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1
Bergonia, Alexandra. "Crisis in the Eastern Nile Basin: an Examination of the Challenges to Egyptian Hydro-Political Hegemomy and Potential Domestic Solutions." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/496.
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The countries of the Nile Basin are on a collision course that could result in disastrous military action to determine control of the region’s main water source. In the wake of the Arab Spring, the Egyptian government has lost much of the regional clout that allowed it to maintain it’s ‘lion’s share’ of the Nile as outlined by the 1959 agreement. Population and economic growth in upstream countries, specifically Ethiopia, have resulted in intensified calls for a more equitable water-sharing agreement. Just weeks after Mubarak stepped down, Ethiopia unveiled plans to build the Grand Renaissance Dam. The GRD will significantly reduce the water that reaches Egypt’s borders but will significantly increase Ethiopia’s hydroelectric power and irrigation potential. Egypt’s population and agriculture sector rely heavily on the maintenance of this status quo; the country also faces the mounting effects of climate change, rising food prices and immense population growth. In order to avoid a severe water crisis, Egypt must be proactive and look to improve efficiency within its own borders. This paper will examine the inadequacies of Egypt’s agricultural and irrigation sectors. It will then use examples from Mexico’s successful irrigation reform and advocate a shift of control to local Water User Associations. Other domestic and basin-wide efforts to increase water-use efficiency will also be examined.
2
Silva, Sandra Elizabeth Chaves Dutra e. "Acordo Aeroespacial Teuto-Brasileiro (1969-1989; 1990-2001 e 2002-2011): uma cooperação complementar." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6591.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorEste projeto de dissertação se propõe a analisar a cooperação aeroespacial entre o Brasil e a Alemanha de 1969 a 2011 em três recortes temporais: 1969 a 1989, 1990 a 2001 e 2002 a 2011. Seguindo as bases teóricas de classificação da CID (Cooperação Internacional para o Desenvolvimento), e apoiada em pesquisa de campo conduzida em ambos os países, este trabalho apresenta um novo conceito de cooperação que, até onde a pesquisa bibliográfica aqui conduzida avaliou, constitui uma contribuição original deste trabalho: a Cooperação Complementar. A cooperação aeroespacial teuto-brasileira é pouco conhecida e divulgada, embora tenha completado vigorosas quatro décadas de exitosa existência. A conclusão de êxito desta cooperação encontrou lastro em pesquisa de campo conduzida pela autora no Brasil (IAE Instituto de Aeronáutica e Espaço) e na Alemanha (DLR Deutsche Zentrum für Luft- und Raumfahrt), consubstanciada por quatro entrevistas (SILVA, 2011a), (SILVA, 2011c), (SILVA, 2011d) e (SILVA, 2011e) realizadas junto a importantes representantes destes dois centros. Os conhecimentos extraídos por meio destas entrevistas agregaram, no entender desta autora, importantes informações à bibliografia específica e relativamente escassa disponível em ambos os países.O êxito defendido nesta dissertação fundamenta-se não apenas na longevidade advinda dos 40 anos de existência desta Cooperação, na sua capacidade de renovação e na complementaridade atingida, mas sobretudo pela consecução dos diversos objetivos técnico-científicos integrantes do escopo do referido Tratado, muitos dos quais responsáveis por importantes desdobramentos de tecnologias em outras áreas do saber, tais como o projeto DEBRA 25 (SCHUSTER, 2011), de energia eólica, e o projeto VLS (Veículo Lançador de Satélites), que utiliza como seus motores os foguetes desenvolvidos no escopo desta Cooperação.
This dissertation project aims to analyze aerospace cooperation between Brazil and Germany during 1969 to 2011 in three periods identified in this study: 1969-1989, 1990-2001 and 2002-2011. Following the theoretical classification of the ICD (International Cooperation for Development) and supported by field research conducted in both countries, this paper presents a new concept of cooperation that, to the extent of the author understanding on the subject, is a original contribution of this work: the Complementary Cooperation.The Teutonic-Brazilian aerospace cooperation is not well known, even after completing vigorous four decades of successful existence. The conclusion that this cooperation is successful is based on field research conducted by the author in Brazil (IAE Institute of Aeronautics and Space) and Germany (DLR Deutsche Zentrum für Luft-und Raumfahrt) embodied by four interviews (SILVA, 2011a), (SILVA, 2011c), (SILVA, 2011d) and (SILVA, 2011e) conducted with key representatives of these two centers. The knowledge obtained on these interviews added, in the opinion of this author, important information to the specific and relatively scarce literature available in both countries.The success defended in this dissertation is based not only on the longevity of 40 years of existence of this cooperation, on its capacity for renewal itself, and on the complementarily achieved, but also for achieving various scientific-technical goals belonging to the scope of that Agreement, many of which are responsible for important technological developments in other areas such as the DEBRA 25 project (SCHUSTER, 2011), that deals with wind power, and the VLS (Satellite Launch Vehicle) project, that uses as motor the rockets developed within this Cooperation.
3
Amdahl, Lars Kjeang. "Beyond secession : a critical analysis of the comprehensive peace agreement and the peace process in Sudan." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80398.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of Africa’s longest civil wars ended for the second time in 2005, when the leaders of the government of Sudan and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. This action initiated an interim period which culminated with a referendum for the people of Southern Sudan, to decide if they wanted unity or to secede from the north. Through using theories of power sharing and secession this thesis argues that the Sudanese conflict is not resolved after the referendum in South Sudan. The focus of this thesis is to illustrate how the first peace agreement in 1972 failed to deal with root causes and to implement structures that would be acceptable for that part of the population which did not identify with the central elite. Lessons from this process are integral to understand why the secession does not provide the autonomy and prospects of peace that the South and the negotiators intended. This study will provide a thorough assessment of the process from the failure of the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972 to the making of- and contents of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. Although there are many positive aspects to the recent agreement, this study will reveal how the North will keep asserting its dominance through controlling the oil sector and using the unresolved border areas for political gain. In addition, the new structure has changed power structures in both areas, which has left many opposing groups in Sudan in a worse situation than before; thus, the further marginalized people in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile are the real losers in the post-CPA era. As often portrayed, the peace in South Sudan does not only depend on development, but on external influence from the region and especially their relationship with the regime in Khartoum, despite the construction of an autonomous state.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van Afrika se langs durende burgeroorloë het vir die tweede keer geëindig in 2005, toe die regering van Soedan en die Soedanese Burgelikke Vryheidsbeweging en Weermag die Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) onderteken het. Hierdie ooreenkoms was die begin van 'n interim-tydperk wat uitgeloop het op ‘n referendum vir die bevolking van Suid-Soedan, waarin hulle moes besluit of hulle wou afstig van die noorde. Deur gebruik te maak van teorieë op magsdeling en afstigtinglig hierdie tesis die mening dat die Soedanese konflik nie opgelos is na die referendum in Suid-Soedan nie. Die fokus van hierdie tesis was op die illustrering van hoe die eerste vredesooreenkoms van 1972 gevaal het om die sleutel oorsake van die konflik te ondersoek en om strukture in plek te stel vir die gedeeltes van die bevolking wat nie met die sentrale elite geïdentifisee rhet nie. Die lesse van hierdie proses is integraal in die verstaan van hoekom outonomie en vooruitsigte van vrede nie in die Suide kan voortsprui tuit die afstigting van Suid-Sudan soos wat die bedoeling van die onderhandelaars was nie. Hierdie studie sal ‘n deeglikke assesering doen van die proses tussen die Addis Ababa Ooreenkoms van 1972 tot en met die sluit van die Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, asook op die inhoud van hierdie ooreenkoms. Alhoewel die nuwe ooreenkoms baie positiewe aspekte bevat, sal die studie toon hoe die Noorde steeds sy dominansie sal kan handhaaf, vir politieke wins, deur beheer uitteoefen oor die olie sektor en deur onopgeloste grens geskille. Daar benewens het die nuwe struktuur veranderde mag strukture in beide gebiede te weeg gebring wat nou gelei het tot ‘n soms slegter situasie vir oposisie groepe binne Sudan; dus is die verder gemarginaliseerde Darfur streek, die Nuba gebergtes en die Blou Nyl die waare verloorders van die na-CPA era. Soos dikwels uitgebeeld word, sal die vrede in Suid-Soedan nie net afhang van ontwikkeling nie, maar ook van eksterne invloede vanuit die streek en veral van hul verhouding met die Khartoemregime, ten spyte van die konstruksie van 'n outonomestaat.
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Feltes, Paul. "L’Europe et l’acier (1929-1939). L’invisible république des maîtres de forges au temps des cartels : mythes et réalités." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040124.
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Fondée en 1926, la première Entente internationale de l’acier (EIA) était impuissante à contrôler le développement de nouvelles capacités de production dans les pays membres. Les groupes sidérurgiques nationaux réunis dans l’EIA se partageaient des quotas de production. Fin 1929, les maîtres de forges sont convaincus que l’EIA ne peut survivre qu’en passant à une réglementation des exportations. Ils lancent l’entreprise des Comptoirs internationaux d’exportation dont la mise en route s’avère aussi difficile que leur fonctionnement ultérieur. Ils échouent après quelques mois seulement (été 1930). En mars 1931, la première EIA cesse de fonctionner. On assiste alors à un déchaînement sans précédant de la concurrence. Les prix s’effondrent. Les dirigeants des firmes sidérurgiques cherchent alors le salut dans une nouvelle entente internationale. Les tractations aboutissent à la création de la seconde EIA (février 1933) qui, à l’opposé de la première, est axée sur un partage des seules exportations. Elle est coiffée d’une demi-douzaine de Comptoirs de vente internationaux qui règlementent les ventes à l’exportation. En même temps, on note une tendance très nette à la protection mutuelle des marchés intérieurs au sein de l’EIA. Le dépouillement d’une documentation abondante et inédite nous a permis d’analyser le dynamisme interne, les effets et les limites de l’EIA au cours des années trenteThe International Steel Cartel (ISC), founded in 1926, was unable to control the development of production capacity in the member countries. The steelmakers, who were gathered in the ISC, shared production quota. At the end of 1929, steel producers were convinced that the ISC could only survive by changing over in order to regulate exports. The steel manufacturers of Germany, France, Belgium, Luxembourg and the Saar decided to set up provisional international export syndicates for single products. These export syndicates did not achieve their aim. In March 1931, the ISC ceased to operate so that we are witnessing an outburst of the competition. Prices collapsed. The steel managers were seeking salvation in a new international agreement. The negotiations succeeded in the creation of the second ISC (1933), which, contrary to the first one, was centred on sharing of only exports. It was topped by half a dozen international syndicates, which regulated export sales. At the same time, we can see a very clear trend towards the protection of the internal markets within the ISC. The analysis of new archives allows us a better understanding of the internal dynamism, the effects and limits of the cartel during the thirties
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Slumkoski, Corey James Arthur. "Prelude to equalization, New Brunswick and the Tax Rental Agreements, 1941-1957." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0015/MQ54647.pdf.
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Powers, Kathy Leniece. "International institutions, trade and conflict : African regional trade agreements from 1950-1992." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1283185178.
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Moodley, R. Devan. "Producer price relationships during the implementation of the Canada-United States Trade Agreement of 1989." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ31302.pdf.
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Anderson, M. J. "Explaining the form and presence of women's rights in contemporary peace agreements, 1989-2005." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.595503.
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This dissertation examines women’s rights provisions in peace agreements in the post-Cold War period. Its central research questions are: ‘Why are women’s rights included in so many contemporary peace agreements?’ and ‘Why are they framed almost exclusively in human rights language?’ The dissertation is situated at the nexus of four literatures. It speaks to international relations literature on norm diffusion by illuminating the impact of international norms on peace processes – a topic which has so far been neglected. It contributes to gender and conflict literature by advancing a theory of women’s mobilization in response to war and by specifying the causal pathways by which women’s networks gain access to peace processes. It offers theoretical refinement to mediation/negotiation theory by demonstrating that civil society groups use peace processes to achieve particular objectives not directly related to peace. Finally, it reveals causal mechanisms that may explain how liberal democratic norms are reproduced in peace processes, contributing to war termination and peacebuilding literatures. The dissertation includes three major components. The first is a large-n analysis of 135 peace agreements signed between 1989 and 2005. I explicate references to women in those agreements, assessing the degree to which they reflect international standards. The second part consists of the three case studies of Burundi, Northern Ireland, and Macedonia. Here, I trace the processes by which women’s rights were included or excluded in each of the three peace settlements. In the third section, I test the findings from the case studies on the large-n data set used in the first section.
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Pillay, Subramaniam Sithambaram. "Performance of the world tin industry : effects of the international tin agreements, 1956-85." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30631.
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The thesis presents an analysis of the influence of the international tin agreements (ITA) on the world tin industry between 1956 to 1985. The ITAs, the first of which came into effect in 1956, were jointly operated by tin producing and consuming countries. The International Tin Council (ITC) used a buffer stock and export controls to maintain the price of tin within a band. This experiment in stabilizing tin prices ended in October 1985, when the ITC was unable to continue its operations because it ran out of financial resources.
The study first analyzes the market structure of the world tin industry in some detail. Then an econometric model which attempts to capture the behaviour of supply, demand and price of tin over the 30 year period is constructed. Particular attention was paid to the estimation of the tin production functions for major tin producing countries. In many of these countries, the output of the tin depended not only on the price of tin but also on the policies of the ITC as well as the internal political environment of the country. The model is then used to simulate a scenario in which the ITC does not intervene in the tin market. The differences in the price and revenue levels between the actual and simulated scenario are computed. The simulation results show that the tin agreements succeeded in their objective of reducing the variability of price and producers' revenue. In addition, the average level of price and revenues under the ITC regime was higher than under the non-intervention scenario. In evaluating policy options, it was shown that the establishment of a cartel is not viable in the long term for both economic and political reasons. The recommended policy options include improving access to futures markets, providing better transparency of tin market operations, the establishment of government policies which provide better incentives for tin mining and tin using industries in the major tin producing countries and continued efforts in research and development with the aim of lowering costs of production and increasing the uses for tin.Business, Sauder School of
Graduate
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Ozturk, Baris. "Global Development Of Textile And Apparel Industry In The Aftermath Of Agreement On Textile And Clothing (1995)." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615123/index.pdf.
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With signing of Agreement on Textile and Clothing which entered into force in 1995, it was decided to abolish quantity limitations applied by the developed countries since the second half of 20th century. By this way, restrictions in the
developed country markets against the developing countries would be lifted gradually in a ten year period and the liberalization in textile and clothing markets would be realized from 2005 onwards. This would provide smooth access to
major markets for all the developing and least developed countries. However, China&rsquos accession to WTO in 2001 created a breakthrough in this assumption. Hereafter, China increased its shares in the developed countries&rsquo
markets at the expense of other developing countries. One of the matters wondered most during this period was how would the developing and least developed countries, that had quota-free entrance to the developed countries&rsquo
markets, perform against China. This study focuses on the export performances of developing and least developed countries, that have had preferential trade agreements with European Union and the United States of America, against China in those markets.
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Koji, Junichiro. "The Social Union Framework Agreement : competing and overlapping visions of Canadian federalism." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29512.
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This thesis attempts to develop our understanding of the ultimate interprovincial rupture at the signing of the Social Union Framework Agreement (the SUFA) on February 4, 1999. Questioning the widely accepted "money talk" explanation, which argues that increased federal transfers motivated the ROC provinces to go along with the federal government at the expense of an interprovincial common front with Quebec, this thesis suggests analyzing the dynamics of the SUFA negotiation process with special attention to the visions of Canadian federalism to which the ROC provinces, Quebec, and the federal government had subscribed respectively. This analysis demonstrates that the final split between the ROC provinces and Quebec resulted from their discord over the question whether or not Canada is a mononational federation or a multinational federation.
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Kakad, Priyanka. "To evaluate the level of agreement between two self-reported medication adherence scales and prescription refill records in older adults." VCU Scholars Compass, 2009. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/1919.
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Objective: To evaluate the level of agreement between two self-reported medication adherence scales and prescription refill records in older adults. Design: Cross-sectional study Setting: Imperial Plaza; a retirement community located in Richmond, Virginia. Participants: 32 independent-living older adults, taking anti-hypertensive medications and filling their prescriptions at on-site Plaza Professional Pharmacy were recruited in the study. Methods: Participants’ 6 months refill records were obtained and Medication Possession Ration (MPR) was calculated. Participants were interviewed using Morisky Medication Adherence Scale (MMAS) & Brief Medication Questionnaire (BMQ). Kappa statistics was used to evaluate the level of agreement. Results: Poor level of agreement was found between refill records and MMAS (k=-0.004), refill records and BMQ belief screen (k=-0.09), regimen screen (k=-0.09), and recall screen (k =-0.004). Strong agreement was found between MMAS and BMQ regimen screen (k=0.79) and recall screen (k=0.87) respectively. Conclusion: Self-reported measure of adherence exhibited poor agreement with prescription refill records.
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Alt, Yvette Camilla. "Negotiating European trade policy : industrial influence, diplomatic constraints and bureaucratic behaviour in the 1995 EU-Israel Association Agreement." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1726/.
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This thesis explores the role of Government negotiations, industrial pressure and private interests in the development of European Union (EU) trade relations with Israel, focusing on the 1995 EU-Israel Association Agreement. Employing a two-level metaphor, it discusses the evolution of the EU's ability to negotiate and ratify trade agreements, the history of European-Israeli political and commercial relations, and Israel's political economy. This thesis posits that trade policy can be used to further ideological foreign-policy goals, but that the content of trade policy is ultimately shaped less by "high political" considerations than by developing linkages at the domestic levels. In evaluating the ability of commercial and scientific communities to sway the progress of the Association Agreement negotiations, this thesis finds that the existence of some types of links between Israel and EU member states allowed Israeli interests to gain domestic "allies" in Europe, and thus to secure additional trade concessions. A further consideration developed in this paper is the existence of at least two "domestic" arenas within the Community: at the transnational EU level, within the member states, and increasingly at the regional level. This thesis discusses the way in which both negotiators and private interests recognised these tensions and exploited traditional political relations at the national and occasionally the regional levels in order to further affect negotiation and ratification capabilities of the Community. The thesis thus argues for a more complex rendering of the traditional multi-level analytical model, which assumes a discrete "level one". Instead, it puts forward a multilevel model, in which the ability of domestic communities to constrain negotiators is applied not only to the Community's own procedures, but also to its sub-units.
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Newman, Kathleen Paula. "Britain and the Soviet Union : the search for an interim agreement on West Berlin November 1958-May 1960." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2633/.
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This thesis analyses British and Soviet policy towards negotiations on an Interim Agreement on Berlin, from November 1958 until May 1960. It emphasises the crucial role played by the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan and the Soviet Premier, Nikita Khrushchev, both of whom viewed the Berlin problem within the wider context of their mutual objectives of achieving detente and disarmament. The opening chapter analyses Soviet motivation for reactivating the Berlin question, and emphasises two factors behind Soviet policy: the maintenance of the status quo in Germany and Eastern Europe, and Soviet fears of the nuclearisation of the Bundeswehr. The next two chapters reassess Britain's response to the Soviet Note of 27 November 1958, the impact of British policy on Berlin on the Western Alliance and the subsequent emergence of a British initiative on Berlin which culminated in Harold Macmillan's visit to Moscow in February 1959. Fresh insights into Soviet policy on Berlin and European Security are offered. The fourth chapter reappraises Macmillan's visits in March 1959 to Paris, Bonn and Washington to persuade his Allies of the benefits of his initiative. This chapter also deals with the British contribution both to the Allied debate on contingency planning for Berlin and to the discussions on Germany, European Security and Berlin, which took place in the Four Power Working Group from January until May 1959. The ensuing chapter analyses British and Soviet attitudes to the East-West negotiations on an Interim Agreement on West Berlin at the Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference, May-August 1959, and considers whether the British Government was correct in its perception that the Soviet Government wished to establish a modus vivendi on Berlin. Chapter six traces the evolution of Soviet and Western policies towards the forthcoming summit conference from August 1959 until May 1960. The final chapter examines Soviet and Western reactions to the U-2 Incident of 1 May 1960 and seeks to demonstrate that Khrushchev left for Paris prepared to negotiate on an Interim Agreement on Berlin, and hopeful that he would achieve the East-West Detente for which he and Macmillan had striven.
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Jönsson, Elin. "Företagshemlighet eller personligt kunnande? : En uppsats om problematiken med och behovet av företagshemligheter och konkurrensklausuler." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för ekonomistyrning och logistik (ELO), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-52674.
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The need to maintain business confidential information within the company are increasing in today’s knowledge-based society. Today, trade secrets are an asset for entrepreneurs and important for competitiveness. These secrets are sometimes provided to the employees and the more secrets spread, the more vulnerable the employer becomes. To prevent trade secrets from being disclosed there is a law about confidential information and competition clauses could be entered in the employment contracts. Nevertheless, the need to protect confidential information must be compared to the right of workers to freely use their skills. This paper aims to highlight the legal situation and the legal balance between both parts within the law of confidential information and competition clauses on the basis of a legal science method. It also aims to highlight the use of non-compete agreements from a gender perspective. The purpose of the paper has led to the following research questions; How can the legal framework of trade secrets and compete clauses be understood from an employer and employee perspective and what are the consequences of it? From a gender perspective, what consequences does the balance between the employer’s need to protect confidential information and the employees’ need to be competitive on the labor market after an employment have? The paper shows that there are weaknesses in the law of confidential information through the employer’s perspective and the law does not stall the employees’ competitiveness. The non-compete agreements however, may jeopardize the movement of the employees and are often seen as unfair in Swedish court. However, the problem is that the freedom of enter contracts prevails and the agreements are valid until an arbitration or court shows otherwise. The study indicates that it is mostly men that are subject to compete clauses, which can lead to improvement of women’s position in the labor market.
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Powell, Thomas Courtney Irene. "The Impacts and Implications of Post-1995 Linkages Between the Codex Alimentarius Commission and the World Trade Organization: Politicization, Deadlock, and Dispute." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32077.
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This thesis examines the impacts and implications of post-1995 linkages between the Codex Alimentarius Commission and the World Trade Organization. Chapters 1 and 2 provide data on the structures, functions, and procedures of the Codex Commission and the WTO and analyze their institutional approaches to risk, danger, risk management and the precautionary principle. Chapter 3 evaluates three impacts of post-1995 linkages between these institutions (the politicization of the Codex Commission, deadlock in the Codex standard elaboration process, and dispute in the WTO) as well as three implications of that linkage (risk v. danger assessment and management, changed interpretations of â science,â and changed interpretations of â consensusâ ). Finally, Chapter 4 applies these impacts and implications to food safety cases. This chapter establishes a framework for understanding issues of food safety, Codex standard elaboration, and WTO dispute settlements in terms of scientific and political consensus and debate. This thesis argues, first, that the post-1995 linkage between the Codex Commission and the WTO changed Codex member state expectations and behaviors relative to standard elaboration procedures and that these changed expectations impacted both member state governments and the WTO. It further demonstrates that the extent of the Codex Commissionâ s ability to elaborate universal standards and the WTOâ s responsibility for dispute settlement can be explained in terms of scientific and political dispute and consensus. Finally, it illustrates that risk and danger are different concepts, require different food safety approaches, and generate different institutional and national reactions. This analysis addresses existing critiques of the Codex Commission, the WTO, and their post-1995 linkages, examines the potential of both institutions to simultaneously pursue consumer safety and open trade objectives, and points to avenues for future research.Master of Arts
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Tarawneh, Musleh Ahmad Musa. "Recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitration agreements under the New York Convention on Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards of 1958." Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 1998. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=59754.
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Rengifo, Lozano Antonio Jose. "International regime for fisheries on the high seas : the 1995 UN agreement on straddling fish stocks and highly migratory fish stocks." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417086.
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Zhang, Lin VanHoose David D. "Could sub-debts of banks be potential tools for supervision? Empirical study with data set 1999-2007 /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5183.
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Van, der Merwe Johannes Jacobus. "Conscientious objectors, closed shop agreements and freedom of association / by J.J. van der Merwe." Thesis, North-West University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/1131.
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Section 26 of the Labour Relations Act 95 of 1996 makes provision for the
introduction of closed shop agreements at the workplace between majority
unions and employers. All employees covered by such agreements are
required to be members of such unions or otherwise face the possibility of
dismissal. "Conscientious objector" employees are an exception to this
rule. The purpose of this submission is to investigate the constitutional
validity of s26 in the light of the fundamental right to freedom of association
in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1 996 whilst investigating
the position of "conscientious objectors" in certain foreign jurisdictions.Thesis (LL.M. (Labour Law))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2006.
21
Wang, Haiting. "The European Union's Trade Liberalization in the Textile and Clothing Sector (1995-2005) : Rhetoric or Reality?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-208909.
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A review on free trade principle in theory and practice suggests that trade liberalization is merely rhetoric under which industrialized countries can pursue specific interests of certain actors more deceptively. The purpose of this thesis is to testify whether this preliminary result on general trade issues is valid in the textile and clothing sector as well. The reasons for the author to narrow her research scope down to this industry are that: first, textiles and clothing had been subject to consistent trade protectionism for more than thirty years since the discriminatory Multi-Fiber Arrangement (MFA) in 1974; second, the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (ATC) in 1995 was designed to remove all quota restrictions by 1st January 2005 via a ten-year transitional period; third, the European Union (EU) raised safeguard investigations within four months after the expiry of the agreement, and succeeded in re-introducing quantitative restraints back to this sector. The intense and dramatic Europe-China textile dispute in 2005 started from the completion of quota abolishment, but ended up with quota re-imposition, which inspires the author to ask whether the European Union’s trade liberalization in the textile and clothing sector is rhetoric or reality. The thesis examines the conventional stance of the Union’s textile and clothing policy, the actual fulfillment of the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (ATC), and the development of the Europe-China trade dispute on in 2005. In order to identify involved interest groups and their demands during the implementation of the agreement and in the dispute shortly afterwards, the thesis also analyzes: first, the interaction between protectionist lobbying groups and national governments at the Union’s level; and second, the divergence on the attitudes towards China’s expansion in the European market among member states. Comparing the Union’s early promises in the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (ATC) with its actual behaviors during implementation and in dispute, the author finally concludes that the Union’s trade liberalization in the textile and clothing sector is merely rhetoric under which the European Union (EU) pursues the protectionist interests of its domestic textile and clothing producers and those member states with substantial textile and clothing industry.
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Toxopeus, Deanna (Deanna Lynn) Carleton University Dissertation History. "1951 agreement between the Red Cross and St. John Ambulance; case study of the effect of Civil Defence on Canada's Health Care system." Ottawa, 1997.
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Toxopeus, Deanna. "1951 Agreement between the Red Cross and St. John Ambulance, a case study of the effect of civil defense on Canada's health care system." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22104.pdf.
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Johansson, Roger. "Kommunernas politisering : En studie av det politiska styret i Nyeds landskommun 1950-1962." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-32149.
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This essay deals with the question of lines of development within the politics in the rural municipality of Nyed 1950-1962. The aim is to explore how local politics and policies were handled from two perspectives. Firstly the issue of conflict and consensus or majority rule and consensus. Here Arend Lijphard's theory of majority and consensus provides a theoretical base for the essay. Secondly the aim is to explore the actions of the local politicians with regards to leisure time policies to find out whether or not they ideologically belonged to the concept of ”folkhemmets kommun” by Ulla Ekström von Essen. The source material for this essay has been the minutes from the two major bodies of local politics in Nyed, kommunalfullmäktige and kommunalnämnden. The minutes from folkskolestyrelse has also been studied in specific policy cases. An interview with local ex-politician Sven Bjureld (c) has also been conducted to give a fuller view of the topic than the study of minutes can give. In the essay the conclusion is drawn that the politicians were part of the ideology of Folkhemmets kommun and that it was the social democrats that were the driving force in that development. It is furthermore concluded that the level of conflict was relatively low and that the municipality can be grouped as a consensus municipality according to Lijphard's theory. There were however three distinct areas of policy where there were more conflict that others: real estate policy, leisure time policy and education policy. The usage of motions as a political weapon was quite low during the period with 12 motions written. It was primarily the social democrats that used this weapon. The essay also points out the fact that there was a movement during the period with regards to how the task of the local politicians were viewed. In the beginning of the period the politicians primarily saw their role as a passive one whereas in the end they saw themselves as having an active role in making the municipality viewed in a positive way by the inhabitants and other members of the public. With regards to development over time it is concluded in the essay that there was a breach around 1955/1956. After that time politics in Nyeds rural municipality started to follow the lines of political parties.
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Towfiq, Peshawa Sammad. "Recognition and enforcement of foreign commercial arbitration agreements and awards in Iraqi law : analytic study under the New York Convention of 1958." Thesis, Glasgow Caledonian University, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.743883.
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Ballantyne, Scott David. "Evaluation of the effect Act 195 of 1970 had on negotiating additional fringe benefits in lieu of larger salary increases in the Antietam School District." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1991. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.
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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1991.Abstract precedes thesis as 3 preliminary leaves. Typescript. Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2929. Includes bibliographical references (leaf 48).
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Abdo, Ricardo Camarotta. "Lei anticorrupção: o acordo de leniência e seus principais aspectos." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19593.
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The present dissertation aims to analyze the institute of the leniency agreement, as established in the Law nº 12.846, of August 1, 2013, also known as the Brazilian Clean Company Law, and its framework as a contemporary measure of the public administration by consensus, not mandatory. For such purpose, we will initially analyze some basic concepts to establish assumptions for the development of this work. Later on, we will analyze the Clean Company Act Law as a whole. Finally, and doing so, we will focus on the analysis of the leniency agreement encompassing its main aspects and controversial issues linked to the institute
O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar o instituto do acordo de leniência, previsto pela Lei nº12.846, de 1º de agosto de 2013, também denominada de Lei Anticorrupção Brasileira, bem como o seu enquadramento como uma modalidade de atuação contemporânea da Administração Pública de forma consensual, não imperativa. Para tanto, analisaremos, inicialmente, noções fundamentais necessárias ao estabelecimento de premissas para o desenvolvimento deste trabalho. Posteriormente, será feita uma contextualização da Lei Anticorrupção e, por fim, adentraremos à análise do acordo de leniência, com foco em seus principais aspectos e questões polêmicas inerentes ao tema
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Andrén, Gustav. "Konkurrensklausuler i anställningsavtal : En rättsdogmatisk studie." Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Economic Sciences, Communication and IT, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-4203.
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This essay aim to clear the regulations that adjusts the use of non-compete clauses in contracts of employement. The historical developement shows tendencies that more employees have contracts that includes non-compete clauses. This developement does not always correspond with what is allowed concerning these clauses. Non-compete clauses is adjusted by the regulations in the collective agreement known as the agreement of 1969. The agreement has also been accepted outside its regular field of application. Apart from the just mentioned agreement, unreasonable conditions of contracts kan be adapted to what is fair accordning to the swedish constitution of agreements. The paragraphs in question is the 36 and the 38 §§, that adjusts when you can shift the conditions. The 38 § is more applyable when it comes to conditions about non-compete clauses. The use of non-compete clauses is also regulated by practice in the court of law, the labour court. Many of the regulations are unspecified in their design. It is possible that these unspecified concepts are essential to maintain the possibility of applying the concepts to a larger amount of cases. The metaphysical concepts of the jurisprudence has been criticized several times during the historical developement, for example by the upholders of the positivistic Uppsala school of philosophy (the Scandinavian legal realism). The facts remains that because of its open device of concepts, the jurisprudence becomes dynamic and useable in a lot more contexts.
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Lein, Cornelia. "Die Beziehungen beider deutscher Staaten zu Israel, 1949-1963." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2015. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-171667.
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Das vorliegende Werk stellt eine zweibändige quellengestützte Analyse und einen Vergleich der Beziehungen beider deutscher Staaten zu Israel unterhalb der Schwelle der Aufnahme diplomatischer Beziehungen während der Jahre 1949 bis 1963 dar.
Dazu wurden in den Archiven Quellen aus den Beständen aller drei Staaten gesichtet.
Die Rahmenbedingungen für die bundesdeutsche und ostdeutsche Israelpolitik, welche sich aus dem Kalten Krieg herleiteten, werden ebenso aufgezeigt, wie die besondere moralische Verantwortung beider deutscher Saaten gegenüber Israel sowie Israels spezifische Stellung im nahöstlichen Staatensystem.
Neben den militärischen, wissenschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Kontakten zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Israel stehen auch die Kontakte zwischen der DDR und MAKI im Zentrum des Interesses.
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Robin, Rodolphe. "Génèse du projet d'association interrégionale Sui generis entre le Mercosud et l'Union Européenne : 1999 - 2011." Phd thesis, Université Rennes 2, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00651469.
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Tandis que l'OMC éprouve des difficultés à réglementer le commerce, les nations expérimentent tous types d'accordssusceptibles de favoriser leur stratégie d'insertion internationale : bilatéraux, stratégiques, régionaux, de coopération,d'association, etc. Les États-unis et l'Union européenne sont en concurrence face au plus important marchélatino-américain, le Mercosud, lequel bénéficie désormais d'un contexte favorable l'autorisant à choisir ses partenaires. Depuis le rejet du projet de ZLEA, le jeu de séduction tourne à l'avantage de l'Europe qui a su proposer un projet plus complet incluant la coopération pour le développement, l'approfondissement du dialogue politique et la libéralisation deséchanges. L'ouverture de négociations en 1999 en vue de parvenir à un accord, dit d'association, entre les deux systèmesd'intégration régionale, symbolise l'apparition d'un concept nouveau : l'" interrégionalisme"Pourquoi 12 années de négociations n'ont-ellespas été suffisantes pour parvenir à unconsensus sur les termes de l'association ?L'acuité des dossiers, le nombre de paysimpliqués, le " noeud agricole, l'absence deconsultation du secteur privé, sont autantd'éléments à prendre en considération. Cetravail synthétise un processus de négociationcomplexe et présente la particularité d'inclurele secteur privé. En partant à la rencontre, desacteurs politiques et économiques, des deuxrégions, on observe que le secteur privén'occupe pas la place qui lui revient de droitdans ce projet. Il ne manque pas de le rappelerici et, ce faisant, interpelle l'Université sur lerôle qu'elle a à jouer dans l'évolution desrelations entre l'Europe et le Mercosud
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Chang, Yi Xin. "The Schengen Area in Europe :origin, process, and implications." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953594.
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Casey, Peter J. "Following the Spirit of the Law: Col. Eberhard P. Deutsch and the Legal Division of United States Forces Austria, 1945-1946." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2313.
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As World War II neared its end in Europe, the Allied powers faced a difficult situation with the occupied nation of Austria. Considering the complicated Austrian relationship with Nazism, the Allies had to decide how the nation would be liberated, occupied, and rehabilitated. Almost instantaneously, the United States, Great Britain, and France became at odds with a vengeful Soviet Union seeking to build a defensive shield of Communist European client states that included Austria. This study will show that as the head of the American Legal Division, Col. Eberhard P. Deutsch, United States Army, was instrumental in the reformation of occupied Austria’s legal system. It will also address the alleged role he played in the modification of the Second Control Agreement of 1946, the summer quadripartite conference that allowed the Austrian government greater opportunities for self-determination.
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Kandile, Msondezi Gorden. "The effect of recent amendments to the LRA within the context of collective bargaining." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/17831.
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The Labour Relations Act, 1995 makes no provision of a legally enforceable duty to bargain, but affords certain rights to unions such as organisational rights. Although employers are obliged to grant these rights to representative unions, they are not compelled to engage in bargaining with them as there is no duty to negotiate. However, the refusal to bargain will result in power play in order to convince the other party to negotiate. If an employer refuses to negotiate with a union, the union is able to strike without any fear of dismissal of its members, provided that the strike takes place with requirements of the Act. The questions that need to be answered are amongst others whether the amendments on organisational rights will truly broaden access to section 14 and 16 rights of the Labour Relations Act? Further than that, to investigate whether these amendments will lead a decline in industrial action related to organisational rights. It also becomes imperative to find whether these arrangements will enable commissioners to carry out the mandate of minimizing the proliferation of trade unions. The study aims to provide understanding of the principles of collective bargaining in the workplace. This in turn promotes better understanding of the rights enshrined in section 23(5) of the Constitution which provides that trade unions, employers’ organisation and employers have the right to engage in collective bargaining. This right is given effect to the Labour Relations Act as amended. The law regarding collective bargaining in South Africa has been interpreted in two ways; the Labour Relations Act refers to a duty to bargain collectively, while the Constitution refers to a right to engage in collective bargaining. These two interpretations have been subjected to judicial criticism in three cases in the South African National Defence Force. They are currently the main cases dealing with this issue in South Africa. The implications that a trade union is entitled to embark on strike action in order to obtain organisational rights in circumstances where it is not regarded as sufficiently representative, provides some form of relief for minority unions. Against this background, the critical legal question is the impact of recent amendments to the Labour Relations Act within the context of collective bargaining.
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Layoun, Jennifer. "Vers les accords de Taëf (1989) et la fin de la guerre civile au Liban : discours des dirigeants religieux-politiques libanais." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM3151.
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L’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat consiste à étudier les évolutions dans les discours des leaders politiques et religieux au Liban exprimés publiquement mais aussi en cercle restreint durant la quinzaine d’années du conflit qui débute en 1975 et ne termine qu’en 1989 avec les accords de Taëf. Le travail porte sur une présentation et une analyse des projets politiques proposés pour le Liban par plusieurs personnalités provenant de différents partis politiques dans le pays durant la période étudiée. L’originalité de l’approche est de regrouper deux partis politiques qui s’opposent fortement, mais qui adoptent une idéologie établie sur des fondements communs. A partir de supports écrits, radiophoniques et télévisuels ainsi qu’avec l’aide d’entretiens que nous avions réalisés au cours de nos recherches au Liban et en France, nous étudions les projets politiques élaborés au Liban entre 1975-1989. Nos analyses dévoilent une évolution dans l’approche de la part d’acteurs confessionnels et politiques libanais d’influence quant à leur vision de l’avenir de la configuration politique de leur pays tout en se situant, d’une manière ou d’une autre, par rapport au Pacte national de 1943 ainsi que du rôle qu’ils envisagent pour eux-mêmesThe objective of this PhD dissertation is to study the evolution in the different discourse of political and religious leaders in Lebanon expressed in public as well as within closed circles during the fifteen years of conflict which began in 1975 and finished in 1989 with the Taif Agreement. This dissertation centers on a presentation and an analysis of the political projects proposed for Lebanon by several leading personalities coming from different political parties in the country during the period studied here. The originality of the approach is to group together two political parties which strongly oppose one another but which adopt an ideology based on shared criteria. Based on written documents as well as radio and televised programs and press conferences in addition to interviews which we have conducted in Lebanon and in France, we studied the political projects which were developed in Lebanon during 1975-1989. Our analyses reveal an evolution in the approach on the part of Lebanese religious and political persons of influence vis-à-vis their vision for the future regarding the political configuration of their country, all the while with respect to their strategic positioning in relation to the National Pact of 1943 as well as the role which they envision for themselves
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Castaignède, Monique. "La régulation du partage du pouvoir politique au Liban : la logique communautaire dans le cadre des accords de Taëf." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0004/document.
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L’analyse socio-historique de l’émergence du pouvoir politique au Liban, son essence même et son instrumentalisation conditionnent l’exercice de la régulation démocratique des conflits dans une société plurale dont le système politique repose sur un compromis historique, celui du Pacte de 1943.Ni Orient, ni Occident, ni vainqueur, ni vaincu.Les difficultés d’élaboration d’un projet consensuel et de mise en oeuvre d’une coalition gouvernementale, dans le modèle libanais de démocratie consociative ont favorisé la confrontation de la logique individuelle à la logique communautaire sans espace de subsidiarité.Cette thèse tend à démontrer que des Accords de Taëf jusqu’aux années post Doha, malgré la confirmation de l’autonomie segmentaire, le non dépassement des contradictions entre esprit de consensus et concentration du pouvoir sans réelle distribution de celui-ci a conduit à la définition d’un consensus minimal qui fragilise la stabilité du pays à travers des crises politiques successives.La démocratie consociative libanaise, forte de l’ouverture vers un espace public transcommunautaire, montrera-t-elle sa capacité à évoluer, en luttant contre le décalage existant entre les institutions du consensus représentées par ses élites politiques et la dynamique sociale ?This analysis of the socio-historical birth of political power in Lebanon, its own nature as well as its implementation, concerns the different ways of viewing democratically regulated conflicts in a multi-directionally and politically oriented plural society based on a historical agreement signed in 1943.There is a challenge to compromise East and West, a balance without obvious loser and winner.The difficult project of creating a consensus among a governmental coalition while respecting the Lebanese model of democracy required personal and group compromises without room for subsidiarity.While taking into consideration the segmentation, the need to do not overlap the contradiction of consensus and opposing ideas among politico-communitarian cleavages, this work aims at demonstrating that the accord of Taef followed by the after Doha, lead to a fragile consensus which weakens the stability of the country during the following political crisis.The Lebanese consociate system re-enforced by opening to a transcultural public space may show its capacity to evolve, mature, within the existing gap between the consensus institution proposed by the elite and the social pressure
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Lukeš, Jakub. "Spojené státy americké a Mnichovská dohoda." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-198825.
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In my diploma thesis, I provide an analysis of the Munich Agreement and the Czechoslovak crisis from the perspective of the United States of America. My aim is to create comprehensive picture of bilateral relations between Czechoslovakia and the United States before and after the signing of the Munich Agreement. Thesis focuses on the diplomatic and economic relations between Czechoslovakia and United States in the period 1936 -- 1938/1939. The introductory part of the thesis is devoted to the phenomenon of isolationism and its influence in shaping the U.S. foreign policy. The main point of the analysis is the attitude of the American public to the Czechoslovak crisis and the Munich Agreement itself. The main hypothesis consists in the assertion that the United States played a major role in the Czechoslovak crisis that preceeded the signing of the Munich Agreement. I am seeking answers to these questions: How did the American public perceived the Czechoslovak crisis? What was the reaction of the U.S. government to the Czechoslovak crisis and the subsequent the Munich Agreement? How did president F. D. Roosevelt perceived the Czechoslovak crisis? In order to find answers to my questions I am using the issued and unissued sources, specialized literature and especially the contemporary press. The thesis has proved that the United States took part in the events that preceded the signing of the Munich Agreement.
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Kgosieile, Lameck. "A possible amendment to the criminal procedure and evidence act, 1939 of the republic of Botswana with regard to plea and sentence agreements in an effort to promote the expeditious and efficient disposition of criminal matters." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/73318.
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Plea-bargaining and sentencing agreement is a worldwide phenomenon. Most of the jurisdictions more particularly in the so-called developed countries have adopted and incorporated into their criminal justice system the concept of plea-bargaining and sentence agreement. Same has properly been legislated and documented. In the United States for example, more than 80 per cent of the criminal matters are disposed of through plea-bargaining between the prosecution authority and the defendants.
This system of disposing of criminal matters through plea-bargaining and sentence agreement has saved states resources and saved courts’ time. Although the system causes the accused to face a dilemma whenever he or she is supposed to make a choice between waiving his or her constitutional right to trial and pleading guilty. The plea-bargaining system has proved itself in many jurisdictions to be very efficient particularly in completing criminal cases without inordinate delaysMini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019.
Government of Botswana
Procedural Law
LLM
unrestricted
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Moscoso, de la Cuba Pablo. "Analysis of the main elements of the International Court of Justice Judgment in the maritime dispute (Peru v. Chile) in the light of the parties positions." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115556.
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On January 27, 2014 the International Court of Justice, principal judicial organ of the United Nations ruled in the case of the maritime dispute (Peru v. Chile), being Peru the one that brought forth the case in January 2008. During the proceedings in Court, the parties presented fundamentally different positions on the existence of a maritime boundary between them and how the Court should proceed solving the dispute. The Court should have considered the multiple legal reasonings presented by the States parties over the years to arrive to its ruling. Particularly, some of the legal reasonings presented by Peru were accepted by the Court and considered in the ruling, beginning from the interpretation given to the proclamations of Peru and Chile in 1947, going through the reasonings Peru presented about the 1952 Santiago Declaration (It was the main topic presented by Chile, which was discarded by the Court) until the reasoning presented by Peru saying that the 1954 Special Maritime Frontier Zone Agreement didn’t create a zone of tolerance that extends to 200 nautical miles. However, the Court considered that in the 1954 agreement the parties accepted the existence of a tacit agreement, but this existence was not presented by them in the Court even though it has a legal support in the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice. Then, the Court had to determine the extent of the tacit agreement, a very difficult duty because the parties hadn’t considered the existence of that situation and its extension. After establishing the implied legal agreement was for 80 nautical miles along a parallel of latitude, the Court proceeded to establish a maritime boundary applying thoroughly the rules and principles of maritime delimitation presented by Peru, which applied to the case determine the presence of an equidistant line. In relation to the starting-point of the maritime boundary, the Court didn’t use the point presented by Peru but, in a correct way, made it clear that the starting-point of the maritime boundary and the starting-point of the land boundary don’t have to match necessarily. Finally, the way how the Court established the maritime boundary recognizes, with no doubt, that the area previously named “outer triangle” belongs to Peru, as this country claimed and as Chile opposed repeatedly over the years. In summary, it is a decision based on International Law and adopted under the evidence presented in Court. The Court applied and confirmed various legal arguments presented by Peru during the process, in spite of the opposing position of Chile.El 27 de enero de 2014, la Corte Internacional de Justicia (CIJ), órgano judicial principal de la organización de las Naciones Unidas, dio su sentencia en el caso de la controversia marítima (Perú c. Chile), el cual el Perú presentó ante ella en enero de 2008. Durante el proceso ante la Corte, las partes presentaron posiciones fundamentalmente distintas sobre la existencia de un límite marítimo entre ellas y sobre cómo la Corte debía proceder para resolver este caso. Para llegar a su fallo, la Corte debió evaluar esos múltiples argumentos legales planteados por ambos Estados a lo largo de años. En particular, varios de los argumentos legales planteados por el Perú fueron aceptados por la Corte y acogidos en el fallo, desde la interpretación que dio a las proclamaciones de Perú y Chile de 1947, pasando por los argumentos que planteó el Perú sobre la Declaración de Santiago de 1952 (que había sido el núcleo del caso argumentado por Chile, el cual fue descartado por la Corte), hasta el argumento peruano en el sentido de que el Convenio sobre Zona Especial Fronteriza Marítima de 1954 no creó una zona de tolerancia que se extienda por doscientas millas marinas. Sin embargo, la Corte consideró que en ese tratado de 1954 las partes reconocieron la existencia de un acuerdo tácito, figura que no argumentaron las partes ante la Corte, pero que tiene su fundamentación legal en jurisprudencia previa de la CIJ. La Corte luego tuvo que determinar la extensión de ese acuerdo legal tácito, labor sumamente difícil ya que las partes no habían contemplado la existencia de esa figura ni argumentado hasta dónde se habría extendido la misma. Luego de establecer que el acuerdo legal tácito se extendía por ochenta millas marinas a lo largo de un paralelo de latitud, la Corte procedió a establecer un límite marítimo siguiendo exactamente las normas y principios sobre delimitación marítima planteados por el Perú, los cuales aplicados al caso determinan el establecimiento de una línea equidistante. Con relación al punto de inicio del límite marítimo, la Corte no empleó el punto planteado por el Perú pero, correctamente, dejó en claro que el punto de inicio del límite marítimo y el punto de inicio del límite terrestre no tienen necesariamente que coincidir. Finalmente, la manera como la Corte estableció el límite marítimo reconoce sin lugar a duda que el área antes llamada «triángulo exterior» corresponde exclusivamente al Perú, como ese Estado argumentó y Chile se opuso repetidas veces a lo largo de los años. En resumen, se trata de una decisión ajustada al derecho internacional y tomada sobre la base de la evidencia a disposición de la Corte, en la que esta emplea y confirma diversos de los argumentos legales planteados por el Perú durante el proceso, a pesar de todo lo que Chile argumentó contrariamente.
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Corso, Cécile. "Les conventions bilatérales franco-marocaines à l'épreuve de l'européanisation du droit : Étude de droit international privé de la famille." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3046.
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Les conventions franco-marocaines du 5 octobre 1957 et du 10 août 1981 constituent le socle de la coopération bilatérale entre les États français et marocain en matière familiale internationale. Négociées il y a plusieurs décennies, elles ont pour objectif de garantir aux ressortissants des deux États l’application de leur statut personnel sur le territoire de l’autre État et de mieux assurer la protection des enfants et des créanciers d’aliments. Ces conventions se sont toutefois heurtées à l’hétérogénéité des ordres juridiques français et marocains. L’européanisation croissante du droit international privé de la famille invite à s’interroger sur la place laissée par les droits européens aux conventions bilatérales franco-marocaines. L’applicabilité des conventions franco-marocaines est mise à l’épreuve par l’emprise croissante des règlements européens de droit international privé articulés aux conventions de La Haye. L’enchevêtrement des normes applicables conduit alors à examiner les solutions permettant d’articuler les sources entre elles. Dans les hypothèses où elles demeurent applicables, les conventions franco-marocaines sont là encore soumises aux droits européens. L’influence des droits européens peut alors servir les objectifs conventionnels et porter les conventions franco-marocaines vers plus d’efficacité, ou alors infléchir les obligations bilatérales lorsque les valeurs européennes se trouvent mise en causeThe French-Moroccan agreements of October, 5th 1957 and August, 10th 1981 establish the base of the bilateral cooperation between French and Moroccan States in the field of private international family law. Negotiated several decades ago, they have for objective to guarantee to the nationals of both States the application of their personal status on the territory of the other State and to insure the protection of the children and the maintenance creditors. These conventions however came up against the differences existing between the French and Moroccan legal orders. The increasing Europeanisation of the private international family law invites to wonder about the place left by European laws for the application of the French-Moroccan bilateral agreements. The applicability of the French-Moroccan conventions is put to a test by the increasing influence of the European regulations articulated with the Hague Conference’s conventions. When they are applicable, the French-Moroccan agreements are submitted even there to European laws. Then, the influence of European law can serve the conventional objectives and carry the French-Moroccan agreements towards more efficiency, or bend the bilateral obligations when the European values are questioned
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Bachaalany, Dolly. "L'impact de l'argent et du pouvoir sur les journaux au Liban ( Etude de cas : An-Nahar, Ad-Diyar, Al Mustaqbal, Al Akhbar )." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020091.
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Le Liban jouit de la liberté de la presse qui le distingue des autres pays de la région, mais les journaux se sont transformés après la guerre, et plus particulièrement après l'accord de Taëf en 1989; de quotidiens objectifs « défendant l'unité du pays et de son peuple », en « une arme pour alimenter le feu de la discorde entre ses fils ». Cette division s'est reflétée plus clairement après l'assassinat de Rafic Hariri en 2005, où le Liban s'est divisé en deux grandes parties, sur une base sectaire et dogmatique (Sunnite- chiite et les chrétiens étaient répartis sur les deux communautés). Ainsi furent crées les deux forces de 8 et 14 Mars, en concurrence sur tout, du pouvoir et les postes jusqu'à la domination des médias afin de promouvoir la ligne politique des dirigeants de chacune d'entre elles. Les journaux étaient tellement influencés par cette partition, et au lieu de jouer leur rôle dans la transmission de la vérité, ils sont devenus un miroir qui reflétait les différences des politiciens. Les principales raisons de ce biais furent abordées par cette étude qui a révélé l’influence du pouvoir sur eux, et cela à travers l’analyse du contenu de 21 événements importants qui ont eu lieu au cours de 22 ans, dans quatre quotidiens : An-Nahar, Ad-Diyar, Al Mustaqbal et Al Akhbar. Cette étude a montré aussi l’hégémonie de l'argent sur ces journaux et leur besoin permanent d'un financement supplémentaire, afin de survivre. Et comment les journaux foliaires feront face aujourd'hui au risque de disparition après la concurrence avec la presse électronique ? Cette thèse aide ainsi à comprendre les mutations de la presse entre conditions politiques et changements techniquesLebanon enjoys the freedom of the press that distinguishes him from other countries in the region, but the newspapers have been transformed after the war (between the Muslims and the Christians), and specifically after the Taif Agreement in 1989, from “objective and defending the unity of the country” to “a new weapon to raise the fire of strife between his sons”. This split was more clearly reflected after the assassination of Rafic Hariri in 2005 as Lebanon broke in two parts, but this time on a sectarian and doctrinal basis (Sunni-Shiite and the Christians were distributed over the two communities).The parties 8 and 14 March arose, competing on everything; starting by the powers and the positions arriving to the domination of the media in order to promote the political line of the leaders of both of them. The newspapers were much affected by this division, and instead of playing their role in the transmission of the truth, they became a mirror reflecting the politician’s differences. The main reasons of this bias were addressed by this study, showing the effect of this power on them, and this through the analysis of the content of 21 important events, taking place over 22 years, in four daily newspapers: An-Nahar, Ad- Diyar, Al Mustaqbal and Al Akhbar. It showed also the dominance of money and the need of the newspapers for a permanent additional funding, despite the advertising revenues and the high turnover in the holiday seasons, in order to survive. And how foliar newspapers today will face the risk of extinction after the competition with digital media? This thesis helps to understand the changes of the press between political and technical conditions change
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Marolla, Eugenia Cristina Cleto. "O equilíbrio econômico-financeiro nas concessões regidas pela Lei nº 8.987/95." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/8963.
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Previous issue date: 2010-05-19The use of concessions for the provision of public services is a tool that has been widely employed by the Local, State and Federal Governments. Through them the State transfer the provision of a public service to a third party, which will perform it at its own risk and being paid for such services. Therefore, the concession encompasses two conflicting interests: on one side the State interests for a suitable service provision and, on the other side, the private interests in profiting through rendering the service. The balance between both interests results in a economic-financial equation, a tool that can guarantee the relationship maintenance, among the benefits and duties agreed by the parties, and which they view as ideal for the attainment of their interests and which should be kept throughout the whole necessarily-long performance of the contract. Nowadays, the maintenance of economic-financial balance stands out in face of the increasing risks and of the need for heavy fund allocation for making the concession viable, which demands luring investments in an extremely competitive market, which has been increasingly requiring greater guarantees. On the other hand, the problems brought forth by the breakdown of the economic-financial equation are the most frequent and stormy in the daily routine of public services concessions, often leading the parties to lengthy and costly litigations. Thus, the reflection on the principle of economic-financial balance and its adaptation to the present situation is necessary, and mainly after the enactment of Law 8.987/95, about the points that generate more questions and about the importance for the improvement of tools for preventing disputes, such as planning, straightforward well-prepared agreement clauses and the performance of ordinary and extraordinary reviews. This paper aims at portraying that legal security creates a virtuous circle concerning the concession agreements, thus being the maintenance of the economic-financial balance mandatory for the accomplishment of this purpose
A utilização da concessão para a prestação dos serviços públicos é instrumento que vem sendo utilizado em larga escala pelos governos Municipal, Estadual e Federal. Por meio dela, o Estado transfere a prestação de um serviço público a terceiro, que o executará por sua conta e risco, remunerando-se por meio da exploração do serviço. A concessão abriga, portanto, dois objetivos contrapostos: de um lado, o interesse do Estado na prestação de um serviço adequado; de outro, o intento do particular em obter lucro com a prestação do serviço. O equilíbrio desses dois interesses resulta na equação econômico-financeira, ferramenta apta a garantir a manutenção da relação entre as vantagens e obrigações acordadas pelas partes, tida por elas como ideais para a consecução de seus objetivos. Esse equilíbrio deve ser mantido durante toda a execução, necessariamente longa, do contrato. Na atualidade, a manutenção do equilíbrio econômico-financeiro ganha relevo ante ao incremento dos riscos e da necessidade de grandes aportes de recursos para a viabilização da concessão. A consecução dos deveres do Estado demanda a atração de investimentos elevados, implicando na exigência da outorga de garantias maiores para que o capital particular seja atraído para esse fim. Os litígios decorrentes da quebra da equação econômico-financeira são dos mais recorrentes e tormentosos no dia a dia das concessões de serviços públicos, levando as partes, não raramente, a longas e custosas disputas judiciais. Por essa razão, faz-se necessária a reflexão sobre o princípio do equilíbrio econômico-financeiro e sua conformação na atualidade, principalmente após a edição da Lei 8.987/95. Afigura-se imperativo o aperfeiçoamento de instrumentos de prevenção de litígios como o planejamento, a redação de cláusulas contratuais mais claras e bem elaboradas e a realização de revisões ordinárias e extraordinárias. Pretende-se mostrar, na presente dissertação, que a segurança jurídica cria um círculo virtuoso em relação aos contratos de concessão e a manutenção do equilíbrio econômico-financeiro mostra-se essencial para a efetivação desse intento
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Al, Habbaki Patricia. "Les incidences des politiques de commerce extérieur et de change sur les échanges commerciaux des pays du Mashrek (Liban, Syrie Jordanie et Egypte)." Thesis, Tours, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014TOUR1007/document.
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En dépit du renforcement de leur ouverture commerciale, le commerce extérieur des pays du Mashrek a presque toujours affiché des chiffres plutôt négatifs. Selon la littérature, l'ouverture commerciale est une des conditions permettant une croissance vigoureuse d'un pays. Néanmoins, la tendance constatée à la lumière des données du commerce de ces pays, traduirait une réalité alarmante. L'ouverture ne s'est pas traduite par une accélération des niveaux des investissements, ni par une création d'emplois. Est-ce que les politiques commerciales et de change menées par les pays du Mashrek sont responsables de cette persistance des déficits commerciaux ? Motivée par l’aggravation remarquable du solde de la balance commerciale libanaise survenue dans le profil global des échanges extérieurs du Liban, la présente recherche examine le comportement dynamique des exportations et importations libanaises en comparaison avec ses pays voisins (la Syrie, l’Egypte et la Jordanie) dans un contexte économique régional et international en mutation, en proposant une analyse empirique des déterminants des flux commerciaux ayant pour objet d’établir dans quelle mesure la politique commerciale et de change seraient responsables des faits stylisés observésDespite the strengthening of their commercial openness, the Mashreq countries trade has rather always displayed negative results. According to the literature, opening up trade is one of the conditions leading to any country’s vigorous growth. Nevertheless, the trend found in the light of these countries’ trade data, indicates an alarming reality. The openness was neither translated into accelerated levels of investments nor created new job opportunities. Are the trade and exchange rate policies pursued by the Mashreq countries responsible for this persistence in trade deficits ? Motivated by outstanding worsening deflection of the trade balance in the overall Lebanese external trade profile, the current research examines the dynamic behavior of the Lebanese exports and imports compared to its neighboring countries (Syria, Egypt, and Jordan) in a regional and international changing economic context. An empirical analysis of the trade flows determinants was adopted in order to establish to what extent the trade and Exchange policies would be responsible for the observed stylized facts
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Ciszek, Océane. "Les relations culturelles franco-roumaines de 1878 à 1965." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON30064.
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Ce travail de recherches dans divers centres d‟archives (Paris, Nantes, Bucarest, Genève) réalise une synthèse des relations culturelles franco-roumaines de 1878 à 1965. Il s‟agit de comprendre, comment la France affaiblie après 1870 est plus que jamais considérée par l‟élite roumaine comme sa « grande soeur latine ». Puis, forte de cette reconnaissance, comment elle institutionnalise sa propagande culturelle dans la Grande Roumanie (1919-1939) pour oeuvrer aux côtés des Roumains à la latinisation des territoires annexés, et parvient à la signature de l‟accord culturel de mars 1939 dans l‟environnement hostile des régimes fasciste et nazi. La dernière période de 1940 à 1965 traite des aléas de ces relations : maintien difficile des OEuvres françaises durant la guerre, renouveau espéré des échanges de 1944 à 1947, jusqu‟à la dénonciation de l‟accord en 1948 par la Roumanie sous tutelle soviétique. Suit une traversée du désert qui aboutit avec peine au nouvel accord de 1965. Tout au long de cette période, la culture française s‟enrichie au contact des intellectuels et artistes roumains dont les oeuvres entrent dans le patrimoine français. L‟auteure de la thèse fait découvrir son trisaïeul roumain, le peintre Mihai Simonidi (1872-1933), à partir des archives familiales. Arrivé en France en 1892, il acquiert une certaine renommée auprès du Tout-Paris à l‟occasion de l‟Exposition Universelle de 1900 ainsi qu‟auprès de l‟élite bucarestoise. Peintre de nus, de marines et de fresques magistrales dont certaines décorent encore l‟intérieur de bâtiments bucarestois, il réalise également des portraits de célébrités françaises du monde artistique et littéraire et de politiques roumainsThis study of Franco-Rumanian cultural relations between 1878 and 1965 is the fruit of research carried out in a number of archive centres (Paris, Nantes, Bucharest and Geneva). Its objective is to understand why France, in its weakened state after the 1870 war, was nevertheless considered by the Romanian elite as its „older sister‟. The author then examines how France used its position to institutionalise its cultural propaganda in „Grand Romania‟ (1919-1939), working alongside Romanians to spread its influence to the annexed territories, and how a cultural agreement was signed in March 1939 despite the hostile environment created by the fascist and Nazi regimes. Relations were unsettled during the final period (1940 to 1965), with the struggle to retain French works of art during the war, the promising exchanges in the immediate after-war years, and the termination of the agreement in 1948 by Soviet-controlled Romania. After a barren period a new agreement was signed in 1965. Throughout the period French culture was enriched by its contact with Romanian intellectuals and artists whose works were integrated into France‟s cultural heritage. The author uses family records to tell the story of her Romanian ancestor, the artist Mihai Simonidi (1872-1933). After arriving in France in 1892, he exhibited at the Universal Exhibition of 1900 and gained a certain reputation amongst the Paris and Bucharest elite. Well-known for his nudes, marine scenes and murals, some of which can still be seen in buildings in Bucharest, he also painted the portraits of famous French artists and writers and Romanian politicians of the time
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"Zimbabwe : van Lancasterhuis tot onafhanklikheid, Desember 1979 tot April 1980." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/12621.
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Mangham, Dana M. ""Elusive agreement": The Sporazum of 1939 and the Serb-Croat dispute in the context of European crisis (Yugoslavia)." Thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/13644.
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The Sporazum (Agreement) of 1939 sought to unify Yugoslavia against the threat of foreign aggression by establishing a basis for the resolution of the Croatian question. It failed to achieve its immediate goal of Yugoslav unity because it proved a flawed mechanism for the fundamental reorganization of the state. The agreement's tentative provisions for resolving the interdependent problems of state organization, territorial demarcation, and free parliamentary elections provided no adequate basis for their consensual resolution. In actuality, however, the Sporazum's provisional nature did not cause the ensuing impasse so much as it resulted from the gridlock of conflicting goals which marked the previous century of Serbian and Croatian national development.
The very real danger of Axis attack played a major role in the Sporazum's development and eventual failure; however, the foreign threat is more correctly viewed as one agent of the agreement's failure, rather than as its root cause.
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Chinyama, Grace. "The impact of the precautionary principle and the SPS agreement on international trade." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/10939.
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WTO Agreements have failed to adequately cater for the needs of developing countries. The WTO Agreements, particularly the SPS Agreements has failed to take into account the special needs of developing and least developing countries and clearly their interests have received no representation in the Agreement. Instead of reducing the negative impact of the SPS measures, the Agreement itself has become a barrier to trade. The problems of its implementation inclusive of the expertise, the high costs of conformity, lack of infrastructure and adequate resources have created further restrictions for exporters in international commerce. The failure to adequately deal with the implementation problems of developing countries is evident in the stalemate that culminated at the Doha Ministerial Conference which has extended for over a decade. Perhaps the future of African developments lies in regional agreements, since it is clear that the multilateral trading system has failed. Whereas some scholars are of the view that Article 5.7 of the Agreement should be used as model for the precautionary principle. The principle is highly controversial and does not even have a universal definition; its application might prove to be highly problematic. However the trade-environment debate has already taken center stage in the WTO jurisprudence, suggesting possibly the emergence of an Agreement to that effect. One however can only wonder whether in including the trade-environment debate under the ambit of the WTO when clearly it has failed to deal with issues and concerns’ relating to trade only, might be biting much more than it can chew.Thesis (LL.M.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.
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Hofman, Lukáš. "Státoprávní změny v ČSR v letech 1938-1939." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-309730.
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This work deals with legal aspects of changes in Czechoslovakia in 1938-1939. Firstly, it outlines the historical background and relationships that were being formed during the First Republic. It further deals, in particular, with the constitutional development in course of so-called Munich crisis, i.e. describes plans for rebuilding of Czechoslovakia, as well as adopted measures and the Munich agreement itself that led to reduction of the territory of the state and liquidation of its political and economic independence. It also deals with development of the Second, post-Munich Republic from both internal and international perspective. Regarding internal changes, it points out to creation of autonomous lands, election of president Hácha, adoption of Enabling Act and elections to autonomous assemblies. To make the picture complete, several issues regulated on level of ordinary acts are chosen that demonstrate a shift from principles of humanism and democracy. A part devoted to the international development depicts territorial losses in favor of neighboring countries, effort to obtain guarantees of borders, as well as it mentions forms of forced cooperation with Germany. The end of the work deals with disintegration of the state, i.e. declaration of Slovak independence and invasion in the Czech lands...
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Benda, Jan. ""Do vlasti z vlasti emigrují a zpátky zase ..." Migrace z okupovaného pohraničí ve druhé republice." Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311334.
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Jan Benda "The homeland of the country emigrate and back again…" The Migration from the occupied borderland in the time of Second Republic (1938-1939) Supervisor:PhDr. Jan Gebhart, CSc. DSc. Abstract The thesis deals with raw yet comprehensively, covering theme: migration from the border area of Czechoslovakia, which was ceded to Germany as a result of the decision in Munich and to Poland on the basis of Polish ultimatum. Introductory chapters are trying to find answers to questions concerning the origins and the beginning of the refugee problem, which could be sought in the growth of antisemitism in the spring of 1938. In the autumm, after a coup attempt Henlein's people left border in addition to the German anti-fascists, Jews and Czechs. Already during the phased resigning border migration flows greatly abounded, which were both due to the increase in negative behavior and conduct the "Henlein's" people (some of members of Henlein's Party-SdP) against German anti-fascists, Jews and Czechs, as well as specific measures Nazi regime restricting the living conditions of the population of the occupied territories. Many of these people were victims of violence and sometimes expulsion. The structure of the migrant population includes all employee categories, ie only poses a "withdrawal" of state employees to...
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Kao, Shih-Ming, and 高世明. "The Impacts of the 1995 UN Fish Stocks Agreement and the Code of Conduct for Responsible Fisheries to the Development and Decision-Making of Regional Fisheries Management Organizations." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/17938628525713597109.
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碩士國立臺灣海洋大學
海洋資源管理研究所
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Taiwan is a leading deep-sea fishing nation in the world. However, due to the evolution of international fisheries legal regime and the rising of regional fisheries management organizations (RFMOs), Taiwanese deep-sea fisheries are facing more limitations than ever. Meanwhile, the changes of international fisheries legal regime not only affect State behaviors in international fisheries, but also make RFMOs become the most important actors for the conservation and management of high seas fisheries resources. The relationship of these two objects, namely the international fisheries legal regime and the RMFOs, as well as the impacts and their level and scope between the two, is vital for us to study, especially when Taiwan is a leading fishing nation. The objective of this study is to “analyze the impacts of international fisheries legal instruments to the development and decision-making of regional fisheries management organizations”. This study selects the 1995 UN Fish Stocks Agreement (UN FSA) and the 1995 UN FAO Code of Conduct for Responsible Fisheries (CCRF), both adopted with the UN system, as the two international instruments, selecting the new elements as yardstick, substantiating the impacts of these two instruments to the development and decisions of RFMOs, analyzing if the phenomenon of paradigm shift even occurred in RFMOs before and after 1995, and discussing the meanings of these this phenomenon. Although the organizational characteristics among the six selected RFMOs are not the same, this study shows that the development and decisions of these organizations were apparently influenced by the content and requirements of both the UN FSA and CCRF after their formal adoption, with only differences on the depth and scope of these influences. The RMFOs established at a later time or with less number of Members are greaterly affected by the UN FSA, while those established at an earlier time and with more Members or more closely associated with FAO are affected lesser by the UN FSA. With respect to the paradigm shift of RFMOs, this study shows that paradigm shift did have occurred within these RFMOs, and concludes the content and meanings of this paradigm shift as follows: first, the development and operation of regional organizations are influenced by the development of global organizations; second, the impacts to the development and decisions of these RFMOs by “soft laws” are not less than “hard laws”, sometimes the former even outweights the later; third, a new actor in international diplomacy emerges in the international law plane; fourth, treaties seem apply to the third parties, even with a tendency of intervening States’ internal affairs; finally, the freedom of fishing on the high seas is no longer existed under the existing operation of RFMOs. Keywords: international fisheries legal regime, regional fisheries management organizations (RFMOs), 1995 UN Fish Stocks Agreement (UN FSA), 1995 UN FAO Code of Conduct for Responsible Fisheries (CCRF), paradigm shift, soft law, fishing entities.
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Lein, Cornelia. "Die Beziehungen beider deutscher Staaten zu Israel, 1949-1963." Doctoral thesis, 2005. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A28787.
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Das vorliegende Werk stellt eine zweibändige quellengestützte Analyse und einen Vergleich der Beziehungen beider deutscher Staaten zu Israel unterhalb der Schwelle der Aufnahme diplomatischer Beziehungen während der Jahre 1949 bis 1963 dar.
Dazu wurden in den Archiven Quellen aus den Beständen aller drei Staaten gesichtet.
Die Rahmenbedingungen für die bundesdeutsche und ostdeutsche Israelpolitik, welche sich aus dem Kalten Krieg herleiteten, werden ebenso aufgezeigt, wie die besondere moralische Verantwortung beider deutscher Saaten gegenüber Israel sowie Israels spezifische Stellung im nahöstlichen Staatensystem.
Neben den militärischen, wissenschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Kontakten zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Israel stehen auch die Kontakte zwischen der DDR und MAKI im Zentrum des Interesses.