tide of emigration and the course of empire have since been westward” (Merk 29). Allied to this tradition, of course, is the well-known contemporaneous saying, “go West, young man, go West” (“Go West, Young Man”).To the extent that Melville’s text appears to anticipate Jameson’s post-structural theory of allegory, it may be linked, I suggest, to Melville’s sense of being at an intersection of American history. The meta-narrative of national history when “I and My Chimney” was produced had a spatial dimension to it: north-south directionality (culturally, North-South) was giving way to east-west directionality (culturally, East-West). Civil War would soon give way to Manifest Destiny; just as Melville’s texts themselves would, much later admittedly, give way to texts of Manifest Destiny in all its forms, including Jack Kerouac’s On the Road and Laura Ingalls Wilder’s Little House series. Equivalently, as much as the narrator’s wife represents Northern “progress” she might also be taken to signify Western “ambition”.However, it is not only that “I and My Chimney” is a switching-point text of geo-history (mediating relations, most obviously, between the tendencies of Southern Exceptionalism and of Western National Ambition) but that it operates as a potentially generalizable test case of the limits of allegory by setting up an all-too-simple allegory of North-South/north-south relations which is subsequently subtly problematized along the lines of East-West/east-west directionality. As I have argued, Melville’s “experimental allegory” continually diverts words (that is, the symbols allegory relies upon) through the turbulence of material circumstances.North, or north, is simultaneously a cultural and a geographical or directional coordinate of Melville’s text, and the chimney of “I and My Chimney” is both a signifier of the difference between N/north and S/south and also a portal to a 360-degrees all-encompassing engagement of (allegorical) writing with history in all its (spatialized) manifestations.ReferencesAllison, J. “Conservative Architecture: Hawthorne in Melville’s ‘I and My Chimney.’” South Central Review 13.1 (1996): 17-25.Chatfield, E.H. “Levels of Meaning in Melville’s ‘I and My Chimney.’” American Imago 19.2 (1962): 163-69.Emery, A.M. “The Political Significance of Melville’s Chimney.” The New England Quarterly 55.2 (1982): 201-28.“Go West, Young Man.” Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia 29 Sep. 2017. <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Go_West,_young_man>.Jameson, F. “Third-World Literature in the Era of Multinational Capitalism.” Social Text 15 (1986): 65-88.Kanzler, K. “Architecture, Writing, and Vulnerable Signification in Herman Melville’s ‘I and My Chimney.’” American Studies 54.4 (2009): 583-601.Kerouac, J. On the Road. London: Penguin Books, 1972.Melville, H. “I and My Chimney.” Great Short Works of Herman Melville. New York: Perennial-HarperCollins, 2004: 327-54.Merk, F. Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History: A Reinterpretation. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963.Sealts, M.M. “Herman Melville’s ‘I and My Chimney.’” American Literature 13 (May 1941): 142-54.Sowder, W.J. “Melville’s ‘I and My Chimney:’ A Southern Exposure.” Mississippi Quarterly 16.3 (1963): 128-45.Wilder, L.I. Little House on the Prairie Series.Wilson, S. “Melville and the Architecture of Antebellum Masculinity.” American Literature 76.1 (2004): 59-87.