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1

Bryant, Chad. "Habsburg History, Eastern European History … Central European History?" Central European History 51, no. 1 (2018): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000225.

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Germany and all things German have long been the primary concern ofCentral European History(CEH), yet the journal has also been intimately tied to the lands of the former Habsburg monarchy. As the editor stated in the first issue, published in March 1968,CEHemerged “in response to a widespread demand for an American journal devoted to the history of German-speaking Central Europe,” following the demise of theJournal of Central European Affairsin 1964. The Conference Group for Central European History sponsoredCEH, as well as the recently mintedAustrian History Yearbook(AHY). Robert A. Kann, th
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2

Porch, Douglas. "French war plans, 1914: The ‘Balance of Power Paradox’." Journal of Strategic Studies 29, no. 1 (2006): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390600566423.

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3

Wohlforth, William C. "The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance." World Politics 39, no. 3 (1987): 353–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010224.

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International relations scholars do not agree on the connection between the balance of power and war. They question whether or not an equal distribution of power among states or alliances leads to stability, whether the preponderance of power in favor of one actor or alliance leads to peace, or whether the key lies in the transition of preponderance from one power to another. Everyone is familiar with these questions; yet, more than twenty years of rigorous elaboration and sophisticated quantitative testing have done little to produce the answers.1 Do these inconclusive results suggest that th
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4

Pavlovic, Vojislav. "France and the Serbian government's Yugoslav project." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637171p.

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The French government and statesmen had never considered the creation of a unified South-Slav state as an objective of the Great War. Officially acquainted with the project through the Nis Declaration in December 1914 they remained silent on the issue, as it involved both the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy and, following the Treaty of London in May 1915, an open conflict with Italy. In neither case, then, did French diplomacy deem it useful to trigger such a shift in the balance of power in Europe just to grant the wishes of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Naturally, in the spring of 1918 th
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MASAFUMI, ASADA. "The China-Russia-Japan Military Balance in Manchuria, 1906–1918." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 6 (2010): 1283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09000171.

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AbstractEven after the Russo-Japanese War, Manchuria remained the powder keg of East Asia. In the war's aftermath, three empires, the Qing, the Russian and the Japanese, stationed their troops in Manchuria, in a struggle for military supremacy there. There has already been a considerable amount of research on these military activities. However, previous works have not discussed them from a triangular relationship. This paper contends that the history of modern East Asia cannot be understood until one examines the shift in the military balance in Manchuria from a triangular comparative point of
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6

Kennedy, Ross A. "STRATEGIC CALCULATIONS IN WOODROW WILSON'S NEUTRALITY POLICY, 1914–1917." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 4 (2018): 608–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000269.

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This article analyzes Woodrow Wilson's view of the First World War's implications for U.S. national security and the way in which he related the balance of power between the belligerents at different points in time to his diplomatic objectives. It approaches this topic, which is a subject of much debate among historians, by comparing Wilson's view of the war from late 1914 to early 1915 with that of his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan, and by examining how those perceptions shaped the response of the two leaders to the sinking of theLusitania. Bryan and Wilson both wanted the United
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7

Wileman, Donald G. "Not the Radical republic: liberal ideology and central blandishment in France, 1901–1914." Historical Journal 37, no. 3 (1994): 593–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014898.

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ABSTRACTMadeleine Rebérioux was right to wonder whether France was truly a ‘Radical republic’ in the years between the Dreyfus affair and the Great War. Archives only opened or explored since Rebérioux published in 1975, and the re-interpretation of older newspaper sources, show that control of the Third Republic was still hotly contested in those years. The Radicals tried to build a republic in their own image, but in a situation where left and right were closely balanced, they were almost always foiled. Crucial to this process was a politically republican but socially conservative centre – b
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8

Belukhin, Nikita Evgen'evich. "Historical patterns of foreign policy of Denmark: the reason for abandoning neutrality after the World War II?" Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.5.35633.

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Based on the historical analysis, this article attempts to give a detailed and comprehensive answer to the question about the reasons that forced Denmark to abandon the policy of neutrality after the World War II and become the member of the North Atlantic Alliance. The object of this research is the foreign policy of Denmark in the XV – XX centuries, while the subject is the balancing strategy of Denmark in the conditions of transition from the status of regional power to the status of second-order power, and ultimately, to the status of a small European state that seeks to ensure t
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9

Ikaouassen, Halima, Abderraouf Raddaoui, Miloud Rezkallah, and Hussein Ibrahim. "Improved predictive current model control based on adaptive PR controller for standalone system based DG set." International Journal of Electrical and Computer Engineering (IJECE) 10, no. 2 (2020): 1905. http://dx.doi.org/10.11591/ijece.v10i2.pp1905-1914.

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This paper investigates an improved current predictive model control (PCMC) strategy with a prediction horizon of one sampling time for voltage regulation in standalone system based on diesel engine driven fixed speed of a synchronous generator. An adaptive PR controller with anti-windup scheme is employed to achieve high performance regulation without saturation issues. In addition, new method to obtain the optimal parameters of the adaptive PR controller to achieve high performance during the transition and in steady state is provided. To balance the power at the point of common coupling (PC
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10

Sandu, Traian. "Romanian-Serbian relations and the Banat question during the First World War." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 241–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637241s.

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Relations between Serbia and Romania throughout the war are viewed from the standpoint of the two countries' rivaling claims on the Banat and within the framework of power balance in the Allied camp with an emphasis on the position of the Romanian government and statesmen. Obviously, Romania's position was more favourable during the first two war years as the Allies sought to win her over for the Entente. Thus the Banat was included in compensations for her entering the war on the side of the Allies. Romania's defeat, however, produced a complete shift in the balance of power, with Romania now
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11

Pich Mitjana, Josep, and David Martínez Fiol. "Manuel Brabo Portillo. Policía, espía y pistolero (1876-1919)." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 8 (June 20, 2019): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2019.08.20.

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RESUMEN:El objetivo del artículo es aproximarnos a la controvertida biografía del comisario Manuel Brabo Portillo. El trabajo está basado en fuentes primarias y secundarias. El método utilizado es empírico. En el imaginario del mundo sindicalista revolucionario, Brabo Portillo era el policía más odiado, la reencarnación de la cara más turbia del Estado. Fue, así mismo, un espía alemán relacionado con el hundimiento de barcos españoles, el asesinato del empresario e ingeniero Barret y el primer jefe de los terroristas vinculados a la patronal barcelonesa. La conflictividad que afectó a España e
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Horel, Catherine. "France and the Austrian Empire 1815-1918." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738065h.

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Relations between France and the Habsburg Empire during the long nineteenth century went through several phases bounded by the events crucial not just to the two countries' mutual relations but to all of Europe. The Congress of Vienna defined their mutual relations for the next thirty years. The Habsburgs and their omnipresent minister Metternich were fearful of revolutionary and liberal movements traditionally having their origins in France. And it was the revolutionary events of 1848 that brought about a change in the balance of power and their mutual relations. Metternich's retirement and,
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McKinlay, Alan. "From Industrial Serf to Wage-labourer: The 1937 Apprentice Revolt in Britain." International Review of Social History 31, no. 1 (1986): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008038.

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Since the publication of Harry Braverman's Labor and Monopoly Capital in 1974, an increasing number of social historians have turned their attention towards the workplace as a major site of class struggle. In particular, social historians have focussed on the unequal struggle between employers and craft-workers to determine patterns of work organisation and the balance of power in the labour market. However, despite the growth of interest in the historical relationship between the division of labour, trade unionism and business strategy, no academic work has yet considered the development of a
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14

Gregg, Amanda, and Steven Nafziger. "Capital structure and corporate performance in late Imperial Russia." European Review of Economic History 23, no. 4 (2018): 446–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hey020.

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Abstract This article investigates the financing of corporations in industrialization’s early stages by examining new balance sheet data describing all Imperial Russian corporations in 1914. We emphasize differences between two Russian corporation types: share partnerships and A-corporations. Share partnerships issued greater dividends, were less likely to issue bonds, and had larger accounts payable. We find that capital structures varied with age, size, and sector according to modern corporate finance theories and that scaled profits did not demonstrate differential market power across corpo
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15

Paszkiewicz, Jędrzej. "Main challenges for the Greek national security against the geopolitical changes in the Balkans during the period 1918–1923." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 26 (January 27, 2020): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2019.26.11.

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The aim of the article is to show the role of the Balkan states within the Greek foreign policy during the period 1918–1923, on the base of diplomatic correspondence and historiography. The consequences of the military conflict with Turkey (1918–1922) and the internal problems, constantly harassing the socio-political life of Greece, seriously weakened its ability to impact effectively on particular geopolitical problems in the Balkan region. The Greek regional policy could be achieved, completely or partially, only with close cooperation with the powers from outside. It was connected with suc
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16

Lo, Nigel, Barry Hashimoto, and Dan Reiter. "Ensuring Peace: Foreign-Imposed Regime Change and Postwar Peace Duration, 1914–2001." International Organization 62, no. 4 (2008): 717–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818308080259.

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This research note develops a new explanation of postwar peace duration: periods of peace following wars last longer when the war ends in foreign-imposed regime change. This study tests this hypothesis on a new data set (an expansion of Fortna's (2004) data) of all periods of peace following interstate war cease-fires, over the period 1914–2001. It also tests for other possible factors affecting postwar peace duration, including international institutions, the revelation of information during war, third-party intervention during war, postwar changes in the balance of power, regime type, past c
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BAAZ, MIKAEL. "Back to the Future: Promoting Peace through International Law." Leiden Journal of International Law 30, no. 3 (2017): 775–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156517000279.

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The world as a whole has not been at peace since 1914, and it is definitely not at peace today. David J. Dunn argues that this state of affairs may be due, in no small part, to aspects of the conventional wisdom that informs practical foreign policy and diplomacy. For example, the ancient notion si vis pacem, para bellum [if you desire peace, prepare for war] (Vegetius) or the nineteenth century idea that argues ‘[w]e have no eternal allies, and we have no perpetual enemies. Our interests are eternal and perpetual, and those interests it is our duty to follow’ (Lord Palmerston). These ‘insight
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18

Pavlovic, Vojislav. "A third Balkan war: France and the allied attempts at creating a new Balkan alliance 1914-1915." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 191–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738191p.

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The initial phase of the First World War in the Balkans 1914-1915 was a natural continuation of the conflicts opened during the Balkan Wars, but national fervor now encompassed all of the Balkans, from Rijeka and Ljubljana to Athens, Sofia and Bucharest, because the role of the Dual Monarchy had changed from that of an arbiter to that of a participant in the conflict. With the demise of the Ottoman Empire, the further survival of the Habsburg Monarchy was challenged by the Serbian government's Yugoslav project, creating conditions for implementing the nationality principle in all of the Balkan
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19

Hurrell, Andrew. "Power Transitions, Global Justice, and the Virtues of Pluralism." Ethics & International Affairs 27, no. 2 (2013): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679413000087.

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Broad comparisons of international relations across time—of the prospects for peace and of the possibilities for a new ethics for a connected world—typically focus on two dimensions: economic globalization and integration on the one hand, and the character of major interstate relations on the other. One of the most striking features of the pre-1914 world was precisely the coincidence of intensified globalization with a dramatic deterioration in major power relations, the downfall of concert-style approaches to international order, and the descent into total war and ideological confrontation—wh
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20

Brown, Chris. "The promise and record of international institutions." International Relations 33, no. 2 (2019): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819834650.

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In 1919 the attempt was made to reset the institutions governing international relations, with new patterns of expected behaviour and new international organisations. The key organisation, the League of Nations, effectively remains in place, albeit rebranded as the United Nations, but in 2019 great power relations have reverted to pre-1914 modes of conduct; attempts to extend the range of international institutions after the end of the Cold War have failed at the level of the central system. Outside of this central system, an extensive human rights regime, new notions of sovereignty and the de
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21

Harsch, Donna. "Craig D. Patton, Flammable Material: German Chemical Workers in War, Revolution, and Inflation, 1914–1924. Berlin: Haude and Spener, 1998. v + 315 pp. 169 DM cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900292806.

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This clearly written, well-researched monograph analyzes the shop-floor actions, strikes, and general insurgency of German chemical workers during and after World War One, proving, once again, that reports of labor history's demise are premature. Patton's work suggests that we still have much to learn from an anatomy of militant working-class behavior. In the classic manner, Flammable Material surveys the overall economic and industrial context of rebellion while also offering a detailed comparative study of conditions, organization, and activity in specific companies—in this case, the four bi
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22

Al-Musawi, Muhsin J. "The Iraqi spectres of Marx." Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 14, no. 3 (2020): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00028_1.

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This reading attempts to trace the awareness and mention of Marx in Iraqi writing, focusing on some signposts that also shed light on the intellectual history of Iraq since 1914. It argues its case through an exploration of texts and recollections to present another side of this history as a controversial narrative of multiple positions and contentions. If the spectre of Marx shocked conservatives and was widely manipulated in Cold War politics, its theoretical permeation of an Iraqi discourse of social justice cannot be ignored. Almost every Iraqi narrative, poem, or essay speaks of the need
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Auerbach, Sascha. "‘You Have Lost All That Is German of You in the Dock’: Immigrant Communities and the Wartime State in London, 1914–18." Twentieth Century British History 31, no. 4 (2020): 503–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz046.

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Abstract This article presents the wartime state in the local context and looks at how the daily activity of local courts and police changed dramatically during the wartime period. It also assesses the complex role that police and local courtrooms played with regards to ethnicity and nationalism. The increasing authority of local courtrooms and the enhanced powers of policing, I argue, amplified the role of the state in certain aspects of London life, but reduced it in others. New demands on local courtrooms and policing could only be accommodated by the redirection of their efforts from pre-w
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PAOLISSO, Giuseppe, Daniela MANZELLA, Michelangela BARBIERI, Maria Rosaria RIZZO, Antonio GAMBARDELLA, and Michele VARRICCHIO. "Baseline heart rate variability in healthy centenarians: differences compared with aged subjects (>75 years old)." Clinical Science 97, no. 5 (1999): 579–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1042/cs0970579.

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Healthy centenarians have better anthropometric, endocrine, metabolic and immunological parameters than aged subjects (> 75 years old). Heart rate variability (HRV) has been demonstrated to be a good index of the cardiac autonomic nervous system. It is not known whether there are any differences in cardiac autonomic nervous system activity between aged subjects and healthy centenarians. It is possible that differences in cardiac autonomic nervous system activity could represent one of a cluster of factors explaining the extreme survival of centenarians. Thus we aimed to answer the following
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Van Velthoven, Harry. "'Amis ennemis'? 2 Communautaire spanningen in de socialistische partij 1919-1940. Verdeeldheid. Compromis. Crisis. Eerste deel: 1918-1935." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 77, no. 1 (2018): 27–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v77i1.12007.

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Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatie
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Van Velthoven, Harry. "De breuk van de 'daensistische' christendemocratie met het katholieke establishment en de 'katholieke' christendemocratie 1893-1914." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 74, no. 4 (2015): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v74i4.12078.

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Tussen 1884 en 1914 kende België homogeen katholieke regeringen. Wat veranderde de democratisering van het stemrecht in 1893 (algemeen meervoudig stemrecht voor mannen) en de invoering van de evenredige vertegenwoordiging in 1899 aan de machtsverhoudingen binnen de katholieke partij? De conservatieve kiesverenigingen werden toen extern met het socialisme en intern met een opstand van de middenklasse geconfronteerd. Katholieke subelites eisten namens een miljoen nieuwe kiezers de decratisering van de lijsten en de erkenning van deelgroepen op een gezamenlijke lijst. Dit vormt de bredere context
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Díaz, Hernán M. "El periódico Palabra Socialista (1912-1914) y los comienzos de la disidencia marxista en el PS." Archivos de historia del movimiento obrero y la izquierda, no. 6 (March 1, 2015): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.46688/ahmoi.n6.123.

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El texto aborda el análisis del periódico Palabra Socialista, primer órgano del ala izquierda del Partido Socialista que desembocará en 1918 en la creación del Partido Socialista Internacional (luego Partido Comunista). Se relevan aspectos técnicos, las principales ideas programáticas, se traza un cuadro de los principales miembros del grupo y se realiza un balance de su participación en el ámbito de la política argentina entre 1912 y 1914.
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MAHMOOD, TAHIR. "Collaboration and British Military Recruitment: Fresh perspectives from colonial Punjab, 1914–1918." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 5 (2015): 1474–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000516.

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AbstractThis article examines the ways in which rural elite collaborators mobilized recruits for the British Army during the First World War. It thus not only increases knowledge of Punjab's military history, but adds to the understanding of collaboration as a process involving competitive groups in which elites manipulated the process for their own ends. The case study material drawn from the Shahpur district of the colonial Punjab argues that while there may have been a degree of indoctrination into the colonial state's values, it was mainly the desire to use its patronage to bolster family
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Gao, Chang, and Juliana Y. Leung. "Techniques for Fast Screening of 3D Heterogeneous Shale Barrier Configurations and Their Impacts on SAGD Chamber Development." SPE Journal 26, no. 04 (2021): 2114–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/199906-pa.

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Summary The steam-assisted gravity drainage (SAGD) recovery process is strongly impacted by the spatial distributions of heterogeneous shale barriers. Though detailed compositional flow simulators are available for SAGD recovery performance evaluation, the simulation process is usually quite computationally demanding, rendering their use over a large number of reservoir models for assessing the impacts of heterogeneity (uncertainties) to be impractical. In recent years, data-driven proxies have been widely proposed to reduce the computational effort; nevertheless, the proxy must be trained usi
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Sakwa, Richard. "The Commune State in Moscow in 1918." Slavic Review 46, no. 3-4 (1987): 429–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498096.

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The first months of Soviet power raise important questions about the ideology of the transition to socialism and about the nature of Bolshevik power. The destruction of the old state apparatus was accompanied by vigorous institution building; the “red guard attack against capital” was balanced by the emergence of potentially powerful Soviet economic apparatus. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk signed in March 1918 was followed by a period of state capitalism in which a strong socialist state was to supervise elements of capitalism in the economy. All stages were accompanied by vigorous debate within
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SOLIAR, Ihor. "DMYTRO LEVYTSKYI IN THE UKRAINIANS' LIBERATION STRUGGLE IN 1914–1923." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 170–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-170-180.

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The article provides an analysis of the socio-political and diplomatic activities of Dmytro Levytskyi in 1914–1923, such as participation in revolutionary events in the Dnieper region in 1917–1918; directions of his diplomatic activity in Denmark in 1919–1920; priorities of emigration community work in Vienna in 1921–1922. It was noted that during the national liberation struggle, he, along with other leading figures of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR), did his best to establish the statehood and unification of Ukrainian lands. However, numerous miscalculations of leaders of the young sta
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Senjavskaja, E. S. "Historical Memory of the First World War: Notes on its Shaping in Russia and in the West." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(5) (April 28, 2009): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2009-2-5-31-36.

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The article deals with the reasons, why the First World War didn’t leave stable heroic symbols in the historical memory of the Russians and occupied only marginal place. The influence of ideological and political background on the interpretation of the past, the role of the power elite in shaping the aims of the retrospective propaganda. The picture of the military events of 1914 – 1918 in Russian and foreign fiction literature has been given on the comparative basis.
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Liber, George. "Ukrainian Nationalism and the 1918 Law on National - Personal Autonomy." Nationalities Papers 15, no. 1 (1987): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998708408043.

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Traditionally in Eastern Europe, one national group constituted a majority in the countryside but a minority in the urban areas. Thus, while the cities of Eastern Europe possessed a disproportionate share of an area's political and socio-economic resources, for the most part they were ethnically alien to the peasantry. This was not a problem until the nineteenth century, which by 1914 turned Eastern Europe into a cauldron of inter-ethnic and anti-Semitic tensions. In the subsequent struggle for power, the national movements of both the urban and rural areas claimed the cities as well as the su
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Fried, Marvin Benjamin. "The Cornerstone of Balkan Power Projection: Austro-Hungarian War Aims and the Problem of Albanian Neutrality, 1914–1918." Diplomacy & Statecraft 23, no. 3 (2012): 425–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2012.706532.

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Evans, Raymond. "The lowest common denominator: loyalism and school children in war-torn Australia 1914 – 1918." Queensland Review 3, no. 2 (1996): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600006474.

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It is the march of the troops through the children's playground which makes the recruits of ten years afterwards.R.E.N.Twopeny (1883)I made up my mind I was going to the war … I had no idea whatever what war implied, but I did know what it was to march to military music …– ex-AIF member (World War I)Most Australian school children, whether public or private, primary or secondary, had been finely tuned for warfare long before the Great War of 1914–18 had actually begun. School papers and reading books, history, geography and civics lessons, the personal persuasiveness of teachers trained to acc
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Atabaki, Touraj. "Writing the Social History of Labor in the Iranian Oil Industry." International Labor and Working-Class History 84 (2013): 154–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000410.

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Over the course of the twentieth century, Iran has experienced numerous dramatic events and has undergone radical transformations. The country participated in three major wars (1914–1918, 1941–1945, 1980–1988) that caused enormous human suffering and economic damage; two coup détats (1921, 1953) that altered power relations within the military and political elite; and two revolutions (1905–1909, 1978–1982) that led to fundamental changes in social, political, and cultural relations in Iran and beyond. But the event that, perhaps, has had the most significant impact on the history of twentieth-
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Mencel, Marian. "China Against the Decision of the Versailles Treaty – May 4 Movement. The State of China's International Environment and Changes in the System of International Relations in the Far East Region." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XVII (May 1, 2021): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.9105.

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Decisions made after World War I at the Paris Peace Conference had serious political consequences on a global scale. In Europe, new state entities disintegrated and created, the balance of power of the main po-wers changed, with the United States of America taking the first posi-tion. A bipolar system of international relations developed gradually. It reached its final form after World War II. Under the influence of the idealistic vision of the world of American President, Woodrow Wilson, the League of Nations was created. It was a universal international organization the main task of which wa
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Macleod, David I. "Food Prices, Politics, and Policy in the Progressive Era." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 8, no. 3 (2009): 365–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001316.

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U.S.food prices surged abruptly higher in 1910–1913, alarming urban consumers, who equated them with the high cost of living, but delighting farmers. Progressive reformers tackled detailed aspects of the food-price problem but had no overarching solution and no effective programs t o please both consumers and farmers. A volatile pattern of economic voting resulted, but unlike conventional models, it had countervailing tendencies, setting consumers against food producers. Food prices cost the Republicans heavily in the 1910 election and helped disrupt the party by 1912, ending the Republican “s
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O'Brien, Patrick K., and Geoffrey Allen Pigman. "Free trade, British hegemony and the international economic order in the nineteenth century." Review of International Studies 18, no. 2 (1992): 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118807.

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The theory (or rather the notion) that the international economy functioned more or less effectively for roughly a century down to 1914 because Great Britain provided the ‘public goods’ required for the smooth operation of the ‘liberal international order’ has become a textbook generalization. That notion emerged quite recently and can be traced to Kindleberger's attempt to explain the pronounced cyclical fluctuations experienced by the world economy during the interwar years 1919–39, as well as the severity and duration of the Great Depression from 1929–33 in terms of the American failure to
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TICHELAR, MICHAEL. "The Labour Party and Land Reform in the Inter-War Period." Rural History 13, no. 1 (2002): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793302000250.

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By the outbreak of the Second World War the ‘Land Question’ had lost its power to generate acute political controversy. Yet the issue of land reform did not disappear with the failure of the 1929–31 Labour Government to reintroduce Lloyd George's land taxes. Land reform after 1914 needs to be rescued from an over-identification with the decline of Radical Liberalism. This article will trace the way Labour Party policy developed after 1914. By 1939 it had adopted a set of policies based on the economic protection of agriculture, increased domestic production and marketing. At the same time it a
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Garrard, John. "Urban Elites, 1850–1914: The Rule and Decline of a New Squirearchy?" Albion 27, no. 4 (1995): 583–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052533.

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In recent decades, several historians, including myself, have argued that many nineteenth-century British urban elites were akin to a sort of new squirearchy. The intention of this article is to explore how far this idea enables us to better understand the role, power, and style of urban leadership, and the political, social, and economic context in which it existed. Given that the termination point is 1914, it also examines how much the notion has to say about political change in the rapidly expanding urban context after around 1850. The notion of a “new squirearchy” implies two things about
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Frazão, Fernanda Conceição Costa. "Indícios de interdições ao discurso feminino e suas formas de resistência: a revista Careta e a vontade de verdade (1914-1918)." Revista de História e Historiografia da Educação 1, no. 3 (2017): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rhhe.v1i3.51951.

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Ao longo do século XX, as mulheres conquistaram novos espaços nas relações sociopolíticas. Eram marcantes as restrições à atuação sócio política feminina, que se pautavam em uma sociedade de padrões patriarcais, que julgava o sexo feminino inferior nas relações humanas. Este trabalho apresenta enunciados da revista de variedades Careta, fonte para delimitar os exercícios de poder históricos através da circulação de enunciados que serviam tanto à informação quanto à instrução da sociedade de um modo geral. Para as mulheres, orientações de comportamento e a expressão de opiniões sobre a atualida
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Mandak, Rejhan. "THE LEGAL – POLITICAL POSITION OF THE ISLAMIC RELOGIOUS COMMUNITY IN THE KINGDOM OF SCS JUGOSLAVIA (1918-1935)." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (2018): 2459–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072459r.

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The position and organization of the Islamic religious community of Muslims in the newly formed Kingdom of SCS in different parts of the country were set differently. The Islamic religion in the Kingdom of Serbia during the second half of the 19th century, up to the World War I, had the status of a recognized religion, but not equal to the Orthodox one. Up to the First Balkan War, Islam had the same status in Macedonia. After the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), the Ottoman rule ceased in Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak. The new territories were added to the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro. In these ar
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Mandak, Rejhan. "THE LEGAL – POLITICAL POSITION OF THE ISLAMIC RELOGIOUS COMMUNITY IN THE KINGDOM OF SCS JUGOSLAVIA (1918-1935)." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (2018): 2459–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082459r.

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The position and organization of the Islamic religious community of Muslims in the newly formed Kingdom of SCS in different parts of the country were set differently. The Islamic religion in the Kingdom of Serbia during the second half of the 19th century, up to the World War I, had the status of a recognized religion, but not equal to the Orthodox one. Up to the First Balkan War, Islam had the same status in Macedonia. After the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), the Ottoman rule ceased in Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak. The new territories were added to the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro. In these ar
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Atabaki, Touraj, and Marcel van der Linden. "Introduction." International Review of Social History 48, no. 3 (2003): 353–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001111.

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In its long history Iran has experienced many eventful moments. The past century was far from exceptional in this respect: the country was ravaged by three major wars (1914–1918, 1941–1945, 1980–1988) in which hundreds of thousands of people died; two coups (1921, 1953) transformed power relations within the political and military elite; and two revolutions (1905–1911, 1978–1979) led to radical changes in social, cultural, and political relationships. The country's appearance has changed completely since the end of the nineteenth century. At the beginning of the twentieth century, a large prop
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Gram-Skjoldager, Karen. "Denmark during the First World War: Neutral policy, economy and culture." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (2019): 234–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835753.

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When war broke out in the summer of 1914, the Danish government responded by declaring the country neutral. This decision marked the beginning of a particular neutral Danish war experience. This article analyses how Danish politics and society were affected by and responded to the war. It explores four themes in particular: the relationship between neutrality, trade and economic warfare; internationalist and humanitarian practices; political and redistributive responses to the war and the particular ‘neutral’ cultural processing of the war in Denmark. It argues that while the material and huma
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Cohen, Gary B. "Nationalist Politics and the Dynamics of State and Civil Society in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1867–1914." Central European History 40, no. 2 (2007): 241–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000532.

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Historians have conventionally depicted the Habsburg Monarchy as the largest modern European imperial polity to disappear from the map because of its inability to accommodate the national aspirations of its peoples. It is the locus classicus for the failure of an old-fashioned dynastic empire to develop among its subjects a broader civic identity and loyalty to the state to counter the rise of nationalist demands for self-government. For later historians as well as many contemporary observers of the frequent internal crises after the 1890s, this was already a failed state even before World War
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LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.

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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the
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Matsiuk, H. P. "SOCIOLINGUISTIC «READING» OF THE WORLD OF EVERYDAYNESS: LANGUAGE PRACTICES OF THE UKRAINIANS OF KHOLMSHCHINA AND SOUTHERN PІDLASHSHIA IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR (1914–1918)". Movoznavstvo 319, № 4 (2021): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33190/0027-2833-319-2021-4-002.

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he article is devoted to one of the little-known periods of the language situation in which autochthonous Ukrainians from the far western ethnic Ukrainian lands lived. The relevance of the topic is stipulated by the need to develop a theory of historical sociolinguistics on language, power and identity. The revealed relations of language practices (microhistorical standard of living of an individual) to the geopolitics (as macrohistory) allow us to state that the linguistic dimension of the communicative everyday life of the Ukrainian speech community appears through a set of features realized
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Semenova, Inna Yu. "LEGISLATIVE ACTS ON WOMEN’S HEALTH PROTECTION THE FIRST DECADES OF THE SOVIET POWER." Historical Search 2, no. 2 (2021): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-30-34.

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The article highlights the legislation on women’s health protection that was in force in post-revolutionary Soviet Russia. The socio-economic problems that resulted from the revolutionary events of October 1917, the First World War of 1914–1918, famine and pestilence in the Volga region, and other upheavals of the early twentieth century, gave rise to a huge number of problems that the Soviet authorities immediately addressed. However, not all the actions of the Soviet government achieved their goals; there were unresolved issues in the field of healthcare, in particular, in protecting and pre
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