Journal articles on the topic '1863-1963'

A key for identification for the 54 South American genera of Acanthocinini (Cerambycidae, Lamiinae) without erect setae on the elytra is provided. Diagnosis for each genus is provided, as well as type-locality and geographical distribution of the type species, and of the transferred species. Cristurges Gilmour, 1961 is considered a junior synonymy of Lophopoeum Bates, 1863. Ozineus Bates, 1863 is considered a genus that includes only the type species, Ozineus elongatus Bates, 1863 because it is the only species with erect setae on the elytral surface. Sternacutus Gilmour, 1961 is revalidated to include the species transferred from Ozineus. Nyssocuneus Gilmour, 1960 and Nyssodrysina Casey, 1913 are synonymized with Atrypanius Bates, 1864. Nyssodrysina Casey, 1913 is also considered a junior synonymy of Atrypanius. Nyssodectes Dillon, 1955 is considered junior synonymy of Stenolis Bates, 1864. Lepturguncus (Lepturguncus) Gilmour, 1961 is synonymized with Pattalinus Bates, 1881. Lepturdrys Gilmour, 1960 is considered a junior synonymy of Eucharitolus Bates, 1885. Lepturguncus (Chaeturguncus) is removed from the synonym of Pattalinus and considered a junior synonym of Paroecus Bates, 1863. The country of the type-locality of Oxathridia roraimae Gilmour, 1963 is corrected. The genus of Neseuterpia couturieri Tavakilian, 2001 is questioned. Additionally, the following genera omitted in the key by Monné et al. (2020) are listed and included in their previous key: Ozineus Bates, 1863; Paroecus Bates, 1863; Pseudosparna Mermudes & Monné, 2009; Probatiomimus Melzer, 1926; and Calolamia Tippmann, 1953. Paroectropsis Cerda, 1953 is transferred to Desmiphorini.

Purpose Major gaps exist in the documented history of occupational therapy in Ireland. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to filling these gaps by providing an overview of three major transitions in Irish occupational therapy in the century preceding the opening of St. Joseph?s College of Occupational Therapy in 1963. Research on occupational therapy’s past is valuable not only for recording and commemorating key events and individuals but also for allowing reflection on and questioning of contemporary practice and assumptions. Design/methodology/approach This descriptive paper draws on multiple documentary sources to present an overview of the first 100 years of the use of occupation as therapy/occupational therapy in Ireland from 1863 to 1963. Findings Three major transitions in occupational therapy in Ireland are presented: from moral treatment and the use of occupation as therapy to medical patronage of occupational therapy, from medical patronage to the early/pre-professional era and finally from the pre-professional era to the era of professionally qualified occupational therapists. To illustrate these transitions, a small number of individuals and their contributions are discussed including Dr Eamon O’Sullivan, Dr Ada English, Donal Kelly, Olga Gale and Ann Beckett. Originality/value This paper charts the foundations upon which the currently thriving profession of occupational therapy are built. The Association of Occupational Therapists of Ireland recently celebrated their 50th anniversary (AOTI, 2015a), and in 2017, it is 100 years since occupational therapy was formalised in Clifton Springs, New York, USA. Occupational therapy is a relatively young profession, and great opportunities exist to research its history in Ireland to capture the memories and experiences of the pioneers who laid the foundation of the profession as well as to situate the development of the profession in the broader social, cultural and scientific contexts within which it developed.

Este comentário ao notável poema de Lezama Lima (1910-1976), "Oda a Julián del Casal", detém-se sobre o modo como seis de seus principais atributos textuais - suas apóstrofes, os motivos verbais recorrentes, a obscuridade, os motivos históricos reconhecíveis, seus tempos verbais, bem como suas alusões míticas - interagem de forma a produzir um efeito retórico determinado. Julián del Casal (Cuba, 1863-1893) é atualmente considerado um dos mais importantes poetas hispano-americanos de seu tempo. Lezama, por seu turno, compôs seu poema em 1963, durante a celebração do centenário de nascimento de Casal.

Margaret Murray (1863–1963) was a major figure in the creation of professional archaeology, president of the Folklore Society, and advocate for women’s rights. Her popular legacy today is the concept of the “witch-cult,” a hidden ancient religion persecuted as witchcraft. Murray’s witch-cult not only inspired Neopaganism but is foundational for author H. P. Lovecraft’s Cthulhu Mythos. These modern myths cast a long shadow on not only fantastical literature but on paranormal beliefs, preserving outdated elements of Victorian archaeology in popular culture concerned with alternative archaeology and the occult.

We revise the species of Audantia, a genus of dactyloid lizards endemic to Hispaniola. Based on our analyses of morphological and genetic data we recognize 14 species in this genus, four of which we describe as new species (A. aridius sp. nov., A. australis sp. nov., A. higuey sp. nov., and A. hispaniolae sp. nov.), and two are resurrected from the synonymy of A. cybotes (A. doris comb. nov., A. ravifaux comb. nov.). Also, we place Anolis citrinellus Cope, 1864 in the synonymy of Ctenonotus distichus (Cope, 1861); Anolis haetianus Garman, 1887 in the synonymy of Audantia cybotes (Cope, 1863); and Anolis whitemani Williams, 1963 in the synonymy of Audantia saxatilis (Mertens, 1938). Finally, we designate a lectotype for Anolis cybotes Cope, 1863, and for Anolis riisei Reinhardt & Lütken, 1863. Our main focus is on the populations of anoles formerly referred to as Audantia cybotes which we demonstrate to be a complex of seven distinct species. For these seven species we provide a standardized description of external morphology, color descriptions in life, color photographs in life, description and illustration of hemipenis morphology (if available), distribution maps based on the specimens examined, comments on the conservation status, and natural history notes. Finally, we provide a dichotomous key for the identification of the 14 species of the genus Audantia occuring on Hispaniola.

The following new taxonomic and nomenclatural acts are provided: New revalidated name: the name nagaoiNakane 1983 is resurrected from the synonymy of A. maculifer Saunders 1873 as a valid specific name of Agrilusnagaoi. New synonyms: 47 new synonyms are proposed in the genus Agrilus: annoi Baudon, 1968 (synonym ofnavarrei Baudon, 1965); biasoni Baudon, 1968 (synonym of shaumaae Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963);brigitteae Baudon, 1968 (synonym of cochinchinae Obenberger, 1924); canidius Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963(synonym of coloratus Kerremans, 1894); champasak Jendek, 2000 (synonym of ardoini Descarpentries &Villiers, 1963); chounramanyi Baudon, 1965 (synonym of auripilis Deyrolle, 1864); cuneatus Jendek, 2009(synonym of palii Baudon, 1968); damoiselli Baudon, 1968 (synonym of sikkimensis Obenberger, 1928); deuveiBaudon, 1965 (synonym of perlisensis Fisher, 1936); emeritus Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963 (synonym ofperlisensis Fisher, 1936); favieri Baudon, 1961 (synonym of cochinchinae Obenberger, 1924); forquerayi Baudon,1968 (synonym of inops Kerremans, 1892); gagneuxi Baudon, 1968 (synonym of beatissimus Descarpentries &Villiers, 1963); gardneri Théry, 1928 (synonym of mixtus Kerremans, 1892); giraudi Baudon, 1965 (synonym ofbirmanicus Kerremans, 1892); goichetae Baudon, 1965 (synonym of rivalieri Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963);gouyei Baudon, 1965 (synonym of inops Kerremans, 1892); haniquei Baudon, 1965 (synonym of weyersiKerremans, 1900); jarrensis Baudon, 1968 (synonym of coloratus Kerremans, 1894); kandyanus Théry, 1904(synonym of repercussus Kerremans, 1893); korbi Abeille de Perrin, 1897 (synonym of auricollis Kiesenwetter,1857); laurenconi Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963 (synonym of auroapicalis Kurosawa, 1957); lebisiDescarpentries & Villiers, 1963 (synonym of ardoini Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963); legrosi Descarpentries &Villiers, 1963 (synonym of tsacasi Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963); leguayi Baudon, 1965 (synonym of simplexKerremans, 1894); lessei Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963 (synonym of colasi Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963);lindryi Baudon, 1968 (synonym of loupyi Baudon, 1968); lloydae Baudon, 1968 (synonym of miwai Obenberger,1936); lukesi Obenberger, 1936 (synonym of modicus Kerremans, 1892); minusculus Marseul, 1866 (synonym ofotiosus Say, 1833); morelae Baudon, 1968 (synonym of milo Obenberger, 1936); moreli Baudon, 1968 (synonymof coomani Bourgoin, 1925); mouricouae Baudon, 1965 (synonym of inops Kerremans, 1892); nginni Baudon,1968 (synonym of cochinchinae Obenberger, 1924); parizotae Baudon, 1968 (synonym of syrphus Descarpentries& Villiers, 1963); roscidulus Abeille de Perrin, 1897 (synonym of elegans Mulsant & Rey, 1863); rousselataeBaudon, 1968 (synonym of lacroixi Obenberger, 1936); ruteri Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963 (synonym ofjarrigei Descarpentries & Villiers, 1963); samyi Baudon, 1968 (synonym of suturaalba Deyrolle, 1864);sedonensis Baudon, 1968 (synonym of sommailae Baudon, 1965); siva Obenberger, 1916 (synonym of repercussusKerremans, 1893); souvannavongsi Baudon, 1968 (synonym of perlisensis Fisher, 1936); syrdarjensis Obenberger,1928 (synonym of vaginalis Abeille de Perrin, 1897); theodasi Baudon, 1968 (synonym of simoninaeDescarpentries & Villiers, 1963); thevadensis Baudon, 1968 (synonym of truncatipennis Descarpentries & Villiers,1967); tokatensis Obenberger, 1924 (synonym of auricollis Kiesenwetter, 1857); ukrainensis Obenberger, 1936(synonym of croaticus Abeille de Perrin, 1897).Lectotype designations: 43 lectotype designations are proposed (types are cited in the original combination and rank):Agrilus ambiguus Kerremans, 1895; A. amphion Obenberger, 1935; A. ampliatus Kerremans, 1900; A. anachlorusObenberger, 1924; A. angustulus variety bicoloratus Abeille de Perrin, 1893; A. atomus Kerremans, 1914; A. atratulus Obenberger, 1924; A. balnearis Kerremans, 1914; A. belides Obenberger, 1936; A. brahma Obenberger, 1916; A.

Виявлено особливості поширення та сезонної динаміки щільності трьох видів адвентивних комах-мінерів із ряду лускокрилих (Lepidoptera) родини Gracillariidae у паркових і вуличних насадженнях м. Житомира: на гіркокаштані звичайному – каштанового мінера – Cameraria ohridella Deschka & Dimic, 1986; на робінії звичайній – білоакацієвого нижньостороннього мінера – Parectopa robiniella (Clemens, 1863); на липі дрібнолистій – японську липову міль-строкатку Phyllonorycter issikii (Kumata, 1963). Зареєстровано три максимуми щільності мін каштанового мінера (у ІІ декаді червня, ІІ декаді липня і ІІІ декаді серпня), два максимуми – липового мінера (у ІІ декаді червня та ІІ декаді серпня) і три максимуми – білоакацієвого мінера (у ІІ декаді червня, ІІ декаді липня та ІІ декаді серпня). Навесні щільність поселень каштанового мінера була найменшою в парках і вулицях центра, де восени прибирали опале листя. На величину пошкодженої площі листків гіркокаштана впливала не тільки щільність мін каштанового мінера, але також техногенні чинники та ураження грибами.

These days, American politicians are loath to cite biblical passages for fear of being charged with breaching the wall between church and state. There was a time when a presidential candidate could claim that a certain monetary policy would “crucify us on a cross of gold.” This kind of rhetoric is now taboo. America's national leaders even avoid quoting the religious phrases from the Declaration of Independence, particularly its references to the “Creator” or “Nature's God.” Although in the past some of the greatest American political oratory—Abraham Lincoln at Gettysburg (1863) or Martin Luther King, Jr., at the Lincoln Memorial (1963)—relied unashamedly on biblical sources and imagery, it is no longer considered acceptable to argue publicly in the language of either the Hebrew or Christian Bibles. However religious American society might still be today, political rhetoric is noticeably nonreligious.

The article discusses François Quesnay’s dynamics of capital accumulation. First, we analyze the notion of bon prix to highlight the central analytical role played by profits in Quesnay’s growth dynamics. This leads us to challenge Ronald Meek’s interpretation ([1962] 2003) and to (re)propose Peter Groenewegen’s suggestion (1974 and 1983) that profits are not included in the net product for policy reasons. We also show that profits display features resembling a stable income component such as supervision wages (see Marx [1863] 1963). Second, we contest Steven Pressman’s argument (1994, pp. 143–154) that Quesnay missed the distinction between nominal and real variables by modeling how the farmers’ monetary interest (and profit) initiates the capital accumulation process (see Vaggi 1985), which over time leads to an increase of the (physical) surplus rate and thus of the net product in real terms.

The paper presents an overview of the Afrotropical genus Tumicla Wallengren, 1863 and the updated checklist of all currently known species of this genus belonging to the tribe Lithosiini. We propose 18 new combinations: Tumicla atricraspeda (Hampson, 1914), comb. nov., T. calimerae (Durante, 2008), comb. nov., T. congoensis (Kühne, 2007), comb. nov., T. dimidiata (Durante, 2008), comb. nov., T. distyi (Kühne, 2007), comb. nov., T. doa (Kühne, 2007), comb. nov., T. eala (Kühne, 2007), comb. nov., T. fasciata (Durante, 2008), comb. nov., T. gigantea (Kühne, 2007), comb. nov., T. hermanni (Kühne, 2007), comb. nov., T. mutabilis (Kühne, 2007), comb. nov., T. retromaculata (Durante, 2008), comb. nov., T. rosea (Durante, 2008), comb. nov., T. rubea (Durante, 2008), comb. nov., T. russula (Kiriakoff, 1963), comb. nov., T. similis (Durante, 2008), comb. nov., T. spinata (Kühne, 2007), comb. nov., and T. versicolor (Kühne, 2007), comb. nov. Two new species of Tumicla, T. tsonga sp. nov. and T. arktos sp. nov. are described from southern Mozambique.

The larvae of 12 species of Copelatinae, Copelatus alternatus Sharp, 1882, C. caelatipennis princeps Young, 1963, C. glyphicus (Say, 1823), C. japonicus Sharp, 1884, C. masculinus Régimbart, 1899, C. nakamurai Guéorguiev, 1970, C. oblitus Sharp, 1882, C. parallelus Zimmermann, 1920, C. tenebrosus Régimbart, 1880, Exocelina australiae (Clark, 1863), E. ferruginea (Sharp, 1882), and Liopterus haemorrhoidalis (Fabricius, 1787) are described or redescribed, including for the first time a detailed chaetotaxy analysis of the cephalic capsule, head appendages, legs, last abdominal segment and urogomphi. A provisional parsimony analysis based on larval characteristics of 13 copelatine species was conducted using the program TNT, which reinforces the monophyletic origin of the Copelatinae. Copelatinae larvae stand out from the remaining Dytiscidae based on several synapomorphies, including the unusual shorter length of the mesothoracic legs. Legs and urogomphi morphology suggest that Copelatinae larvae studied evolved a creeping way of life. The provisional phylogenetic analysis presented in this study provides some arguments for the validity of the taxonomic status of the genera Liopterus Dejean, 1833 and Exocelina Broun, 1886.

Penthicodes celebica n. sp., is described from Sulawesi, P. warleti n. sp. from India (Assam) and P. caja malayana n. ssp. from peninsular Malaysia. They are compared with the allied species of the subgenus Ereosoma Kirkaldy, 1906, as treated by Nagai & Porion (1996): P. astraea (Stål, 1864), P. atomaria (Weber, 1801) P. bimaculata (Schmidt, 1905), P. caja (Walker, 1851), P. pulchella (Guérin-Méneville, 1838), P. quadrimaculata Lallemand, 1963, P. rugulosa (Stål, 1870) and P. variegata (Guérin-Méneville, 1829). Penthicodes quadrimaculata is removed from synonymy with P. bimaculata. Male genitalia of all treated species are illustrated and described. New geographical records, distribution maps, behaviour data and photographs of habitus are given. An illustrated identification key to all 12 species of the genus, including P. farinosa and P. nicobarica, is proposed. Penthicodes basigera (Walker, 1870) is transferred to the genus Scamandra Stål, 1863 and the new combination Scamandra basigera (Walker, 1870) n. comb. is proposed. The subgenus Ereosoma is regarded as heterogenous and the species are separated in 2 new species-groups on the base of the male genitalia and colour pattern: group astraea+ (astraea, bimaculata, caja, celebica, quadrimaculata, rugulosa and variegata) and group atomaria+ (atomaria, pulchella, warleti).

In 1934 English archaeologist Edith Guest (1873–1942) visited the Alentejo region in south-central Portugal. Though not of the first rank of famous archaeologists, Guest made a contribution to archaeology in the first half of the twentieth century, assisting such luminaries as Margaret Murray (1863–1963) and Gertrude Caton-Thompson (1888–1985) in their excavations in the Mediterranean. But why did Guest visit the megaliths in the Alentejo region of Portugal in 1934? Based on unpublished contemporary sources, such as diaries, letters and photographs, this paper suggests that Guest’s presence on the Iberian Peninsula was linked to the ambitions of Manuel Heleno (1894–1970), the second director of the National Archaeological Museum in Lisbon. Studies on megalithic Alentejo were at this time still in their infancy, and Heleno hoped to raise the profile of such studies and the museum with an enterprising schedule of excavations that would attract notable archaeologists and the ensuing publicity. Heleno’s aspirations were successful: archaeologists such as Hugo Obermaier, Vera and Georg Leisner and, of course, Edith Guest took an interest in the fieldwork, helping to bring it to wider attention in Portugal and elsewhere.

The Chilean fauna of water bugs comprises seven species of semi-aquatic bugs (Heteroptera: Gerromorpha), representing five genera, three tribes, four subfamilies and four families; and 27 species and one subspecies of aquatic bugs (Heteroptera: Nepomorpha), representing four subgenera, eight genera, three tribes, seven subfamilies, and five families. We compare the fauna with neighboring countries and find that several otherwise widespread and abundant taxa are missing in Chile, but that Chepuvelia usingeri China, 1963 (Macroveliidae), Microvelia chilena Drake & Hussey, 1955 (Veliidae), Limnocoris dubiosus Montandon, 1898 (Naucoridae), Nerthra (Nerthra) parvula (Signoret, 1863), N. (N.) undosa Nieser & Chen, 1992, N. (Rhinodermacoris) praecipua Todd, 1957 (Gelastocoridae), and Sigara (Tropocorixa) termasensis (Hungerford, 1928a) (Corixidae) are endemic to the country. To this list, we add †Nerthra (Nerthra) subantarctica Faúndez & Ashworth, 2015, even though the species is only known from a subfossil. We can also inform that while water bugs are found in the archipelagoes of southern Chile, no species has been reported from the Juan Fernandez Islands, Easter Island and other off-shore islands. Several of the Chilean species are without any close extant relatives, such as C. usingeri and Aquarius chilensis (Berg, 1881) (Gerridae), or with relatives in Oceania (N. praecipua), suggesting that historical events such as dispersal and extinction have had a major influence on the composition of the Chilean fauna.

La cuenca hidrológica Lerma-Chapala-Santiago que drena hacia el Lago de Chapala ha sido intensamente impactada por las actividades humanas, lo cual ha alterado el ciclo hidrológico y afectado la recuperación anual del mismo. Para determinar la fluctuación histórica de sus volúmenes se desarrolló una red de nueve cronologías de poblaciones de Taxodium mucronatum distribuidas en bosques de galería de dicha cuenca. Las series de tiempo se analizaron mediante Componentes Principales y ello derivó en una cronología regional de 547 años (1462-2008). La asociación entre los índices dendrocronológicos y los datos del restablecimiento de los niveles del lago del año previo fue significativo, por lo que se creó un modelo de regresión para su reconstrucción. Los valores reconstruidos mostraron una alta variabilidad interanual y multianual que se asocia con sucesos extremos de El Niño-Oscilación del Sur. No obstante, el cambio de uso del suelo y el aprovechamiento indiscriminado del agua para diversos fines, en las últimas décadas, han enmascarado su efecto. Sequías de alta intensidad se detectaron en los períodos 1508-1560, 1581-1608, 1685-1725, 1770-1840, 1916-1924 y 1988-2000. De igual manera, algunas etapas húmedas notables ocurrieron en 1561-1578, 1610-1616, 1760-1769, 1842-1850, 1863-1893 y 1926-1963. De 1960 a la fecha, la recuperación anual del lago disminuyó a causa de la influencia humana. El entendimiento de las oscilaciones históricas en la profundidad del lago permitirá fundamentar acciones para un mejor uso del agua y la conservación de los ecosistemas rivereños que dependen de los recursos hídricos generados en la cuenca Lerma-Chapala-Santiago para su supervivencia.

Veterinarians have been engaged in emergency preparedness and response activities for many years. The American Veterinary Medical Association (AVMA) founded in 1863 and representing approximately 83% of United States veterinarians, and the American Veterinary Medical Foundation, established by the AVMA in 1963, have been active in emergency preparedness and response, including the development of a world class veterinary disaster response program (VMAT) since 1993. Animals and humans share a special bond in the United States. According to the 2007 AVMA US Pet Ownership and Demographics Sourcebook, there are 72 million dogs, 81.7 million cats, 11.2 million birds and 7.3 million horses in US households. Approximately 60% of all US households own at least one pet, and 64% own more than one pet. Additionally, nearly 60% of pet owners consider their pets to be members of the family, and nearly 50% of pet owners consider their pets to be companions. Few US pet owners consider their pet to be property (approximately 2%). Following Hurricane Katrina, the Pets Evacuation and Transportation Standards Act of 2006 (PETS Act) became US law to ensure that state and local emergency preparedness plans address the needs of individuals with household pets and service animals following a major disaster or emergency. Recently a US effort to identify best practices in disaster veterinary care was sponsored by the US Department of Agriculture and the National Alliance of State Animal Agriculture Emergency Programs and chaired by members of the AVMA. Best practices were identified, including physical examination and triage, vaccination and parasite treatment and prophylaxis, decontamination, euthanasia, medical care of search and rescue dogs, field diagnostics, and components of a disaster veterinary medical equipment cache.

Paraphrenia was identified as a psychopathological entity characterized by chronic delirium, described next to schizophrenia, but with rich and fanciful elaborations, without social and cognitive impairment associated. Despite having been extensively described, paraphrenia fell into disuse. With this work, the authors intend to carry out a literature review on the concept of paraphrenia, since its first report to the extinction from the current practice of psychiatry. The term paraphrenia (para “near” phrenia “pathological mental state”) was first noted by Kahlbaum in 1863, who identified dementia and subdivided it into three types: “neofrenia”, “paraphrenia hebetica” and “senilis paraphrenia”). Magnan and Manager suggested the concept of “chronic hallucinatory psychosis” in 1963, while Kraepelin started jobs with similar characteristics, defining the concept of paraphrenia. Kraepelin distinguished dementia praecox from the later onset dementia, despite considering them closer to one another than any of them to paranoia. Paraphrenia would be characterized by less formal disturbances of thought and greater preservation of affection. In 1911, with “schizophrenia” expression, Bleuler broke with Kraepelin concept, as Mayer, who reviewed Kraepelin patients, concluding that more than half had progressed to a diagnosis of schizophrenia. At this time, paraphrenia was virtually abolished from the practice of psychiatry. Despite the observations made over the years, the concept of paraphrenia have revealed that the description proposal does not correspond to an isolated and distinct psychiatric condition, several times, in clinical practice we have encountered with patients presenting diagnostic criteria for schizophrenia but with the evolution of the disease showing no significant deterioration in several areas.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

History of Lepidoptera adventitious species invasion on territory of the Botanical Garden of the Oles Gonchar Dnipro national university dates back over 15 years. During this period, four invader species belonging to leaf blotch miner moth family (Gracillariidae Stainton, 1854) were found: horse-chestnut leaf miner (Cameraria ohridella Deschka et Dimić, 1986), lime leaf miner (Phyllonorycter issikiimama, 1963), black locust leaf miners (Parectopa robiniella Clemens, 1863 and Phyllonorycter robiniella Clemens, 1859). Spectrum of trophic relationships of leaf-mining lepidoptera invasive complex on territory of the Botanical Garden was established, invading species of the family Gracillariidae were found on horse chestnut leaves (Aesculus hippocastanum L., 1753), Norway maple (Acer platanoides L., 1753), and linden european (Tilia ×europaea L., 1753). Assessment of leaf damage status was provided. The largest damages were registered on horse chestnut, up to 80% trees of which were completely defoliated by the end of summer period, which eventually leads to drying out and subsequent death of the trees. Of particular concern is outbreak of black locust leafminer moths complex. For the first time their mines were registered in 2007. Since then, it can be stated that all Robinia trees growing in the botanical garden were settled with the miners. Statistical processing data obtained during the morphological studies of mines of both species indicate a their great ecological plasticity. The most recent invasion of adventitious species Gracillariidae can be considered the emergence of Phyllonorycter issikii. The first registrations were carried out in 2015; since then the species is recorded annually on Tilia cordata. For all the time of observation, this species did not show a tendency to increase in numbers, and it has not been registered on other Tilia species.

Social networking has been utilized for information sharing and communication since the beginning of time. Current communication technology allows for rapid information sharing across social networks through the increased utilization of social media—Facebook, Twitter, Flickr etc. Social media tools have been used increasingly in recent emergency response efforts including the response to the 2010 earthquake in Haiti and the BP oil spill in the US Gulf Coast. Veterinarians have been engaged in emergency preparedness and response activities for many years. The American Veterinary Medical Association founded in 1863 and representing approximately 83% of United States veterinarians and the American Veterinary Medical Foundation, established by the AVMA in 1963, have been active in emergency preparedness and response including the development of a world class veterinary disaster response program (VMAT) since 1993. Animals and humans share a special bond in the United States. According to the 2007 AVMA U.S. Pet Ownership and Demographics Sourcebook there are 72 million dogs, 81.7 million cats, 11.2 million birds and 7.3 million horses in U.S. households. Approximately 60 percent of all U.S. households own at least one pet and 64 percent own more than one pet. Following Hurricane Katrina in 2005 thousands of animals received veterinary medical care at the Lamar Dixon Animal Shelter in Baton Rouge, LA. Social networking was utilized by responders to obtain supplies yet current social media capabilities were not utilized to enhance veterinary medical response and care at the largest disaster animal shelter in US history. Several challenges (volunteer management, lack of veterinary supplies, and referral of critical veterinary patients etc.) in veterinary disaster response could be met through utilization of targeted social media messaging. Social media has the potential to enhance the efficiency and quality of disaster veterinary medical response now and into the future.

The study was aimed to analyze the complexes of phyllophagous insect species with different ways of feeding on woody plants of certain genera. In 2017–2019, the research was carried out in street, park, and forest park plantations of Kharkiv on the material of woody plants of 13 genera: Tilia, Acer, Quercus, Ulmus, Populus, Aesculus, Robinia, Fraxinus, Betula, Sorbus, Salix, Alnus and Corylus. A total of 159 species of phyllophagous insects from 94 genera of 27 families of six orders were identified there. Representatives of Lepidoptera constitute 50.3% by the number of species, 50 and 51.9% by the number of genera and families, respectively, and Coleoptera – 35.8% of species, 28.7 and 22.2% of genera and families, respectively. The identified species of phyllophagous insects were divided into four groups based on the lifestyle and structure of the feeding apparatus of larvae: chewers, miners, galleries, and suckers. It was found that chewers and miners represent the orders Lepidoptera, Coleoptera and Hymenoptera, gallers – Hymenoptera and Diptera, suckers – Homoptera and Hemiptera. The suckers dominate by the number of species. The adventive species were found among the lepidopterous miners: Cameraria ohridella (Deschka & Dimic, 1986); Macrosaccus robiniella (Clemens, 1859); Phyllonorycter issikii (Kumata, 1963) and Parectopa robiniella (Clemens, 1863), as well as among the dipterous gallers, Obolodiplosis robiniae (Haldeman, 1847) was revealed. More than 30 similar species of phyllophagous insects were identified at typical forest plants, the most of them at the hazel (Corylus) and oak (Quercus) – 77 and 73 species (48.4 and 45.9% of all identified species), respectively. The similarity of the complexes of chewers from leaf beetles (Coleoptera: Chrysomelidae) at plants of certain genera is less than that of lepidopterous chewers, which is due to the biological characteristics of these insects. Thus, the polyphagia of lepidopterous chewers is explained by the limited ability of caterpillars to migrate in search of food at high population densities and severe defoliation of preferred plant species. Unlike lepidopterous caterpillars, the adults of leaf beetles are able to fly long distances in search of preferred plant species.

Omissions from and corrections to Alonso Zarazaga & Lyal (1999) are given. The following 19 valid taxa described before 2000 were absent and are now included: Brarus Kuschel, 1997 in Nemonychidae, Brachycorynus, Habroxenus, Neoxenus, Sicanthus and Trigonorhinini (all of Valentine, 1999 in Anthribidae), Gobicar Gratshev & Zherikhin, 1999 in Eccoptarthridae, Neoicaris Hoffmann, 1968 in Erirhinidae, Baezia Alonso-Zarazaga & García, 1999, Ecezius Thompson, 1982, Hirtegrius Colonnelli, 1999, Kyklioacalles Stueben, 1999, Neasphalmus Nakane, 1963, Neomroczkowskiella Kania, 1999, Notegrius Colonnelli, 1999, Onyxacalles Stueben, 1999, Oreochorus Zaslavskij & Korotyaev, 1998, Perigasteromimus Colonnelli, 1999, Pseudoglyptobaris Thompson, 1982 and Strophocodes Pelletier, 1999 in Curculionidae. A new replacement name is proposed in Attelabidae: Riedeliops Alonso-Zarazaga & Lyal (subgenus of Euops Schoenherr, 1839) nom. nov. for Charops Riedel, 1998 (non Holmgren, 1858). New synonymies are: Basitropini Lacordaire, 1866 (= Eugonini Lacordaire, 1866, syn. nov.) in Anthribidae; Haplorhynchites (Haplorhynchites) Voss, 1924 (= Aphlorhynchites Sawada, 1993, syn. nov., removed from synonymy with Teretriorhynchites) in Rhynchitidae; Belorhynchus Berthold, 1827 (= Belopherus Schoenherr, 1833, syn. nov.) and Arrhenodini Lacordaire, 1866 (= Belorhynchini Lacordaire, 1866, syn. nov.) in Brentidae; Otiorhynchus (Dorymerus) Seidlitz, 1890 (= Otiorhynchus (Normotionus) Reitter, 1912, syn. nov.), Pseudomeira Stierlin, 1881 (= Neoperitelinus O’Brien & Wibmer, 1982, syn. nov.), Polydrusini Schoenherr, 1823 (= Liophloeidae Gistel, 1848, syn. nov.), Leptomias (Leptomias) Faust, 1886 (= Formanekia Fleischer, 1923, syn. nov.) and Trachodini Gistel, 1848 (= Acicnemidini Lacordaire, 1866, syn. nov.) in Curculionidae. New type species designations are: Hypera arvernica Capiomont, 1868 for Pachypera Capiomont, 1868 (Curculionidae) and Orthosinus velatus Motschulsky, 1863 for Orthosinus Motschulsky, 1863 (Dryophthoridae). Two taxa are described as new in Curculionidae: Otiorhynchus (Magnanotius) Alonso-Zarazaga & Lyal, subgen. nov. (type species Otiorhynchus kollari Gyllenhal, 1834, in Entiminae Otiorhynchini), and PajnisoodesAlonso-Zarazaga & Lyal gen. nov. (type species: Dirodes flavomaculatus Pajni & Sood, 1982 in Lixinae Cleonini). New combinations are: Pajnisoodes flavomaculatus (Pajni & Sood, 1982) and P. chandigarhensis (Pajni & Sood, 1982), both from Dirodes. New placements are: Teretriorhynchites Voss, 1938 to subgenus of Haplorhynchites (from Involvulus) (Rhynchitidae). Hypodeporaus Voss, 1922 to subgenus of Deporaus (from synonymy under Caenorhinus) (Rhynchitidae). Belorhynchus Berthold, 1827 to genus in Arrhenodini (from synonymy under Nemorhinus) (Brentidae). Tychaeini Schönfeldt, 1910 to tribe in Trachelizinae (from synonymy under Belorhynchini) (Brentidae). Afghanocryptus Voss, 1961 to Erirhininae Arthrostenini (Erirhinidae) from Ocladiinae (Brachyceridae). Myocalandra Faust, 1894 to Diocalandrini (from Litosomini) (Dryophthoridae). Hydronomidius Faust, 1898 to Erirhininae Erirhinini (Erirhinidae) from Bagoinae (Curculionidae). Picia Tournier, 1895 to Erirhinini from Stenopelmini (Erirhinidae). Hypsomus Schoenherr, 1836, Sidomenia Laporte, 1840 and Stenotypus Marshall, 1957 to Curculioninae i. sed. (Curculionidae) from Erirhinini (Erirhinidae). Meripherellus Lea, 1915 to Tychiini i. sed. (Curculionidae) from Erirhinini (Erirhinidae). Opsittis Pascoe, 1870 to Molytinae i. sed. (Curculionidae) from Erirhinini (Erirhinidae). Praolepra Broun, 1880 to Storeini (Curculionidae) from Erirhinini (Erirhinidae). Herpes Bedel, 1874 to Hyperinae Hyperini (from Entiminae Thecesternini) (Curculionidae). Oropterus White, 1846 to Eugnomini from Anthonomini (Curculionidae). Pachytrichus Schoenherr, 1836 to Curculioninae i. sed. from Rhythirrhinini (Curculionidae). Oreoscotus Aurivillius, 1910 to Aminyopini from Molytinae i. sed. (Curculionidae). Dirodes Pascoe, 1887 to Sternechini from Cleonini (Curculionidae). Rhinospineus Hoffmann, 1961 to genus in Cyphicerina (from synonymy under Taurostomus) (Curculionidae). Epicthonius Schoenherr, 1823 to genus in Cyclomini (from synonymy under Cyclomus) (Curculionidae). Caulostrophilus Desbrochers, 1905 to genus in Brachyderini (from subgenus of Caulostrophus) and Pelletierius Alonso-Zarazaga & Lyal, 1999 to genus in Brachyderini (from subgenus of Strophosoma) (Curculionidae). Meconemus Labram & Imhoff, [1838] is reinstated as the valid name for Ischnocerus Schoenherr, 1839 (Anthribidae).

Type fixation for each of the 601 valid genera (17 placed incertae sedis) and 13 genera of doubtful identity (genera inquirenda) in the Harpacticoida (Crustacea, Copepoda) has been verified. Twenty-four genus-group names published after 1930 lack the mandatory type fixation and are therefore unavailable. With the exception of Kliopsyllus Kunz, 1962 which is replaced by its senior synonym Emertonia Wilson, 1932, such names are made available here by either attributing the original name to the first author(s) who explicitly fixed a type species (Psammastacus Nicholls, 1935; Alteuthellopsis Lang, 1944; Idyellopsis Lang, 1944; Paralaophonte Lang, 1944; Robertgurneya Lang, 1944; Cladorostrata Shen & Tai, 1963; Micropsammis Mielke, 1975; and the subgenera Rheocamptus Borutzky, 1948 and Scottopsyllus Kunz, 1962;) or by adopting the name taking the present authorship and date (Paranannopus Lang, 1936a; Paraidya Sewell, 1940; Apodopsyllus Kunz, 1962; Scottolana Por, 1967; Barbaracletodes Becker, 1979; Ameiropsyllus Bodin, 1979; Chilaophonte Mielke, 1985; Psammonitocrella Rouch, 1992; Tectacingulum Harris, 1994; and the subgenera Intermedopsyllus Kunz, 1962 (corrected spelling Intermediopsyllus) and Fiersiella Suárez Morales & Iliffe, 2005). In two cases a ruling by the International Commission on Zoological Nomenclature will be required to avoid upsetting a long-accepted name in its accustomed meaning (Halectinosoma Lang, 1944; Heterolaophonte Lang, 1944). The recently proposed generic name Pilocamptus Wells, 2007 does not satisfy the provisions of ICZN Art. 13.1 and is here made available by explicit citation of a bibliographic reference that provides a diagnosis purported to differentiate the taxon. Rhizothrix Brady & Robertson, 1876 is an unavailable name which was first made available by Sars (1909a). The unavailable generic name Scottopsyllus Kunz, 1962 has no potentially valid synonym and is replaced by the next oldest available name from among its subgenera, i.e. Wellsopsyllus Kunz, 1981 (ICZN Art. 23.3.5). The unavailable subgeneric name Psyllocamptus (Langpsyllocamptus) Kunz, 1975b is not reinstated because it denotes a taxon that is based exclusively on plesiomorphies. New replacement names have been proposed for preoccupied generic names in the harpacticoid families Canthocamptidae (Poria Lang, 1965; Dahlakia Por, 1986a), Dactylopusiidae (Sewellia Lang, 1965), and Leptopontiidae (Ichnusella Cottarelli, 1971). The preoccupied generic name Anoplosoma Sars, 1911c (family Ameiridae) is replaced by a previously proposed, but subsequently forgotten, replacement name, Anoplosomella Strand, 1929. Nomina nova are also suggested for Parathalassius Dussart, 1986 (Calanoida: Centropagidae) and Berea Yamaguti, 1963 (Cyclopoida: Chondracanthidae) which have entered into homonymy with previously established names. The junior synonym Alteutha Baird, 1846b is considered valid, taking precedence as a nomen protectum over the older names Sterope Goodsir, 1845 and Carillus Goodsir, 1845 (nomina oblita). Similar reversal of precedence applies to the family-group names Peltidiidae Claus, 1860 and Tisbidae Stebbing, 1910 which are junior subjective synonyms of Steropinae Dana, 1854 and Scutellidiinae Claus, 1889, respectively. Since the type of Idomene Philippi, 1843 is identified as a member of the Clausidiidae (Cyclopoida), the generic name Xouthous Thomson, 1883 is reinstated to accommodate all remaining species currently placed in Idomene. The forgotten copepod genus Microchelonia Brady, 1918 is placed in the family Laophontidae and considered a senior subjective synonym of Namakosiramia Ho & Perkins, 1977. The family-group name Pontostratiotidae A. Scott, 1909 (type: Pontostratiotes Brady, 1883) is a senior subjective synonym of Cerviniopseinae Brotskaya, 1963 (type: Cerviniopsis Sars, 1903) and the former is consequently reinstated at the subfamilial level. The family-group name Huntemanniidae Por, 1986a (type: Huntemannia Poppe, 1884) is a junior subjective synonym of Nannopinae Brady, 1880a (type: Nannopus Brady, 1880a) and the latter is reinstated as the valid name at family rank and with the spelling corrected to Nannopodidae. The family-name Paranannopinae Por, 1986a is a nomen nudum based on an unavailable generic name and is replaced by Danielsseniinae Huys & Gee in Huys et al., 1996. Four orphaned taxonomic groupings created by the removal of the type species – but not of the remaining species included in a genus – require an existing (previously invalid) or new generic name. Amphiascus Sars, 1905a is a senior objective synonym of Paramphiascopsis Lang, 1944 and must be restricted to the species currently included in the latter; a new genus Sarsamphiascus (type: Dactylopus minutus Claus, 1863) is proposed to receive all remaining Amphiascus species. The new generic names Monardius gen. nov. and Glabrotelson gen. nov. are proposed for the orphaned taxonomic groupings resulting from the removal of the types of Teissierella Monard, 1935a to Robertsonia Brady, 1880a, and of Hastigerella Nicholls, 1935 to Arenosetella Wilson, 1932, respectively. Leptomesochra Sars, 1911b is a senior subjective synonym of Interleptomesochra Lang, 1965 and must be restricted to the latter’s taxonomic concept; the previously unavailable generic name Leptameira Lang, 1936d is reinstated under the present authorship and date to assemble all remaining Leptomesochra species.

Unter den vielen Titeln, mit denen das Amt des Bischofs von Rom seit der Antike ausgeschmückt wurde, dürfte im deutschen Sprachraum keiner bekannter sein als der, den der Dramatiker Rolf Hochhuth im Jahr 1963 popularisiert hat: Der Stellvertreter wurde zum Stigma einer Institution namens Kirche, deren Oberhaupt die eigenen Vollkommenheits- wie Machtansprüche durch sein Handeln nicht nur dementiert, sondern auf alle Zeiten hin diskreditiert hat.

Este artículo analiza las relaciones políticas y diplomáticas de Colombia con los países del Caribe durante los gobiernos del liberalismo radical que van entre 1863 a 1885, evidenciando que tanto el pensamiento político como la acción diplomática estuvieron influenciados por dos situaciones, de un lado las confrontaciones internas del Estado Federal que impedían la unidad de la nación y por otro la doctrina de la unidad moral que establecía como regla fundamental, el orden interno y la armonía externa. No obstante, esta doctrina de la unidad moral presentó serias limitaciones en la práctica diplomática que los gobiernos liberales de Colombia desplegaron en el Caribe durante estos años.

Veselovsky has assigned a task to scholarship which can hardly ever be solved. The Russian formalists, however, have taken up his challenge.—René Wellek (279)The task, which many feel is beyond their abilities, lies within the power of scholarship.—A. N. VeselovskyALEXANDER NIKOLAEVICH VESELOVSKY (1838-1906) IS WIDELY REGARDED AS RUSSIA'S MOST DISTINGUISHED AND INFLUENTIAL Literary theorist before the formation of Opoyaz (“Society for the Study of Poetic Language”), whose members—Viktor Shklovsky, Boris Eikhenbaum, Yury Tynianov, Roman Jakobson, and others—developed the approach generally known as Russian formalism. Readers of Shklovsky may note the prominence accorded to Veselovsky in Theory of Prose (1925). Some will also recall the use of the term historical poetics—in reference to the method put forward by Veselovsky—in the 1963 edition of Mikhail Bakhtin's book on Dostoevsky and in his “The Forms of Time and Chronotope in the Novel: Notes towards a Historical Poetics” (1937-38, pub. in 1975). Another eloquent testimony to Veselovsky's spectral ubiquity in Russian literary theory is the concluding paragraph of Vladimir Propp's pathbreaking Morphology of the Folktale, where Propp humbly asserts that his “propositions, although they appear to be new, were intuitively foreseen by none other than Veselovsky” and ends his study with an extensive quotation from Veselovsky's Poetics of Plot (115-16). It is rarely recognized, however, that Veselovsky's method, in its rudimentary form, constitutes a common denominator of Shklovsky's, Bakhtin's, and Propp's widely divergent approaches.

Іn recent times R. pseudoacacia has been suffering from populations of new pests, which cause serious economic damage to this strategic species. Therefore, studying the features of plant defense responses against harmful insects is of great importance for biodiversity conservation for preserving this species in natural and artificial plantings. The aim of the study was to analyze the peculiarities of the activity and isoenzyme composition of peroxidase in R. pseudoacacia leaves during attacks by the invading insect P. robiniella. In the green plantations of Dnipro city, as the object of research, six groups of Robinia pseudoacacia L. model trees of different ages (5 and 35–40 years of age) with the existing leaf damages by P. robiniella leaf blotch miner were identified. Differences in benzidine-peroxidase activity were found in the leaves of 5- and 40-year-old R. pseudoacacia trees. In 35‒40-year-old trees with the presence of leaf blotch mi­ners, the leaves showed a tendency to increase BPOD activity by 24.6% vs control. While in young plants, a significant increase in peroxidase activity was found by 3.8 times due to mechanical damage of the leaves by the miner compared to the control. The revealed significant increase (by 63.2%) in the activity of guaiacol-peroxidase of black locust indicates its active participation in enhancing the barrier functions of leaf cells against P. robiniella, and it indicates the promising use of the enzyme as a biomarker for pest influence. The composition of benzidine-peroxidase isoenzymes was analyzed by electrofocusing. The main pattern of changes in the expressiveness of benzidine-peroxidase due to damage of leaves by a pest was a quantitative redistribution of activity between different molecular forms of peroxidase. Several enzyme isoforms from the highly acidic pH zone showed a significant activity increase in R. pseudoacacia leaves damaged by P. robiniella; this especially applies to the peroxidase system of young black locust plants. The increase in bensidine- and guajacol-peroxidase activity under the influence of leaf miner may be explained by a change in the gene expression of individual isoforms of peroxidases, which is confirmed by the results of studying the relative share of peroxidase molecular forms with isoelectrofocusing. Calculation of the internal diversity index (KD) of IEF benzidine-peroxidase spectra showed that the studied peroxidase spectra of young and medieval trees of control and experimental samples of R. pseudoacacia leaves differ significantly in the level of complexity. Under the influence of the invader the level of complexity increased. The study of the reaction of black locust and the mechanisms of its protection against mechanical damage by phytophages with the involvement of a larger range of enzymes in further research can serve as a theoretical basis for species selection and management to restore it under biotic stress.

La institución romana del domicilium convierte al sujeto en residente. Suele designar el lugar de residencia prolongada del incola o habitante que ha emigrado a una comunidad, por contraposición al municeps; por lo tanto, es un vínculo jurídico entre la ciudad y la persona que ha emigrado a ella. Frente a la expresión de la origo en los textos epigráficos, que es muy abundante, la manifestación del domicilo solo se hace de forma excepcional, en atención al escaso número de referencias conservadas, y su enunciación es muy similar a la que marca el origen. Palabras clave: domicilium, origo, ciudadano, epigrafía, latina.Topónimos: Imperio Romano.Periodo: Principado (27 a. C. – 284 d. C.) ABSTRACTThe Roman institution of the domicilium turns the subject into a resident. It usually designates the place of prolonged residence of the incola or inhabitant who has emigrated to a community, as opposed to the municeps. 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Quelques remarques à propos d'une inscription du Museo Arqueológico Nacional (CIL II, 3423)”, Homenaje al Profesor Martín Almagro Basch, Madrid, vol. III, pp. 339-345.Leonhard, R. (1905), s.v. “domicilium”, en en Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, V, Stuttgart, J. B. Metzler Verlag., V, cols. 1299 ss.Licandro, O. (2004), Domicilium habere. Persona e territorio nelladisciplina del domicilio romano, Torino, Giappichelli Editori.López M. L. (2008), Domicilium y vinculación jurídica local. Régimen jurídico del domicilio en Derecho romano, Madrid, http://vlex.com/vid/54106991Mahboubi, M. (1982), “Les élites municipales de la Numidie: deux groupes: étrangers à la cité et vétérans”, Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. II. Principat. 10, 2, pp. 673-682.Marucchi, O. (1912), Christian Epigraphy. An Elementary Treatise with a Collection of Ancient Christian Inscriptions Mainly of Roman Origin, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Mommsen, Th. (1887), Römisches Staatsrechts III.1, (Leipzig, 1887), Basel, Stuttgart, Benno Schwabe.Nörr, D. (1963), “Origo. Studien zur Orts-, Stadt-, und Reichszugehörigkeit in der Antike”, Revue d’Histoire du Droit, 31.4, pp. 525-600.Nörr, D. (1965), s.v. “origo”, en Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart, J. B. Metzler Verlag, Suppl. Bnd. X.Orelli, J. C. v. (1828), Inscriptionum latinarum selectarum amplissima collectio ad illustrandam Romanae... emendationesque exhibens; (Reprod. facs. de la ed. de Turici, Orellius).Ortiz, J. (2018), “Dinámicas migratorias y movimientos de población en Lusitania: el caso de Olisipo Felicitas Iulia”, Anales de Arqueología Cordobesa, 29, pp. 111-136.Pavis D'Escurac, H. (1988), “Origo et résidence dans le monde du commerce sous le Haut Empire”, Ktema, 13, pp. 57-68.Pernice, A. (1873), Marcus Antistius Labeo. Das römische Privatrecht im ersten Jahrhundert der Kaiserzeit, II.1, Halle, Buchhandlg d. Waisenhauses Verlag.Portillo, R. (1983), ‘Incolae’, una contribución al análisis de la movilidad social en el mundo romano, Córdoba, Universidad de Córdoba.Potthoff, S. E. (2017), The Afterlife in Early Christian Carthage: Near-Death Experiences, Ancestor Cult and the Archaeology of Paradise, London and New York, Routledge.Rodríguez, J. F. (1978), “La situación socio-política de los incolae en el mundo romano”, Memorias de Historia Antigua 2, pp. 147-169.Roussel, F. (1878), Du domicile, en droit romain. De la formation des conventions, en droit international privé, Paris, Challamel aîné.Salgado, J. (1980), “Contribución al estudio del «domicilium» en el Derecho romano”, Revista de Derecho privado, 64, pp. 495-510.Saumagne, Ch., (1937), “Du rôle de l'origo et du census dans la formation du colonat romain”, Byzantion, 12, pp. 487-581.Tedeschi, V., (1932), “Contributo allo studio del domicilio in diritto romano”, Rivista Italiana per le Scienze Giuridiche, 7, pp. 212-244.Tedeschi, V. (1936), Del Domicilio, Padova.Tedeschi, V. (1960), s.v. “domicilio, residenza e dimora”, en Novissimo Digesto Italiano, VI, Torino, Uninoe tipografico-editrice torinese.Thomas, Y. (1996), “«Origine» et «Commune Patrie»”, Étude de Droit Public Romain (89 av. J.-C. - 212 ap. J.-C.), Paris-Rome, Ecole française de Rome.Visconti, A. (1939), “Note preliminari sull'origo nelle fonti imperiali romane”, Studi di storia e diritto in onore di Carlo Calisse I, Milano, pp. 89-105.Visconti, A. (1947), “Note preliminari sul «domicilium» nelle fonti romane”, en Studi in onore di C. Ferrini inoccasione della sua beatificazione, I, Milano, pp, 429-442.Wiegels, R. (1985), Die Tribusinschriften des romischen Hispanien, Berlin, Walter de Gruyter Co.Zilletti, U. (1962), s.v. “incolato (Diritto romano) ”, en Novissimo Digesto Italiano, VIII, Torino, Unione tipografico-editrice torinese, pp. 541-542.

Margaret Murray, who was born 150 years ago, was one of the first archaeologists to be employed at UCL and one of the most distinguished, although her role in the history of archaeology is often underestimated. This article provides a brief outline of the career and contribution of a highly productive and innovative, if sometimes controversial, scholar, who also participated in the wider social movements of her time, particularly the campaign for women’s suffrage.

A taxonomic study on the genus Anterhynchium de Saussure, 1863 from the Philippine Islands is presented. Two species are recorded: A. astrophilum Giordani Soika, 1996 and A. townesi van der Vecht, 1963. Anterhynchium astrophilum is recorded for the first time since its description, A. flavomarginatum townesi is raised to species rank (A. townesi stat. nov.) and its unknown male is described. A key to the species and new distributional records are provided.

AbstractIncreasing knowledge of the biodiversity of parasitic copepods in the Argentinean Sea will provide a baseline against which changes in the distribution of marine biota can be detected. We provide new information on the distribution of 13 known species of parasitic copepods gathered from 11 species of marine fishes from Argentinean Sea, including 7 new host records and 9 new locality records. These species are: Bomolochus globiceps (Vervoort et Ramírez, 1968) and Nothobomolochus cresseyi Timi et Sardella, 1997 (Bomolochidae Sumpf, 1871); Brasilochondria riograndensis Thatcher et Pereira, 2004 (Chondracanthidae Milne Edwards, 1840); Taeniacanthus lagocephali Pearse, 1952 (Taeniacanthidae Wilson, 1911); Caligus rogercresseyi Boxshall et Bravo, 2000 and Metacaligus uruguayensis (Thomsen, 1949) (Caligidae Burmeister, 1835); Hatschekia conifera Yamaguti, 1939 (Hatschekiidae Kabata, 1979); Clavellotis pagri (Krøyer, 1863), Clavella adunca (Strøm, 1762), Clavella bowmani Kabata, 1963 and Parabrachiella amphipacifica Ho, 1982 (Lernaeopodidae Milne Edwards, 1840), and Lernanthropus leidyi Wilson, 1922 and Lernanthropus caudatus Wilson, 1922 (Lernanthropidae Kabata, 1979). A list of host species lacking parasitic copepods, for which large samples were investigated by the authors, is also provided in order to compare in future surveys.

I hate being misunderstood. I guess we all do, but it goes with the territory. I use the word coloured, and he seems offended: 'We Brits don't say 'coloured'. It's regarded as patronising. We say black, if we say anything. And if we do it's for reasons of simple practicality. It doesn't matter. ' Of course, what he seems to be missing, is that the word coloured in South Africa now refers less to skin colour, and more to a distinct cultural group, with it's own language (a dialect of Afrikaans), food (of Malay origin), and music. To say black in this context would be inaccurate, and cause confusion. Danya and Kyla attend the Yeoville Community School, situated in a vibrant and culturally diverse suburb of Johannesburg. On returning from school one day Danya announces: 'We have to do something at school about our culture. What is our culture Daddy?'To which her father replies, 'Go and ask your mother.' 'Well…we're sort of New Age, sort of holistic…', Toni fumbles. A few days later… 'So what did you do in the end?' Soli asks. 'Oh, us and all the other coloured kids sang, Daar Kom die Alabama'1 says Kyla. It would seem that children want to know where they come from. 'I want you to divide yourself up into your different race groups', the facilitator says. We are in a Managing Diversity workshop, and he means the old South African race classification system, but of course he wants to see what we do with it. We end up with a group of Blacks (including three 'Asians'); an African group (including two 'Whites'); a White group (two); and the Human Race (two).'Why didn't you join the white group?' Thloki asks the Human Race.'I don't define myself by my race', I reply.'Ha! Wait till there's a war over resources' he laughs, 'then you'll quickly pick a side!' The postmodernist argument ensues: 'There is no such thing as race…all these arbitrary classifications…it's nothing but a social construct!''Well you never lived as a black person under apartheid. It was very real to me!'The facilitator aims to mediate/translate for the rest of us: 'Well yes, it is just a social construct. But one which had very real consequences for people.' 'Nobody goes into town anymore' a woman says. To which Har Bhajan replies, 'When I was last in town, there were lots of people there.' Of course, what she means is, hardly any white people go into town anymore. (And she's right about that.) But what is that, the way certain people become invisible, depending on who's looking? My friend Karima and I attend an Al Jarreau concert. Fairly expensive tickets, and almost the entire audience is black. I'm not sure why I'm quite so surprised. But this is Sandton, the richest formerly white suburb of Johannesburg. Perhaps working in the NGO sector I've missed how much things are actually changing… I wonder how many people in the audience have been into town lately. With the shift in power, and the -- albeit slow -- levelling of the playing field, now it is possible for white South Africans to be at the receiving end of racial discrimination too… I am visiting my cousin. He is 60, and a musician. But times are tough for him now. His brother was shot dead in his driveway while someone stole his car. And it's hard for him to find work. 'I am too white, now', he says. He is not bitter, just saddened. In his day he had probably the most famous jazz club in Johannesburg. Rumours it was called. 'The best little bootlegger in Bellevue' he called himself. He was known for breaking the law then. His club was racially integrated long before it was allowed. Controversial South African artist, Beezy Bailey, has an alter ego: 'The creation of Joyce was born of the frustration of 'increasingly prevalent affirmative action'. Bailey submitted two artworks for a triennial exhibition. One was with the traditional 'Beezy Bailey' signature (rejected) the other signed 'Joyce Ntobe'! The latter now enjoys an honoured place in the SA National Gallery as part of its permanent collection. When the curator of the SA National Gallery wanted to work on a paper about three black women artists, Joyce Ntobe being one, Bailey let the cat out the bag which caused a huge media 'scandale'.' (Carmel Art) I spent three months in London, and I realised how easy it is to be white there. Or rather, how easy it is to not be white. Of course, it 'doesn't matter' there, because it doesn't matter. It's easy to donate a monthly cheque to Worldvision, and read about the latest chaos in Zimbabwe in the free rag on the tube, and never have to look overwhelming poverty and disease in the face. But when you live on the African continent, you are very aware of being white. At the diversity workshop, I realise how white South Africans seem to get to take the rap here for the actions of white people on the planet. It's not just the effects of apartheid that black South Africans are angry about it seems, it's also the effects of the global economy, that cause the rich to become richer, and the poor to become poorer. Oh sure, that's not just an issue of race, but the poorest on our planet remain 'people of colour', and wealth remains concentrated in the West/North. I realise also that the Black and African groups at the workshop have one thing that they agree on quite strongly - the importance of making the African continent one's focus. Though the two of us in the Human Race group have both read Naomi Klein's No Logo -- and care about the effects on the poor of economic globalisation -- our sense of 'internationalism' is not viewed in a positive light, but seen rather as 'elitist'. * * * 'The thing about the Dutch' says Gary, 'is that they're pragmatic. They're not politically correct -- call the prostitutes prostitutes, not sex workers, but tax them, and give them health care. They have a strong human rights culture.' The Afrikaners are descendents of these transparent, curtainless Dutch. Sometimes I can see it. 'It is not words that make for bigotry, but attitudes', says columnist Ira Pilgrim. 'Some of the most bigoted people I have known always used the 'correct' words.'2 I am not politically correct. There are certain words I'd never use, and couldn't bring myself to, not out of political correctness, but because they're invested with hate. But words like 'whitey', darkie' and 'honky', where I sit, are terms of endearment. I'd never use them on strangers, but amongst friends, they're terms of affection and irony, because we're laughing at ourselves, and each other. 'It's hard to explain to anyone' Gary continues, 'what it's like living in a place where -- from the time you wake up in the morning, till you close your eyes at night -- every breath that you take is politicised.' Gary left the country because he didn't want to be conscripted to fight a war he didn't believe in. He's done well for himself in Europe. But he had to give up his homeland. I catch a 'Zola', the mini-bus taxi named after South Africa's barefoot runner Zola Budd, probably most famous for inadvertently tripping Mary Decker at the 1984 Olympics (Finnegan). Zola was little and fast, like the taxi's that 'zip, zip, zip' -- often to the infuriation of other motorists -- hence the affectionate nickname. They're the peril of the road, but the saviour of the immobile masses, with their unique language and hand signals. I overhear bits of Zulu conversation, including 'Brooke…Ridge…Thorne.' Our soaps, too, are politicised. It would seem that even black South Africans watch The Bold and the Beautiful for light relief. Usually I am the only whitey here, but accepted as just another carless commuter moving from A to B. Despite the safety risks of bad driving, I enjoy it. I did a Zulu course a few years ago. I didn't learn much Zulu -- discovered I don't have the tongue or an ear for African languages -- but I learnt a lot from the course nevertheless. 'Tell us about an experience that you've had, that was a result of cultural misunderstandings' says the facilitator. 'I spent much of my first year at University hungry' says Nhlanhla. 'My white friends would offer me food when I was visiting, but I would refuse, because in our culture, if you ask you don't really want to give. We just hand you a plate.' Nombulelo tells of the time she went on a yoga retreat. She was confused when she started to undress openly in the dormitory, and got disapproving looks from the other women. 'Why?' she wondered, 'we are all women together?' But these were Hindu women, whose sense of modesty was different from the openness of African women. For the whiteys, the major confusion seems to come from the issue of timekeeping. 'African time' is often referred to. Though in London, I did hear talk of 'Caribbean time'. Perhaps the concept of being on time is a particularly Western one (Makhale-Mahlangu). We are visiting friends of friends. There's an unlikely combination at the dinner table. She is tall and dark. I am short and fair. 'So where do you two know each other from?' Cairo asks. 'I'm Andie's sister', Kim replies. She reads the dumbfoundedness in Cairo's face. 'What can I say…my line got a bit deviated!' she laughs. She has my father's sense of humour. So have I. I ask my father, when he first became aware of racial prejudice. 'I was about six years old', he says. 'I threw my ball out of the school grounds, and called to the black man outside: 'Boy, please would you throw my ball back to me?' And the man replied: 'I am not a boy. I am old enough to be your grandfather.'' I am thinking about the time in our lives before we become aware of race… A friend tells me a story about how her six-year-old daughter came home from school and asked, 'Mommy, what's a [racist-term-not-to-be-repeated]?' She'd been called that. The late Lenny Bruce, controversial American comedian and social critic in the sixties, argued that it is 'the word that gives it the power of violence'3, and if we used 'the words' colloquially often enough, and began to invest them with new meanings, they would lose their power to hurt us. I am about to board a bus…'Woza (come) Mama', says the driver. 'Uyaphi?' (Where are you going?) '…green green, I'm going away to where the grass is greener still', come the Reggae sounds from his radio. We are discussing whether we should be focusing on our sameness or our differences. 'Of course we all want the same things…a home, a job, an education for our children', says Karima, but it's our differences that make us interesting.' I agree. Notes 1 Daar Kom die Alabama (Here Comes the Alabama) is a traditional 'Cape Coloured' song, originally sung in tribute to the Alabama, a confederate ship that docked in Cape Town in 1863. On board were Al Jolson-esque (Burlesque) performers, whom the slaves admired, and they imitated their style of performance. This tradition continues still today with the 'Coon Carnival' held on New Years Day and 'Tweede Nuwe Jaar' (Second New Year). It is said that the custom of Tweede Nuwe Jaar originated as a holiday for the slaves, who were too busy attending to their masters' needs on the first. For more information on the Coon Carnival, see http://www.iias.nl/host/ccrss/cp/cp3/cp3-__171___.html. 2 While the author makes some important general points about the drawbacks of political correctness, his reference to South Africa (including the correction) are in fact incorrect. The apartheid government had four major 'population groups' in it's classification system: African (black), Coloured, Asian and White. (The term black was used then only informally.) These were then sub-divided into other categories. See http://www.csvr.org.za/race.htm for further details. 3 The relevant extract from Julian Barry's 1971 play Lenny, can be found at http://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/8.30/relrpt/stories/s271585.htm. References Barry, Julian. Lenny. Random House, 1971. http://www.freenetpages.co.uk/hp/lennybruce/ Downloaded 14 April 2002. Carmel Art Galleries. Beezy Bailey Curriculum Vitae, at http://www.carmelart.co.za/site/cvbb.htm Downloaded 14 April 2002. Finnegan, Mark. 'The 10 worst mishaps in the history of sport.' Observer Sport Monthly 5 November (2000). http://www.observer.co.uk/osm/story/0,69... Downloaded 14 April 2002. Klein, Naomi. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. USA: Picador, 2000. http://www.nologo.org/ Downloaded 14 April 2002. Makhale-Mahlangu, Palesa. 'Reflections on Trauma Counselling Methods.' Seminar presented at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, Johannesburg, 31 July 1996. http://www.csvr.org.za/articles/artpales.htm Downloaded 14 April 2002. Martin, Denis-Constant. 'The Famous Invincible Darkies Cape Town's Coon Carnival: Aesthetic Transformation, Collective Representations and Social Meanings', 1998. http://www.iias.nl/host/ccrss/cp/cp3/cp3-__171___.html Downloaded 14 April 2002. Pilgrim, Ira. 'Kikes, Niggers, Queers, Scotchmen and Chinamen', Mendocino County Observer, 22 March (1990). http://www.mcn.org/c/irapilgrim/race02.html Downloaded 14 April 2002. Transfer of African Language Knowledge (TALK). http://www.icon.co.za/~sadiverse/about.htm Downloaded 14 April 2002. Andie Miller was born, and spent the first 23 years of her life at the Southern-most tip of the African continent, in Cape Town. She currently works as webmaster for the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, and the National Development Agency in Johannesburg, South Africa. Links http://www.observer.co.uk/osm/story/0 http://www.iias.nl/host/ccrss/cp/cp3/cp3-__171___.html http://www.carmelart.co.za/site/cvbb.htm http://www.csvr.org.za/ http://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/8.30/relrpt/stories/s271585.htm http://www.csvr.org.za/articles/artpales.htm http://www.nologo.org/ http://www.mcn.org/c/irapilgrim/race02.html http://www.freenetpages.co.uk/hp/lennybruce/ http://www.icon.co.za/~sadiverse/about.htm http://www.csvr.org.za/race.htm http://www.nda.org.za/ Citation reference for this article MLA Style Miller, Andie. "Multiculturalism and Shades of Meaning in the New South Africa" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.3 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/shadesofmeaning.php>. Chicago Style Miller, Andie, "Multiculturalism and Shades of Meaning in the New South Africa" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 3 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/shadesofmeaning.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Miller, Andie. (2002) Multiculturalism and Shades of Meaning in the New South Africa. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(3). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/shadesofmeaning.php> ([your date of access]).

At the start of the twentieth century, many young Australian artists travelled abroad to expand their art education and to gain exposure to the modern art movements of Europe. Most of these artists were active members of artist associations such as the Victorian Artists Society or the New South Wales Society of Artists. Male artists from Victoria were generally also members of the Melbourne Savage Club, a club with a strong association with the arts.This paper investigates the dual function of the club, as a space where the artists felt “at home” in the familiar environment that the club offered whilst they were abroad and, at the same time, a meeting space where they could engage in a stimulating artistic environment and gain introductions to leading figures in the art world. For those artists who chose England, London’s arts clubs played a large role, for it was in these establishments that they discussed, exhibited, shared, and met with their English counterparts. The club environment in London would have a significant impact on male Australian artists, as it offered a space where they were integrated into the English art world, which enhanced their experience whilst abroad.Artists were seldom members of Australia’s early gentlemen’s clubs, however, in the late nineteenth century Melbourne, artists formed less formal social groupings with exotic names such as the Prehistoric Order of Cannibals, the Buonarotti Club, and the Ishmael Club (Mead). Melbourne artists congregated in these clubs until the Melbourne Savage Club, modelled on the London Savage Club (1857)—a club whose membership was restricted to practitioners in the performing and visual arts—opened its doors in 1894.The Melbourne Savage Club had its origins in the Metropolitan Music Club, established in the late 1880s by a group of professional and amateur musicians and music lovers. The club initially admitted musicians and people from the dramatic professions free-of-charge, however, author Randolph Bedford (1868–1941) and artist Alf Vincent (1874–1915) were not content to be treated on a different basis to the musicians and actors, and two months after Vincent joined the club, at a Special General Meeting, the club resolved to vary Rule 6, “to admit landscape or portrait painters and sculptors without entrance fee” (Melbourne Savage Club). At another Special General Meeting, a year later, the rule was altered to admit “recognised members of the musical, dramatic and artistic professions and sculptors without payment of entrance fee” (Melbourne Savage Club).This resulted in an immediate influx of prominent Victorian male artists (Williams) and the Melbourne Savage Club became their place of choice to gather and enjoy the fellowship the club offered and to share ideas in a convivial atmosphere. When the opportunity arose for them to travel to London in the early twentieth century, they met in London’s famous art clubs. Membership of the Melbourne Savage Club not only conferred rights to visit reciprocal clubs whilst in London, but also facilitated introductions to potential patrons. The London clubs were the venue of choice for visiting artists to meet their fellow artist expatriates and to share experiences and, importantly, to meet with their British counterparts, exhibit their works, and establish valuable contacts.The London Savage Club attracted many Australian expatriates. Not only is it the grandfather of London’s bohemian clubs but also it was the model for arts clubs the world over. Founded in 1857, the qualification for admission was (and still is) to be, “a working man in literature or art, and a good fellow” (Halliday vii). If a candidate met these requirements, he would be cordially received “come whence he may.” This was embodied in the club’s first rules which required applicants for membership to be from a restricted range of pursuits relating to the arts thought to be commensurate with its bohemian ideals, namely art, literature, drama, or music.The second London arts club that attracted expatriate Australian artists was the New English Arts Club, founded in 1886 by young English artists returning from studying art in Paris. Members of The New English Arts Club were influenced by the Impressionist style as opposed to the academic art shown at the Royal Academy. As a meeting place for Australia’s expatriate artists, the New English Arts Club had a particular influence, as it exposed them to significant early Modern artist members such as John Singer Sargent (1856–1925), Walter Sickert (1860–1942), William Orpen (1878–1931) and Augustus John (1878–1961) (Corbett and Perry; Thornton; Melbourne Savage Club).The third, and arguably the most popular with the expatriate Australian artists’ club, was the Chelsea Arts Club, a bohemian club formed in 1891 by local working artists looking for a place to go to “meet, talk, eat and drink” (Cross).Apart from the American-born founding member, James McNeill Whistler (1834–1903), amongst the biggest Chelsea names at the time of the influx of travelling young Australian artists were modernists Sir William Orpen, Augustus John, and John Sargent. The opportunity to mix with these leading British contemporary artists was irresistible to these antipodean artists (55).When Melbourne artist, Miles Evergood (1871–1939) arrived in London from America in 1910, he had been an active exhibiting member of the Salmagundi Club, a New York artists’ club. Almost immediately he joined the New English Arts Club and the Chelsea Arts Club. Hammer tells of him associating with “writer Israel Zangwill, sculptor Jacob Epstein, and anti-academic artists including Walter Sickert, Augustus John, John Lavery, John Singer Sargent and C.R.W. Nevison, who challenged art values in Britain at the beginning of the century” (Hammer 41).Arthur Streeton (1867–1943) used the Chelsea Arts Club as his postal address, as did many expatriate artists. The Melbourne Savage Club archives contain letters and greetings, with news from abroad, written from artist members back to their “Brother Savages” (Various).In late 1902, Streeton wrote to fellow artist and Savage Club member Tom Roberts (1856–1931) from London:I belong to the Chelsea Arts Club now, & meet the artists – MacKennel says it’s about the most artistic club (speaking in the real sense) in England. … They all seem to be here – McKennal, Longstaff, Mahony, Fullwood, Norman, Minns, Fox, Plataganet Tudor St. George Tucker, Quinn, Coates, Bunny, Alston, K, Sonny Pole, other minor lights and your old friend and admirer Smike – within 100 yards of here – there must be 30 different studios. (Streeton 94)Whilst some of the artists whom Streeton mentioned were studying at either the Royal Academy or the Slade School, it was the clubs like the Chelsea Arts Club where they were most likely to encounter fellow Australian artists. Tom Roberts was obviously attentive to Streeton’s enthusiastic account and, when he returned to London the following year to work on his commission for The Big Picture of the 1901 opening of the first Commonwealth Parliament, he soon joined. Roberts, through his expansive personality, became particularly active in London’s Australian expatriate artistic community and later became Vice-President of the Chelsea Arts Club. Along with Streeton and Roberts, other visiting Melbourne Savage Club artists joined the Chelsea Arts Club. They included, John Longstaff (1861–1941), James Quinn (1869–1951), George Coates (1869–1930), and Will Dyson (1880–1938), along with Sydney artists Henry Fullwood (1863–1930), George Lambert (1873–1930), and Will Ashton (1881–1963) (Croll 95). Smith describes the exodus to London and Paris: “It was the Chelsea Arts Club that the Heidelberg School established its last and least distinguished camp” (Smith, Smith and Heathcote 152).Streeton, who retained his Chelsea Arts Club membership when he returned for a while to Australia, wrote to Roberts in 1907, “I miss Chelsea & the Club-boys” (Streeton 107). In relation to Frederick McCubbin’s pending visit he wrote: “Prof McCubbin left here a week ago by German ‘Prinz Heinrich.’ … You’ll introduce him at the Chelsea Club and I hope they make him an Hon. Member, etc” (Streeton et al. 85). McCubbin wrote, after an evening at the Chelsea Arts Club, following a visit to the Royal Academy: “Tonight, I am dining with Australian artists in Soho, and shall be there to greet my old friends. How glad I am! Longstaff will be there, and Frank Stuart, Roberts, Fullwood, Pontin, Coates, Quinn, and Tucker’s brother, and many others from all around” (MacDonald, McCubbin and McCubbin 75). Impressed by the work of Turner he wrote to his wife Annie, following avisit to the Tate Gallery:I went yesterday with Fullwood and G. Coates and Tom Roberts for a ramble … to the Tate Gallery – a beautiful freestone building facing the river through a portico into the gallery where the lately found turners are exhibited – these are not like the greater number of pictures in the National Gallery – they represent his different periods, but are mostly in his latest style, when he had realised the quality of light (McCubbin).Clearly Turner’s paintings had a profound impression on him. In the same letter he wrote:they are mostly unfinished but they are divine – such dreams of colour – a dozen of them are like pearls … mist and cloud and sea and land, drenched in light … They glow with tender brilliancy that radiates from these canvases – how he loved the dazzling brilliancy of morning or evening – these gems with their opal colour – you feel how he gloried in these tender visions of light and air. He worked from darkness into light.The Chelsea Arts Club also served as a venue for artists to entertain and host distinguished visitors from home. These guests included; Melbourne Savage Club artist member Alf Vincent (Joske 112), National Gallery of Victoria (NGV) Trustee and popular patron of the arts, Professor Baldwin Spencer (1860–1929), Professor Frederick S. Delmer (1864–1931) and conductor George Marshall-Hall (1862–1915) (Mulvaney and Calaby 329; Streeton 111).Artist Miles Evergood arrived in London in 1910, and visited the Chelsea Arts Club. He mentions expatriate Australian artists gathering at the Club, including Will Dyson, Fred Leist (1873–1945), David Davies (1864–1939), Will Ashton (1881–1963), and Henry Fullwood (Hammer 41).Most of the Melbourne Savage Club artist members were active in the London Savage Club. On one occasion, in November 1908, Roberts, with fellow artist MacKennal in the Chair, attended the Australian Artists’ Dinner held there. This event attracted twenty-five expatriate Australian artists, all residing in London at the time (McQueen 532).These London arts clubs had a significant influence on the expatriate Australian artists for they became the “glue” that held them together whilst abroad. Although some artists travelled abroad specifically to take up places at the Royal Academy School or the Slade School, only a minority of artists arriving in London from Australia and other British colonies were offered positions at these prestigious schools. Many artists travelled to “try their luck.” The arts clubs of London, whilst similarly discerning in their membership criteria, generally offered a visiting “brother-of-the-brush” a warm welcome as a professional courtesy. They featured the familiar rollicking all-male “Smoke Nights” a feature of the Melbourne Savage Club. With a greater “artist” membership than the clubs in Australia, expatriate artists were not only able to catch up with their friends from Australia, but also they could associate with England’s finest and most progressive artists in a familiar congenial environment. The clubs were a “home away from home” and described by Underhill as, “an artistic Earl’s Court” (Underhill 99). Most importantly, the clubs were a centre for discourse, arguably even more so than were the teaching academies. Britain’s leading modernist artists were members of the Chelsea Arts Club and the New English Arts Club and mixed freely with the visiting Australian artists.Many Australian artists, such as Miles Evergood and George Bell (1878–1966), held anti-academic views similar to English club members and embraced the new artistic trends, which they would bring back to Australia. Streeton had no illusions about the relative worth of the famed institutions and the exhibitions held by clubs such as the New English. Writing to Roberts before he joins him in London, he describes the Royal Academy as having, “an inartistic atmosphere” and claims he “hasn’t the least desire to go again” (Streeton 77). His preference lay with a concurrent “International Exhibition”, which featured works by Rodin, Whistler, Condor, Degas, and others who were setting the pace rather than merely continuing the academic traditions.Architect Hardy Wilson (1881–1955) served as secretary of The Chelsea Arts Club. When he returned to Australia he brought back with him a number of British works by Streeton and Lambert for an exhibition at the Guild Hall Melbourne (Underhill 92). Artists and Bohemians, a history of the Chelsea Arts Club, makes special reference of its world-wide contacts and singles out many of its prominent Australian members for specific mention including; Sir John William (Will) Ashton OBE, later Director of the Art Gallery of New South Wales, and Will Dyson, whose illustrious career as an Australian war artist was described in some detail. Dyson’s popularity led to his later appointment as Chairman of the Chelsea Arts Club where he initiated an ambitious rebuilding program, improving staff accommodation, refurbishing the members’ areas, and adding five bedrooms for visiting members (Bross 87-90).Whilst the influence of travel abroad on Australian artists has been noted, the importance of the London Clubs has not been fully explored. These clubs offered artists a space where they felt “at home” and a familiar environment whilst they were abroad. The clubs functioned as a meeting space where they could engage in a stimulating artistic environment and gain introductions to leading figures in the art world. For those artists who chose England, London’s arts clubs played a large role, for it was in these establishments that they discussed, exhibited, shared, and met with their English counterparts. The club environment in London had a significant impact on male Australian artists as it offered a space where they were integrated into the English art world which enhanced their experience whilst abroad and influenced the direction of their art.ReferencesCorbett, David Peters, and Lara Perry, eds. English Art, 1860–1914: Modern Artists and Identity. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000.Croll, Robert Henderson. Tom Roberts: Father of Australian Landscape Painting. Melbourne: Robertson & Mullens, 1935.Cross, Tom. Artists and Bohemians: 100 Years with the Chelsea Arts Club. 1992. 1st ed. London: Quiller Press, 1992.Gray, Anne, and National Gallery of Australia. McCubbin: Last Impressions 1907–17. 1st ed. Parkes, A.C.T.: National Gallery of Australia, 2009.Halliday, Andrew, ed. The Savage Papers. 1867. 1st ed. London: Tinsley Brothers, 1867.Hammer, Gael. Miles Evergood: No End of Passion. Willoughby, NSW: Phillip Mathews, 2013.Joske, Prue. Debonair Jack: A Biography of Sir John Longstaff. 1st ed. Melbourne: Claremont Publishing, 1994.MacDonald, James S., Frederick McCubbin, and Alexander McCubbin. The Art of F. McCubbin. Melbourne: Lothian Book Publishing, 1916.McCaughy, Patrick. Strange Country: Why Australian Painting Matters. Ed. Paige Amor. The Miegunyah Press, 2014.McCubbin, Frederick. Papers, Ca. 1900–Ca. 1915. Melbourne.McQueen, Humphrey. Tom Roberts. Sydney: Macmillan, 1996.Mead, Stephen. "Bohemia in Melbourne: An Investigation of the Writer Marcus Clarke and Four Artistic Clubs during the Late 1860s – 1901.” PhD thesis. Melbourne: University of Melbourne, 2009.Melbourne Savage Club. Secretary. Minute Book: Melbourne Savage Club. Club Minutes (General Committee). Melbourne: Savage Archives.Mulvaney, Derek John, and J.H. Calaby. So Much That Is New: Baldwin Spencer, 1860–1929, a Biography. Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press, 1985.Smith, Bernard, Terry Smith, and Christopher Heathcote. Australian Painting, 1788–2000. 4th ed. South Melbourne, Vic.: Oxford University Press, 2001.Streeton, Arthur, et al. Smike to Bulldog: Letters from Sir Arthur Streeton to Tom Roberts. Sydney: Ure Smith, 1946.Streeton, Arthur, ed. Letters from Smike: The Letters of Arthur Streeton, 1890–1943. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989.Thornton, Alfred, and New English Art Club. Fifty Years of the New English Art Club, 1886–1935. London: New English Art Club, Curwen Press 1935.Underhill, Nancy D.H. Making Australian Art 1916–49: Sydney Ure Smith Patron and Publisher. South Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1991.Various. Melbourne Savage Club Correspondence Book: 1902–1916. Melbourne: Melbourne Savage Club.Williams, Graeme Henry. "A Socio-Cultural Reading: The Melbourne Savage Club through Its Collections." Masters of Arts thesis. Melbourne: Deakin University, 2013.

Literary critics have mainly read Herman Melville’s short story “I and My Chimney” (1856) as allegory. This article elaborates on the tradition of interpreting Melville’s text allegorically by relating it to Fredric Jameson’s post-structural reinterpretation of allegory. In doing so, it argues that the story is not a simple example of allegory but rather an auto-reflexive engagement with allegory that reflects the cultural and historical ambivalences of the time in which Melville was writing. The suggestion is that Melville deliberately used signifiers (or the lack thereof) of directionality and place to reframe the overt context of his allegory (Civil War divisions of North and South) through teasing reference to the contemporaneous emergence of Manifest Destiny as an East-West historical spatialization. To this extent, from a literary-historical perspective, Melville’s text presents as an enquiry into the relationship between the obvious allegorical elements of a text and the literal or material elements that may either support or, as in this case, problematize traditional allegorical modes. In some ways, Melville’s story faintly anticipates Jameson’s post-structural theory of allegory as produced over a century later. “I and My Chimney” may also be linked to later texts, such as Jack Kerouac’s On the Road, which shift the directionality of American Literary History, in a definite way, from a North-South to an East-West axis. Laura Ingalls Wilder’s Little House books may also be mentioned here. While, in recent years, some literary critics have produced readings of Melville’s story that depart from the traditional emphasis on its allegorical nature, this article claims to be the first to engage with “I and My Chimney” from within an allegorical perspective also informed by post-structural thinking. To do this, it focuses on the setting or directionality of the story, and on the orientating details of the titular chimney.Written and published shortly before the outbreak of the American Civil War (1861-1865), which pitted North against South, Melville’s story is told in the first person by a narrator with overweening affection for the chimney he sees as an image of himself: “I and my chimney, two gray-headed old smokers, reside in the country. We are, I may say, old settlers here; particularly my old chimney, which settles more and more every day” (327). Within the merged identity of narrator and chimney, however, the latter takes precedence, almost completely, over the former: “though I always say, I and my chimney, as Cardinal Wolsey used to say, I and my King, yet this egotistic way of speaking, wherein I take precedence of my chimney, is hardly borne out by the facts; in everything, except the above phrase, my chimney taking precedence of me” (327). Immediately, this sentence underscores a disjunction between words (“the above phrase”) and material circumstances (“the facts”) that will become crucial in my later consideration of Melville’s story as post-structural allegory.Detailed architectural and architectonic descriptions manifesting the chimney as “the one great domineering object” of the narrator’s house characterize the opening pages of the story (328). Intermingled with these descriptions, the narrator recounts the various interpersonal and business-related stratagems he has been forced to adopt in order to protect his chimney from the “Northern influences” that would threaten it. Numbered in this company are his mortgagee, the narrator’s own wife and daughters, and Mr. Hiram Scribe—“a rough sort of architect” (341). The key subplot implicated with the narrator’s fears for his chimney concerns its provenance. The narrator’s “late kinsman, Captain Julian Dacres” built the house, along with its stupendous chimney, and upon his death a rumour developed concerning supposed “concealed treasure” in the chimney (346). Once the architect Scribe insinuates, in correspondence to the chimney’s alter ego (the narrator), “that there is architectural cause to conjecture that somewhere concealed in your chimney is a reserved space, hermetically closed, in short, a secret chamber, or rather closet” the narrator’s wife and daughter use Scribe’s suggestion of a possible connection to Dacres’s alleged hidden treasure to reiterate their calls for the chimney’s destruction (345):Although they had never before dreamed of such a revelation as Mr. Scribe’s, yet upon the first suggestion they instinctively saw the extreme likelihood of it. In corroboration, they cited first my kinsman, and second, my chimney; alleging that the profound mystery involving the former, and the equally profound masonry involving the latter, though both acknowledged facts, were alike preposterous on any other supposition than the secret closet. (347)To protect his chimney, the narrator bribes Mr. Scribe, inviting him to produce a “‘little certificate—something, say, like a steam-boat certificate, certifying that you, a competent surveyor, have surveyed my chimney, and found no reason to believe any unsoundness; in short, any—any secret closet in it’” (351). Having enticed Scribe to scribe words against himself, the narrator concludes his tale triumphantly: “I am simply standing guard over my mossy old chimney; for it is resolved between me and my chimney, that I and my chimney will never surrender” (354).Despite its inherent interest, literary critics have largely overlooked “I and My Chimney”. Katja Kanzler observes that “together with much of [Melville’s] other short fiction, and his uncollected magazine pieces in particular, it has never really come out of the shadow of the more epic texts long considered his masterpieces” (583). To the extent that critics have engaged the story, they have mainly read it as traditional allegory (Chatfield; Emery; Sealts; Sowder). Further, the allegorical trend in the reception of Melville’s text clusters within the period from the early 1940s to the early 1980s. More recently, other critics have explored new ways of reading Melville’s story, but none, to my knowledge, have re-investigated its dominant allegorical mode of reception in the light of the post-structural engagements with allegory captured succinctly in Fredric Jameson’s work (Allison; Kanzler; Wilson). This article acknowledges the perspicacity of the mid-twentieth-century tradition of the allegorical interpretation of Melville’s story, while nuancing its insights through greater attention to the spatialized materiality of the text, its “geomorphic” nature, and its broader historical contexts.E. Hale Chatfield argues that “I and My Chimney” evidences one broad allegorical polarity of “Aristocratic Tradition vs. Innovation and Destruction” (164). This umbrella category is parsed by Sealts as an individualized allegory of besieged patriarchal identity and by Sowder as a national-level allegory of anxieties linked to the antebellum North-South relationship. Chatfield’s opposition works equally well for an individual or for communities of individuals. Thus, in this view, even as it structures our reception of Melville’s story, allegory remains unproblematized in itself through its internal interlocking. In turn, “I and My Chimney” provides fertile soil for critics to harvest an allegorical crop. Its very title inveigles the reader towards an allegorical attitude: the upstanding “I” of the title is associated with the architecture of the chimney, itself also upstanding. What is of the chimney is also, allegorically, of the “I”, and the vertical chimney, like the letter “I”, argues, as it were, a north-south axis, being “swung vertical to hit the meridian moon,” as Melville writes on his story’s first page (327). The narrator, or “I”, is as north-south as is his narrated allegory.Herman Melville was a Northern resident with Southern predilections, at least to the extent that he co-opted “Southern-ness” to, in Katja Kanzler’s words, “articulate the anxiety of mid-nineteenth-century cultural elites about what they perceive as a cultural decline” (583). As Chatfield notes, the South stood for “Aristocratic Tradition”; the North, for “Innovation and Destruction” (164). Reflecting the conventional mid-twentieth-century view that “I and My Chimney” is a guileless allegory of North-South relations, William J. Sowder argues that itreveals allegorically an accurate history of Southern slavery from the latter part of the eighteenth century to the middle of the nineteenth—that critical period when the South spent most of its time and energy apologizing for the existence of slavery. It discloses the split which Northern liberals so ably effected between liberal and conservative forces in the South, and it lays bare the intransigence of the traditional South on the Negro question. Above everything, the story reveals that the South had little in common with the rest of the Union: the War between the States was inevitable. (129-30)Sowder goes into painstaking detail prosecuting his North-South allegorical reading of Melville’s text, to the extent of finding multiple correspondences between what is allegorizing and what is being allegorized within a single sentence. One example, with Sowder’s allegorical interpolations in square brackets, comes from a passage where Melville is writing about his narrator’s replaced “gable roof” (Melville 331): “‘it was replaced with a modern roof [the cotton gin], more fit for a railway woodhouse [an industrial society] than an old country gentleman’s abode’” (Sowder 137).Sowder’s argument is historically erudite, and utterly convincing overall, except in one crucial detail. That is, for a text supposedly so much about the South, and written so much from its perspective—Sowder labels the narrator a “bitter Old Southerner”—it is remarkable how the story is only very ambiguously set in the South (145). Sowder distances himself from an earlier generation of commentators who “generally assumed that the old man is Melville and that the country is the foothills of the Massachusetts Berkshires, where Melville lived from 1850 to 1863,” concluding, “in fact, I find it hard to picture the narrator as a Northerner at all: the country which he describes sounds too much like the Land of Cotton” (130).Quite obviously, the narrator of any literary text does not necessarily represent its author, and in the case of “I and My Chimney”, if the narrator is not inevitably coincident with the author, then it follows that the setting of the story is not necessarily coincident with “the foothills of the Massachusetts Berkshires.” That said, the position of critics prior to Sowder that the setting is Massachusetts, and by extension that the narrator is Melville (a Southern sympathizer displaced to the North), hints at an oversight in the traditional allegorical reading of Melville’s text—related to its spatializations—the implications of which Sowder misses.Think about it: “too much like the Land of Cotton” is an exceedingly odd phrase; “too much like” the South, but not conclusively like the South (Sowder 130)! A key characteristic of Melville’s story is the ambiguity of its setting and, by extension, of its directionality. For the text to operate (following Chatfield, Emery, Sealts and Sowder) as a straightforward allegory of the American North-South relationship, the terms “north” and “south” cannot afford to be problematized. Even so, whereas so much in the story reads as related to either the South or the North, as cultural locations, the notions of “south-ness” and “north-ness” themselves are made friable (in this article, the lower case broadly indicates the material domain, the upper case, the cultural). At its most fundamental allegorical level, the story undoes its own allegorical expressions; as I will be arguing, the materiality of its directionality deconstructs what everything else in the text strives (allegorically) to maintain.Remarkably, for a text purporting to allegorize the North as the South’s polar opposite, nowhere does the story definitively indicate where it is set. The absence of place names or other textual features which might place “I and My Chimney” in the South, is over-compensated for by an abundance of geographically distracting signifiers of “place-ness” that negatively emphasize the circumstance that the story is not set definitively where it is set suggestively. The narrator muses at one point that “in fact, I’ve often thought that the proper place for my old chimney is ivied old England” (332). Elsewhere, further destabilizing the geographical coordinates of the text, reference is made to “the garden of Versailles” (329). Again, the architect Hiram Scribe’s house is named New Petra. Rich as it is with cultural resonances, at base, Petra denominates a city in Jordan; New Petra, by contrast, is place-less.It would appear that something strange is going on with allegory in this deceptively straightforward allegory, and that this strangeness is linked to equally strange goings on with the geographical and directional relations of north and south, as sites of the historical and cultural American North and South that the story allegorizes so assiduously. As tensions between North and South would shortly lead to the Civil War, Melville writes an allegorical text clearly about these tensions, while simultaneously deconstructing the allegorical index of geographical north to cultural North and of geographical south to cultural South.Fredric Jameson’s work on allegory scaffolds the historically and materially nuanced reading I am proposing of “I and My Chimney”. Jameson writes:Our traditional conception of allegory—based, for instance, on stereotypes of Bunyan—is that of an elaborate set of figures and personifications to be read against some one-to-one table of equivalences: this is, so to speak, a one-dimensional view of this signifying process, which might only be set in motion and complexified were we willing to entertain the more alarming notion that such equivalences are themselves in constant change and transformation at each perpetual present of the text. (73)As American history undergoes transformation, Melville foreshadows Jameson’s transformation of allegory through his (Melville’s) own transformations of directionality and place. In a story about North and South, are we in the south or the north? Allegorical “equivalences are themselves in constant change and transformation at each perpetual present of the text” (Jameson 73). North-north equivalences falter; South-south equivalences falter.As noted above, the chimney of Melville’s story—“swung vertical to hit the meridian moon”—insists upon a north-south axis, much as, in an allegorical mode, the vertical “I” of the narrator structures a polarity of north and south (327). However, a closer reading shows that the chimney is no less complicit in the confusion of north and south than the environs of the house it occupies:In those houses which are strictly double houses—that is, where the hall is in the middle—the fire-places usually are on opposite sides; so that while one member of the household is warming himself at a fire built into a recess of the north wall, say another member, the former’s own brother, perhaps, may be holding his feet to the blaze before a hearth in the south wall—the two thus fairly sitting back to back. Is this well? (328)Here, Melville is directly allegorizing the “sulky” state of the American nation; the brothers are, as it were, North and South (328). However, just as the text’s signifiers of place problematize the notions of north and south (and thus the associated cultural resonances of capitalized North and South), this passage, in queering the axes of the chimneys, further upsets the primary allegory. The same chimney that structures Melville’s text along a north-south or up-down orientation, now defers to an east-west axis, for the back-to-back and (in cultural and allegorical terms) North-South brothers, sit at a 90-degree angle to their house’s chimneys, which thus logically manifest a cross-wise orientation of east-west (in cultural and allegorical terms, East-West). To this extent, there is something of an exquisite crossover and confusion of cultural North and South, as represented by the two brothers, and geographical/architectural/architectonic north and south (now vacillating between an east-west and a north-south orientation). The North-South cultural relationship of the brothers distorts the allegorical force of the narrator’s spine-like chimney (not to mention of the brother’s respective chimneys), thus enflaming Jameson’s allegorical equivalences. The promiscuous literality of the smokestack—Katja Kanzler notes the “astonishing materiality” of the chimney—subverts its main allegorical function; directionality both supports and disrupts allegory (591). Simply put, there is a disjunction between words and material circumstances; the “way of speaking… is hardly borne out by the facts” (Melville 327).The not unjustified critical focus on “I and My Chimney” as an allegory of North-South cultural (and shortly wartime) tensions, has not kept up with post-structural developments in allegorical theory as represented in Fredric Jameson’s work. In part, I suggest, this is because critics to date have missed the importance to Melville’s allegory of its extra-textual context. According to William J. Sowder, “Melville showed a lively interest in such contemporary social events as the gold rush, the French Revolution of 1848, and the activities of the English Chartists” (129). The pity is that readings of “I and My Chimney” have limited this “lively interest” to the Civil War. Melville’s attentiveness to “contemporary social events” should also encompass, I suggest, the East-West (east-west) dynamic of mid-nineteenth century American history, as much as the North-South (north-south) dynamic.The redialing of Melville’s allegory along another directional axis is thus accounted for. When “I and My Chimney” was published in 1856, there was, of course, at least one other major historical development in play besides the prospect of the Civil War, and the doctrine of Manifest Destiny ran, not to put it too finely, along an East-West (east-west) axis. Indeed, Manifest Destiny is at least as replete with a directional emphasis as the discourse of Civil War North-South opposition. As quoted in Frederick Merk’s Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History, Senator Daniel S. Dickinson states to the Senate, in 1848, “but the tide of emigration and the course of empire have since been westward” (Merk 29). Allied to this tradition, of course, is the well-known contemporaneous saying, “go West, young man, go West” (“Go West, Young Man”).To the extent that Melville’s text appears to anticipate Jameson’s post-structural theory of allegory, it may be linked, I suggest, to Melville’s sense of being at an intersection of American history. The meta-narrative of national history when “I and My Chimney” was produced had a spatial dimension to it: north-south directionality (culturally, North-South) was giving way to east-west directionality (culturally, East-West). Civil War would soon give way to Manifest Destiny; just as Melville’s texts themselves would, much later admittedly, give way to texts of Manifest Destiny in all its forms, including Jack Kerouac’s On the Road and Laura Ingalls Wilder’s Little House series. Equivalently, as much as the narrator’s wife represents Northern “progress” she might also be taken to signify Western “ambition”.However, it is not only that “I and My Chimney” is a switching-point text of geo-history (mediating relations, most obviously, between the tendencies of Southern Exceptionalism and of Western National Ambition) but that it operates as a potentially generalizable test case of the limits of allegory by setting up an all-too-simple allegory of North-South/north-south relations which is subsequently subtly problematized along the lines of East-West/east-west directionality. As I have argued, Melville’s “experimental allegory” continually diverts words (that is, the symbols allegory relies upon) through the turbulence of material circumstances.North, or north, is simultaneously a cultural and a geographical or directional coordinate of Melville’s text, and the chimney of “I and My Chimney” is both a signifier of the difference between N/north and S/south and also a portal to a 360-degrees all-encompassing engagement of (allegorical) writing with history in all its (spatialized) manifestations.ReferencesAllison, J. “Conservative Architecture: Hawthorne in Melville’s ‘I and My Chimney.’” South Central Review 13.1 (1996): 17-25.Chatfield, E.H. “Levels of Meaning in Melville’s ‘I and My Chimney.’” American Imago 19.2 (1962): 163-69.Emery, A.M. “The Political Significance of Melville’s Chimney.” The New England Quarterly 55.2 (1982): 201-28.“Go West, Young Man.” Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia 29 Sep. 2017. <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Go_West,_young_man>.Jameson, F. “Third-World Literature in the Era of Multinational Capitalism.” Social Text 15 (1986): 65-88.Kanzler, K. “Architecture, Writing, and Vulnerable Signification in Herman Melville’s ‘I and My Chimney.’” American Studies 54.4 (2009): 583-601.Kerouac, J. On the Road. London: Penguin Books, 1972.Melville, H. “I and My Chimney.” Great Short Works of Herman Melville. New York: Perennial-HarperCollins, 2004: 327-54.Merk, F. Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History: A Reinterpretation. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963.Sealts, M.M. “Herman Melville’s ‘I and My Chimney.’” American Literature 13 (May 1941): 142-54.Sowder, W.J. “Melville’s ‘I and My Chimney:’ A Southern Exposure.” Mississippi Quarterly 16.3 (1963): 128-45.Wilder, L.I. Little House on the Prairie Series.Wilson, S. “Melville and the Architecture of Antebellum Masculinity.” American Literature 76.1 (2004): 59-87.