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Journal articles on the topic '1967 Arab-Israeli War'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Peri, Yoram. "Finally, Militarism Is a Legitimate Term." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 2 (2020): 122–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350208.

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David Greenblum, From the Heroism of the Spirit to the Sanctification of Power: Power and Heroism in Religious Zionism between 1948 and 1968 (Tel Aviv: Open University, 2016). Uri S. Cohen, The Security Style and the Hebrew Culture of War (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 2017). Dan Arev, Dying to Watch: War, Memory, and Television in Israel 1967–1991 (Tel Aviv: Resling, 2017). Dalia Gavriely-Nuri, Tel Aviv Was Also Once an Arab Village: The Normalization of the Territories in Israeli Discourse, 1967 (Cambridge, MA: Israel Academic Press, 2017). Nitza Ben-Dov, The Life of War: On the Military, Rev

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Rumyantsev, V. P. "The Six-Day War of 1967: Folk Myths and “Battles of Historians”." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 6(116) (December 18, 2020): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-09.

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The article analyzes the role and influence of folk and historical myths on the process of forming the historical memory towards the Arab-Israeli war of 1967, which was one of the most significant events in international life in the Middle East. The disputes of historians about the causes, nature and consequences of this war create their own field of discussion. When the wars waged by the armies cease, other wars waged by historians begin. These wars are directly related to the creation of national identity and the formation of historical memory. The disputes of historians about the Six-Day Wa

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3

Belousova, K. "“Oil Weapon” in the Third and Fourth Arab-Israeli Wars." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2010): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-2-47-56.

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In the modern world, energetic base materials, and especially petroleum connections, with their hubs, streams and directions, are much closer than economic ties. The history of relationship between oil-producing countries and the leading powers of the West became especially vivid during the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973. The attempts of "petroleum weapon" employment in 1967, under the weight of radical Arab regimes and local population against the U.S. and West-European countries (Israel's allies), failed owing to a two-faced position of Saudi Arabia and other oil-producing Arab countries

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Kolander, Kenny. "The 1967 Arab–Israeli war: Soviet policy by other means?" Middle Eastern Studies 52, no. 3 (2016): 402–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2015.1084294.

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Shafer Raviv, Omri. "Studying an Occupied Society: Social Research, Modernization Theory and the Early Israeli Occupation, 1967–8." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 1 (2018): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418785688.

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In the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza Strip from Jordan and Egypt, and established a long-lasting military regime over their Palestinian population. In this article, recently declassified sources and published reports were used to demonstrate how the Israeli government initiated and funded academic research on Palestinian society to gain reliable, useful knowledge to inform its policies. The Israeli leadership was most specifically concerned with pacification of the occupied population, the Arab/Jewish demographic balance, and the status of the 1948 Palestinian r

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6

Popp, Roland. "Stumbling Decidedly into the Six-Day War." Middle East Journal 60, no. 2 (2006): 281–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/194034606783996500.

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In the historiography of the 1967 War, the common reading is to portray it as an "inadvertent war." Using recently declassified documents, this article offers an alternative interpretation. In critically examining existing master plan theories, it is shown that the United Arab Republic's (UAR) military actions were limited in size and were without aggressive intentions. The Israeli decision to strike was taken not for military reasons but rather to prevent a diplomatic solution which might have entailed disadvantages for the Israeli side.

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KARAM, JOHN TOFIK. "On the Trail and Trial of a Palestinian Diaspora: Mapping South America in the Arab–Israeli Conflict, 1967–1972." Journal of Latin American Studies 45, no. 4 (2013): 751–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x13001156.

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AbstractCentred around a May 1970 shooting at the Israeli embassy in Asunción, this article traces a chain of actions and reactions that began with Israel's victory in the Six-Day War in June 1967 and ended after the June 1972 verdict of a Paraguayan court regarding two Palestinians. Situated among Israeli officials, Palestinian refugees and Syrian-Lebanese elites, authoritarian Paraguay was not only encompassed by but also accommodated the post-1967 Arab–Israeli conflict, revealing the connection between the ‘areas’ of South America and the Middle East through ideas about relocating Palestini

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Reifer, Thomas. "The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Origins & Consequences, and The Six-Day War & Israeli Self-Defense." Journal of Palestine Studies 42, no. 4 (2013): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.42.4.95.

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9

Jackson, Galen. "The Johnson Administration and Arab-Israeli Peacemaking after June 1967." Middle East Journal 74, no. 2 (2020): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/74.2.12.

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Following the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, the United States took a relatively passive approach to Middle East peacemaking. The passivity shown by the administration of President Lyndon Johnson stemmed primarily from its belief that the Arab states had failed to make reasonable proposals for an agreement and from the White House's awareness that pressuring Israel would likely have significant domestic political consequences. Thus, even though it felt the need to press Israel to withdraw to prewar boundaries as part of a settlement, the administration made little effort to achieve an agreement on tha

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Geer, Benjamin. "PROPHETS AND PRIESTS OF THE NATION: NAGUIB MAHFOUZ'SKARNAK CAFÉAND THE 1967 CRISIS IN EGYPT." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 4 (2009): 653–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809990110.

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This quote from a character in the 1974 novelAl-Karnak(Karnak Café) by Nobel laureate Naguib Mahfouz (1911–2006) sums up the reaction of millions of people in Egypt and the Arab world to the June 1967 Arab–Israeli war. Why did this war shatter their worldviews? A military defeat may occur for purely military reasons, in this case the better preparation of Israeli troops. Why should it cast doubt on a whole way of life? The answer to this question lies in the social and cognitive structure of nationalism, which I examine in a moment of crisis, after the 1967 war, when it became necessary for na

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Cohen, Raymond. "Intercultural communication between Israel and Egypt: deterrence failure before the Six-Day War." Review of International Studies 14, no. 1 (1988): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113415.

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Can cultural differences between states affect the chances of success of deterrence strategy? If so, what differences are relevant and how do they influence outcomes? The following paper seeks to suggest some answers to these questions in the context of a discussion of the crisis that preceded the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.

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Kahan, Emmanuel Nicolás. "Progressive Jews in Argentina and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Stances on the Six-Day War (1967)." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 3 (2019): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19828736.

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Since the 1947 United Nations resolution on the partition of Palestine and, subsequently, the Israeli Declaration of Independence in 1948, the Israeli-Palestinian issue has played a powerful role in Argentine public space that has not found a concomitant response in academia. The stance with regard to the 1967 Six-Day War taken by an institution that promotes itself as representative of progressive Argentine Jews, the Idisher Cultur Farband (Argentine Federation of Jewish Cultural Institutions—ICUF), undermined certain meanings, ties of solidarity, and modes of representation held by a diversi

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Shtaiwi, Muhammad M. "The 1967 Arab-Israeli War And Its Repercussions On The Palestinian National Project." Strategy International Journal of Middle East Research 2, no. 2 (2020): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29329/ijmer.2020.245.4.

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Elbahtimy, Hassan. "Missing the mark: Dimona and Egypt's slide into the 1967 Arab-Israeli War." Nonproliferation Review 25, no. 5-6 (2018): 385–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10736700.2018.1559482.

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Kaufman, Asher. "BETWEEN PERMEABLE AND SEALED BORDERS: THE TRANS-ARABIAN PIPELINE AND THE ARAB–ISRAELI CONFLICT." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (2014): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381300130x.

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AbstractThe Trans-Arabian Pipeline (Tapline), which extended from Dhahran in Saudi Arabia to Zahrani in Lebanon and operated from 1950 to 1982, was haunted by the Arab–Israeli conflict throughout the years of its operation. The route of the pipeline—which traversed Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon—was chosen so as to circumvent Palestine/Israel. However, following the Israeli occupation of the Golan Heights in the 1967 war, Israel became an active participant in this project, with the full consent of the transit states and Egypt. This article uses Tapline as a means to analyze the inte

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جبريل, أمجد أحمد. "التسوية العربية - الإسرائيلية : خمسون عاما على حرب 1967 = Arab - Israeli Political Settlement : 50 Years since 1967 War". مجلة دراسات شرق أوسطية 21, № 80 (2017): 13–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0039160.

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Sayigh, Yezid. "Escalation or Containment? Egypt and the Palestine Liberation Army, 1964–67." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 1 (1998): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065582.

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Three decades later, the circumstances that led to the Arab–Israeli war of June 1967 bare again the subject of scholarly attention as the end of the Cold War and the release of official documents in the United States, Soviet Union, Britain, and Israel have allowed surviving participants to compare notes and made possible the detailed reconstruction of decision-making in those states. Much of this historiography has focused on the critical two months immediately preceding the start of hostilities, giving rise to broad agreement that Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser “stumbled into the crisi

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Dakwar, Jamil. "People without Borders for Borders without People: Land, Demography, and Peacemaking under Security Council Resolution 242." Journal of Palestine Studies 37, no. 1 (2007): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.37.1.62.

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UN Security Council Resolution 242, drafted to deal with the consequences of the 1967 war, left the outstanding issues of 1948 unresolved. For the first time, new Israeli conflict-resolution proposals that are in principle based on 242 directly involve Palestinian citizens of Israel. This essay explores these proposals, which reflect Israel's preoccupation with maintaining a significant Jewish majority and center on population and territorial exchanges between Israeli settlements in the West Bank and heavily populated Arab areas inside the green line. After tracing the genesis of the proposals

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Reich, Bernard. "Menachem Klein. Jerusalem: The Contested City. New York: New York University Press (in association with the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies), 2001. viii, 363 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 2 (2005): 396–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405390179.

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Jerusalem is an ancient venue that has been not only a symbol of peace and a focus of religious belief but also a city of dispute. For centuries, indeed millennia, it has been a magnet for conflict between diverse groups with divergent religious interests and others with competing political and/or national claims. It is sacred to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam and claimed as a national capitol by both Israelis and Palestinian Arabs. Since the mid-1950s it has been a central issue of the Arab–Israeli conflict that emerged to be even more problematic after the Six Day War of 1967, in which Isr

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Farsakh, Leila. "Understanding 50 Years of Israeli Occupation of Palestinian Land." Review of Middle East Studies 52, no. 2 (2018): 369–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2018.89.

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The year 2017 was important for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, commemorating both the centennial of the Balfour Declaration and the fiftieth anniversary of the 1967 war. That war, which resulted in Israel's defeat of three Arab armies and its occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights, transformed the politics of the Middle East. According to UN Security Council Resolution 242, issued in November 1967, the occupation was illegal: Israel would have to withdraw from the territories it occupied if it were to achieve peace with its neighbors. In internat

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Elbahtimy, Hassan. "Allies at arm’s length: Redefining Egyptian–Soviet relations in the 1967 Arab–Israeli war." Journal of Strategic Studies 42, no. 1 (2018): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2018.1438893.

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Rudd, Gordon W. "The Israeli Revisionist Historians and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Part Two: From the 1967 War to the Present." Journal of Military History 68, no. 1 (2004): 225–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0409.

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Kurtulus, Ersun N. "The Notion of a “pre-emptive War:” the Six Day War Revisited." Middle East Journal 61, no. 2 (2007): 220–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.2.12.

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The article presents a critical assessment of the widespread conceptualization of the June 1967 War between Israel and its neighboring Arab states as a pre-emptive war both in academic and non-academic writing. Tracing the origins of the notion of pre-emptive war to international law, the article identifies three necessary conditions for such a war to be classified as pre-emptive: acute crisis combined with high alert levels; vulnerable offensive weapons; and strategic parity as regards to offensive capabilities. On the basis of a re-interpretation of the evidence produced by previous research

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Krylov, A. V. "The problem of the status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem and its impact on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-67-82.

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This article focuses on the legal status of Jerusalem - one of the most complex and debated issues of international law and international politics. Before the establishment of Israel in 1948, over the centuries in the Ottoman period and the years of the British Mandate there was no legally binding bilateral or international treaty that would clearly define the legal status of Jerusalem. However, both the Turkish authorities and the British administration in Palestine preceding from the fact that Jerusalem is the center of three world religions, fully ensured of the rights of believers of all c

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Shlay, Anne B., and Gillad Rosen. "Making Place: The Shifting Green Line and the Development of “Greater” Metropolitan Jerusalem." City & Community 9, no. 4 (2010): 358–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6040.2010.01344.x.

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This paper is about place making in Jerusalem, an important city at the heart of the Palestinian–Israeli conflict. It examines how place making in Jerusalem has had the consequence of shifting what is known as the Green Line. the Green Line represents the armistice or ceasefire boundaries following the end of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. Development of different parts of captured territories after the 1967 War has shifted and rendered unstable perceptions of the Green Line and has wreaked havoc with prevailing conceptions over what constitutes Jerusalem. Symbolic and social boundary reconstructi

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Saad, Radwa. "Reconciling Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism: The North African Leadership Dilemma." Leadership and Developing Societies 3, no. 1 (2019): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.47697/lds.3436100.

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The purpose of this research to examine the challenges Arab leaders face in simultaneously adhering to Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism and extract conditions in which the two ideologies can be reconciled to produce mutual benefits. This study poses the question: what strategies do North-African leaders deploy to balance their Pan-Arab and Pan-African commitments and what repercussions do these strategies have on the state of Arab-African relations? By drawing on two scenarios where Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism conflicted, namely the 1967-1979 Arab-Israeli Conflict and the 2011 Libyan civil wa

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Nassar, Maha. "Palestinian Engagement with the Black Freedom Movement prior to 1967." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.17.

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This article examines early Palestinian engagements with multiple facets of the Black American struggle for freedom through a content analysis of influential Palestinian press outlets in Arabic prior to 1967. It argues that, since the 1930s, Palestinian intellectuals with strong anti-colonial views linked anti-Black racism in the United States to larger imperial and Cold War dynamics, and that they connected Black American mobilizations against racism to decolonization movements around the world. This article also examines Mahmoud Darwish's early analytical writings on race as a social constru

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Einhorn, Talia. "Restitution of Archaeological Artifacts: The Arab-Israeli Aspects." International Journal of Cultural Property 5, no. 1 (1996): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739196000252.

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SummarySince the second half of the last century, public international law has been developing rules regulating the restitution of cultural objects removed from occupied territories during armed conflict. Today it is generally recognized that customary international law forbids pillage. The Protocol to the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict further mandates that artifacts removed from an occupied territory must be returned to the competent authorities of that territory at the close of hostilities. The Arab-Israeli case highlights the pr

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Rudd, Gordon W. "The Israeli Revisionist Historians and the Arab-Israeli Conflict--Part One: From the Founding of Zionism to the 1967 War." Journal of Military History 67, no. 4 (2003): 1263–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0330.

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Srour, Soha. "Forty Years after the War of June 1967." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 4 (2007): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i4.1529.

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On 5 June 2007, the fortieth anniversary of the Six Day War and the Israelioccupation of Palestine, the Kay Spiritual Life Center hosted “Forty Yearsafter the War of June 1967: Is Israeli-Palestinian Peace Possible?” on thecampus of American University in Washington, DC. This panel featuredYuval Rabin (son of former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin; governing board,the Rabin Center), Amjad Atallah (president, Strategic Assessments Initiative),Aaron David Miller (public policy scholar, the Woodrow WilsonCenter), and Ziad Asali (president, American Task Force on Palestine; panelchair).Rabin opened b

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Epstein, Alek D. "The Lost Gambit: The Third War between Israel and Egypt, its Causes and Lessons." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (2019): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-161-179.

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Yevgeny Maximovich Primakov knew the Middle East so well as, perhaps, nobody else in Russia did: he worked in Cairo from 1965 till 1969 and visited the city regularly after that period of time. He was personally acquainted with all of the highest representatives of Egyptian political and military elite. He had visited Israel multiple times since August, 1971. Five PrimeMinisters of the Jewish state (Golda Meir, Yitzhak Rabin, Menachem Begin, Shimon Peres, Benjamin Netanyahu) were his interlocutors in different years. Whatever views and powers he had in different years of his extremely intensiv

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Jubeh, Nazmi. "The Bab al-Rahmah Cemetery: Israeli Encroachment Continues Unabated." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 1 (2018): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.48.1.88.

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In this brief report, the preeminent Palestinian expert on the archaeology of Jerusalem, Nazmi Jubeh, recapitulates the history of the city's three major Muslim burial grounds, particularly the Bab al-Rahmah cemetery. After outlining the millennial history of the cemetery, Jubeh places the assaults on Bab al-Rahmah, and the desecration of other Muslim cemeteries, in the context of Israel's efforts to Judaize Jerusalem—a policy that has been under way since the occupation of the eastern sector of the city during the June 1967 war. Jubeh reflects on decades of such Israeli efforts to eliminate o

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Press-Barnathan, Galia. "Managing multiple identity challenges and the origins of Israeli national television (in Arabic)." Media, Culture & Society 41, no. 4 (2018): 449–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718781980.

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This article examines the intriguing decision of the Israeli government in the aftermath of the 1967 War to embark on a national television project that would be dominated by broadcasts in Arabic. Since actual broadcasts quickly ended up switching to Hebrew, this initial rationale has received little academic attention. Based on primary research, the article suggests that the original decision was driven by the desire of the State to address four identity challenges that it faced at the time: the challenge of delegitimation and hostile propaganda by the Arab world, the challenge of dealing wit

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Bin Zakariah, Muhamad Hasrul. "Britain and the Arab-Israel Conflict: Questioning the Motives Behind Continued Aid to 1967 Palestinian Refugees." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 5, no. 1 (2008): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v5i1.31.

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British involvement in Middle East politics can be traced to long before the First World War when its economic and strategic interests appeared to be the main reason for the involvement. The emergence of the newly created Israeli state, following the Balfour Declaration, marked the beginning of the Palestinian refugee crisis. Between 1948 and 1956, historical liability and obligation forced the British to be involved in providing humanitarian aid to the Palestinian refugees. British involvement in the Suez Crisis later in 1956, was a tragedy for British influence in the Middle East. Many schol

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Baig, Hamzah. "“Spirit in Opposition”." Social Text 37, no. 3 (2019): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-7585050.

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Contemporary political events in Palestine and the United States have drawn renewed interest in the long history of militant Black-Palestinian solidarity. Although many historical accounts typically begin in the post-1967 Arab-Israeli War moment with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and the Black Panthers in Algiers, this article traces a foundational period of Black radical coalition building with Palestine through Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam. In doing so, it privileges systems of intergenerational exchange and emphasizes the ways in which broader political developments, fr

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Nosenko, T. V. "ISRAELI HISTORIOGRAPHY ON SOVIET POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EASTERN WARS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 3 (13) (2020): 286–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-3-286-297.

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Soviet policy in the Middle Eastern conflict and, in particular, in the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967– 1973 present a topic that has been comprehensively studied in foreign, and, above all, in Israeli historiography. Although Israeli specialists, as a rule, approach the study of this complex phenomenon on the basis of the accepted academic methodology and analysis of rather contradictory sources, the monographs discussed in this article present the reader with a very one-sided and biased interpretation of the role of the Soviet state in this historical period. They refute the traditional version t

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Krylov, A. V. "Jewish extremist and terrorist organizations in Israel." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-1-99-115.

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This article is an extension of the research material published in the previous issue of the Journal “International Analytics” (2016, vol. 3 (17), p. 45–58), and focused on the activity of the Jewish paramilitary groups in Palestine before the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Originally the conspiratorial Jewish extremist organization opposed the policy of the Jewish immigration restraint which had been carried out by the socialist countries, especially the USSR. Some ultra-Orthodox groups, such as the Union of Zealots, used openly the terrorist methods in the struggle against the

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Rowe, Paul S. "Postponing Armageddon? Christian Zionist and Palestinian Christian Responses to the Problem of Peace." Chronos 28 (March 21, 2019): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v28i0.399.

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Of all the problems of peacemaking and peacebuilding in the modern international system, none is as contentious a matter of religion and identity as that of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The weight of spiritual significance and history has caused more than one author to expound upon the way religion has uniquely marked this land. Foreign interest and interference in the allocation of privileges and ownership in the region have led one recent analyst to bemoan the plight of this "much too promised land." (Miller 2008) In a history of the conflict written long before its descent into the first and

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Kelley, Robin D. G. "From the River to the Sea to Every Mountain Top: Solidarity as Worldmaking." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.69.

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This essay questions a key takeaway from the Ferguson/Gaza convergence that catalyzed the current wave of Black-Palestinian transnational solidarity: the idea that “equivalence,” or a politics of analogy based on racial or national identity, or racialized or colonial experience, is the sole or primary grounds for solidarity. By revisiting three recent spectacular moments involving Black intellectuals advocating for Palestine—Michelle Alexander's op-ed in the New York Times criticizing Israeli policies, CNN's firing of Marc Lamont Hill, and the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute's initial decisi

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Gandolfo, K. Luisa. "Jordanian Jerusalem." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 1 (2008): 110–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i1.1492.

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For centuries, Jerusalem has been revered as the holy site of Judaism, Christianity,and Islam; strategically coveted as a means to consolidate territorialgains; and conquered thirty-seven times between its foundation and thesequestering of its ancient hub by Israeli forces during the Six-Day War. Asthe region underwent significant change after World War II, the Holy Cityincreasingly became contested. While the Palestinians nurtured concernsregarding land sales and the escalating influx of Jewish settlers, their apprehension became lost amidst the tussle for authority between Transjordan,which

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Dalgaard, Nina Thorup, Safwat Y. Diab, Edith Montgomery, Samir R. Qouta, and Raija-Leena Punamäki. "Is silence about trauma harmful for children? Transgenerational communication in Palestinian families." Transcultural Psychiatry 56, no. 2 (2019): 398–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363461518824430.

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Style of family communication is considered important in the transgenerational transmission of trauma. This study had three aims: first, to identify the contents of family communication about past national trauma; second, to examine how parents’ current war trauma is associated with transgenerational communication; and third, to analyze the associations between transgenerational communication and children’s mental health, measured as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression and psychological distress. The study sample consisted of 170 Palestinian families in Gaza Strip, in which both m

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Brands, Hal, and David Palkki. "Saddam, Israel, and the Bomb: Nuclear Alarmism Justified?" International Security 36, no. 1 (2011): 133–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00047.

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Efforts to understand Saddam Hussein's strategic thought have long been hampered by the opacity and secrecy of the Baathist regime. Newly available, high-level Iraqi archival documentation demonstrates that in the late 1970s and early 1980s, Saddam viewed nuclear weapons through a fundamentally coercive, revisionist lens. He had long hoped to wage a grinding war of attrition against the Israeli state, and he believed that Iraqi acquisition of the bomb would neutralize Israeli nuclear threats, force the Jewish state to fight at the conventional level, and thereby allow Iraq and its Arab allies

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Urian, Dan. "The Image of the Arab in Israeli Theatre—from Competition to Exploitation (1912–1990)." Theatre Research International 17, no. 1 (1992): 46–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300015601.

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The Arab, as presented in plays of the early days of settlement, is linked by his manual labour to the land of his birth. He might be primitive and his encounter with the chalutzim may be necessary to improve his situation and show him how the world has progressed, but he is also an example to be copied for his sheer work capability. He is seen as a powerful competitor with the Jewish work-force, due both to his ability to be content with little and to his forced acceptance of meagre wages. Towards the end of this period and for several decades afterwards, the Arab was pushed aside into the fr

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CANNING, CHARLOTTE M. "If ‘The World Was Ruled by Artists’: The 1967 International Theatre Institute World Congress and Cold War Leadership." Theatre Research International 43, no. 2 (2018): 130–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883318000263.

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The Twelfth International Theatre Institute (ITI) World Congress met in New York City over 4–10 June 1967 at the same time as the Arab–Israeli War was taking place. This context very much framed the delegates’ debates over the idea of artists as national leaders. One panel in particular, The Responsibility of Theatre to the Progress of Society, on Friday 8 June, offered an opportunity for the delegates to wrestle with the concept. The participants focused on three key questions: how audiences were witnesses to national reinvention, how theatre could serve as a pedagogical form, and how the int

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Parker, Richard B., and George W. Gawrych. "The Albatross of Decisive Victory: War and Policy between Egypt and Israel in the 1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli Wars." Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (2000): 1219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677330.

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Cohen, Eliot A., and George W. Gawrych. "The Albatross of Decisive Victory: War and Policy between Egypt and Israel in the 1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli Wars." Foreign Affairs 80, no. 3 (2001): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050184.

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Monk, Daniel Bertrand. "“Welcome to Crisis!”: Notes for a Pictorial History of the Pictorial Histories of the Arab Israeli War of June 1967." Grey Room 7 (April 2002): 136–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152638102760104699.

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Duclos, Louis-Jean. "La « guerre d’usure » égypto-israélienne, 1968-1970." Études internationales 10, no. 1 (2005): 127–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700916ar.

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The « War of Attrition » constituted one of the crises of the ongoing Arab-Israeli confrontation. From March 8th 1969 Arab revendications for restoration by Israel of the territories lost in 1967 took, under Egyptian direction and the urging of the Palestinian movement, the form of a limited armed conflict. We postulate that the evolution of this crisis depended not only on the capabilities of the belligerents nor on the intervention of the superpowers but also on the objectives of the principal actors. Analysis of these objectives confirms the radical nature of the hostility between Egypt and

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Quandt, William B. "William Roger Louis and Avi Shlaim, eds., The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Origins and Consequences. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012. 325 pp." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 2 (2013): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00362.

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David, Steven R. "Fateful betrayal: how the reneging of an American commitment helped spark the 1967 War and shape the course of the Arab-Israeli conflict." Israel Affairs 27, no. 2 (2021): 225–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2021.1891499.

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