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Journal articles on the topic '1968 student movement'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Esbati, Amir. "The Student Movement of May 1968 and the Fine Art Students." ARTMargins 6, no. 3 (2017): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00193.

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This text introduces the translation of Amir Esbati's essay “The Student Movement [Revolt] of May 1968 and the Fine Art Students,” first published in Labour and Art in Tehran in 1980. In the midst of the Iranian Revolution political and aesthetic upheaval, Amir Esbati, a member of the Marxist Group 57 student organisation, observed the following in the local revue Labour and Art in December 1978: “The walls of the city have become like the pages of a popular history book, so specific that we can tell the date and time of each sign or inscription.” This introduction looks at the most powerful m

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2

Erlina, Terra. "PERANAN KESATUAN AKSI MAHASISWA INDONESIA DAN KESATUAN AKSI PELAJAR INDONESIA DALAM PROSES PERALIHAN KEPEMIMPINAN NASIONAL TAHUN 1965-1968." Jurnal Wahana Pendidikan 7, no. 1 (2020): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.25157/wa.v7i1.3253.

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Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan aksi mahasiswa indonesia dan kesatuan aksi pelajar indonesia dalam proses peralihan kepemimpinan nasional tahun 1965-1968. Perjuangan peranan aksi-aksi mahasiswa sebagai “pressure group” sangat besar. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu penelitian histori meliputi langkah-langkah sebagai berikut: (1). Heuristik (2). Kritik, (3). interpretasi (4). Historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Supersemar dan gerakan aksi mahasiswa telah membawa kemenangan bagi Orde Baru melalui proses konstitusional terhadap penyelewengan ideologi, poli

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3

Peterson, Abby. "Wounds That Never Heal: On Anselm Kiefer and the Moral Innocence of the West German Student Movements and the West German New Left." Cultural Sociology 6, no. 3 (2012): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749975512445427.

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The West German student movements, the student generation of Anselm Kiefer, were a part of the West German awakening as to their collective guilt for the atrocities committed in the Second World War – the Germans-as-perpetrators debate. They entered this debate with a proclamation of innocence, which Anselm Kiefer did not share. In this article I use the empirical lens of biography and the artistic performances of moral self-incrimination in order to understand the collective moral dilemmas posited by the West German students’ proclamation of innocence, their position to maintain a moral high

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Tyszka, Juliusz. "Student Theatre in Poland: Vehicles of Revolt, 1954–57 and 1968–71." New Theatre Quarterly 26, no. 2 (2010): 161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x10000291.

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Polish student theatre was a unique artistic movement in the Soviet post-war empire, with a liberty of expression unparalleled elsewhere in the Soviet bloc. As in every political system, in any country, its creators and its public were students and young intellectuals. These theatre-makers used the umbrella of the Polish Students' Union – a surprisingly democratic institution in a totalitarian political order – and all attempts at their repression were usually appeased by the activists of the student organization, often the friends and supporters of the theatre-makers. After the creation of th

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von der Goltz, Anna. "Other ’68ers in West Berlin: Christian Democratic Students and the Cold War City." Central European History 50, no. 1 (2017): 86–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917000024.

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AbstractMany of the most iconic moments of Germany's “1968” took place in the walled confines of West Berlin, the emblematic Cold War city often referred to as the “capital of the revolt.” Most accounts portray the events in West Berlin as having been characterized by confrontations between the leftist student movement, on the one hand, and a conservative press and generally hostile, older, urban population, on the other. This article rethinks and refines existing historiographical narratives of the 1968 student movement in West Berlin, as well as of West Berlin's place in the student movement

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Moreno, José G. "Third World Radicalism." Ethnic Studies Review 43, no. 3 (2020): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2020.43.3.73.

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This article examines the University of California at Berkeley Chicana/o Studies Movement between 1968 and 1975. The first section contextualizes how the Free Speech Movement (1964) and the Third World Liberation Front (1968–1969) set the stage for the advancement of Ethnic and Chicana/o Studies. The second section offers a historical examination of the Chicana/o Studies Movement and explains political conflicts between the university administration and their internal struggles. The final section examines the role of the El Grito publication and how it impacted the development of the Chicana/o

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Muñoz, Carlos. "The Chicano Movement: Mexican American History and the Struggle for Equality." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 17, no. 1-2 (2018): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341465.

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Abstract The Chicano/Chicana movement was a product of the global eruption that took place in 1968. A critical understanding of this movement requires that it be put into a historical context and theoretical framework of an indigenous people who were internally colonized by the expanding us Empire after the end of the us-Mexico War of 1846-48. Violent and nonviolent struggles took place prior to the 1960s over the issues of land, social justice, and civil rights. The first nonviolent and largest Mexican American mass protest in us history occurred in the Spring of 1968 in East Los Angeles, Cal

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Irene, Mordiglia. "La voce di Fanon. Letture italiane de I dannati della terra (1962-1971)." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 85 (February 2012): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2012-085009.

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The voice of Fanon. Italian readings of The Wretched of the Earth examines through related analyses, articles and essays published between 1962 and 1971. The key issue in the reception of the book, from the Italian Left parties (Pci, Psi) to the New Left of the student protest movement of 1968, was violence in its moral and political implications.

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9

Fichter, Madigan. "Yugoslav Protest: Student Rebellion in Belgrade, Zagreb, and Sarajevo in 1968." Slavic Review 75, no. 1 (2016): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.1.99.

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In June 1968, Yugoslav university students launched strikes and demonstrations condemning police brutality and university conditions and critiquing the apparent failure of self-managing socialism. The "June events" show that the demonstrators were active participants in a global movement but also heavily influenced by local context, practices, and ideas. Whereas Yugoslav youth engaged with, drew from, and ignored the activities of other student movements, authorities reacted to youth rebellion by insisting that the majority of the protesters were showing support for state policies and that the

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10

Trevizo, Dolores. "Between Zapata and Che." Social Science History 30, no. 2 (2006): 197–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013444.

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This research explains why Mexico's 1968 student movement ended in the massacre of hundreds of students, while the peasant revolts that followed won land reform from the state. I argue that because Mexico's presidents managed each movement with both repression and concessions, other factors beyond the state's political opportunity structure explain these sharply contrasting social movement outcomes. The evidence strongly suggests that while Mexico's version of authoritarianism increased the odds of repression, each movement's levels of organization, disruption, and framing strategies determine

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11

Montazami, Morad. "Introduction to Amir Esbati, “The Student Movement of May 1968 and the Fine Art Students”." ARTMargins 6, no. 3 (2017): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00192.

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This text introduces the translation of Amir Esbati's essay “The Student Movement [Revolt] of May 1968 and the Fine Art Students,” first published in Labour and Art in Tehran in 1980. In the midst of the Iranian Revolution political and aesthetic upheaval, Amir Esbati, a member of the Marxist Group 57 student organisation, observed the following in the local revue Labour and Art in December 1978: “The walls of the city have become like the pages of a popular history book, so specific that we can tell the date and time of each sign or inscription.” This introduction looks at the most powerful m

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12

Butler, Nicholas. "1968: Victorian anti-war movement gets an injection." Before/Now: Journal of the collaborative Research Centre in Australian History (CRCAH) 1, no. 1 (2019): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35843/beforenow.173265.

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When the 'baby-boomers' had reached university age, their understandings, habits and behaviours often collided with the political discourse of their parents' generation. By 1968, the Monash University Labor Club, fresh from its campaign to raise money for the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (NLF), had discarded the mantle of Labor reformism and set itself on a path of a radical communist activism that scorned the efforts of the Communist Party (CPA) to contain its enthusiasm. In concert with similarly leaning student clubs at the other two Victorian universities it turned its attent

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Samaddar, Ranabir. "Occupy College Street: Student Radicalism in Kolkata in the Sixties." Slavic Review 77, no. 4 (2018): 904–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.288.

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1968 saw a wave of protests and student radicalism in India, some of the tactics and issues of which were reminiscent of those in Europe and North America. The anti-imperialist theme was similarly strident, and the student and youth movement posed serious challenges to the old established Left, sharing traits of a global New Left agenda. The upsurge of post-independence radicalism in India, however, drew on different historical legacies, and exhibited many specific features, all of which culminated in the student and youth upsurge of 1968–69. In order to demonstrate the complex history and leg

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Maiwan, Mohammad. "GERAKAN MAHASISWA DALAM KEMELUT POLITIK DI MYANMAR: PERGULATAN MEWUJUDKAN KEBEBASAN." Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi 13, no. 2 (2014): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jimd.v13i2.6414.

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The dynamic of the student movement in Myanmar influenced by social and political factors. The emergence of their movement as a direct response of the condition of the nation. In the past involvement of student leaders in various organizations provide an important contribution to the emergence of anti-colonial movement, which culminated in independence in 1948. After independence student movement emerged as a moral force in correct of government policies. From the reign U Nu liberal democracy in 1948-1958, 1960-1962, and then under the military regime in 1958-1960 and 1962-2011, until under qu

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15

Hollowak, Thomas L. "Baltimore '68: Riots and Rebirth—The Building of a Digital Collection." Public Historian 31, no. 4 (2009): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.4.37.

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Abstract There are few secondary sources but much primary material in private and public collections related to the Baltimore Civil Disturbances of 1968. When the University of Baltimore decided to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of Dr. King's death, the aftermath of civil disturbances, and the rebirth that resulted, planners of the project that came to be known as Baltimore '68: Riots and Rebirth discussed making these resources available to a wide audience. The solution was the creation of a Web site, which includes news articles, transcripts of more than one hundred oral histories, col

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Holzer, Jerzy. "Triumf i kryzys komunizmu – 1968." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 18 (March 30, 2010): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2010.18.03.

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The events of 1968 were, in Europe, the last act of fascination with Communism while, simultaneously, its Soviet model was rejected and other varieties were popular. With the exception of Czechoslovakia, these events were also a generational movement, most of all a student one. The Communist social stipulations were combined with political demands aimed at implementing direct democracy. What was missing in the West, however, was the comprehension of the problems occurring in the Soviet block and a knowledge of the situation in the non-European Communist countries. In the East, on the other han

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Myerson, Sasha. "Global cyberpunk." Science Fiction Film & Television 13, no. 3 (2020): 363–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/sfftv.2020.21.

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This article examines the connections between 1960s student protests, particularly the occupation of the University of Tokyo in 1968-9, and 1980s cyberpunk film in Japan. I argue that these films, while critical of the student movement, aim to reclaim and transform the utopian spirit that motivated them. Using the global 1960s framework, I situate Japanese cyberpunk film within the wider debates of this decade, particularly those concerning personal liberation and affluence. Using Tom Moylan’s concept of the critical dystopia, I demonstrate that utopian thinking does not disappear after 1968 i

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Mendoza García, Jorge. "Memories and narratives of the student movement of 1968 in Mexico: after 50 years." Quaderns de Psicologia 21, no. 3 (2019): 1465. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/qpsicologia.1465.

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Bernhardt, Florian. "Redefining the “Ashura” Ritual in Iraq. - The Islamist Movement and the Student Processions (mawakib al-talaba) during 1966–1968." Anthropos 110, no. 1 (2015): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2015-1-63.

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20

Braun, Herbert. "Protests of Engagement: Dignity, False Love, and Self-Love in Mexico during 1968." Comparative Studies in Society and History 39, no. 3 (1997): 511–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500020740.

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A few thousand young Mexicans were standing together in large groups in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas at Tlatelolco in downtown Mexico City to remember the massacre which had brought the student movement of 1968 to a sudden end ten years before. Many turned their heads upward to the balcony of a residential building that faced the plaza to hear Carlos Monsiváis, a well-known intellectual who had savored the protests, tell them that they “no longer saw the state as a tyrannical and omnipresent father.” Still another ten years later, many of them, and others as well, read the words of Hugo Hiri

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21

MARSH, HAZEL. "‘Writing Our History in Songs': Judith Reyes, Popular Music and the Student Movement of 1968." Bulletin of Latin American Research 29 (March 2010): 144–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-9856.2009.00343.x.

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Brewster, Claire. "The Student Movement of 1968 and the Mexican Press: The Cases of Excélsior and Siempre!" Bulletin of Latin American Research 21, no. 2 (2002): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1470-9856.00038.

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23

Möckel, Benjamin. "Consuming Anti-Consumerism: The German Fairtrade Movement and the Ambivalent Legacy of ‘1968’." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (2019): 550–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000262.

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AbstractThe article explores the influence of ‘1968’ on the West German fair trade movement. It argues that 1968 constituted an ambivalent legacy for the perception of mass consumerism: while the 1960s student movement radically criticised modern consumer society, it also put new emphasis on consumer products as markers of individual identity. The article analyses this relationship by focusing on the design, representation and advertising of fair trade products by the German fair trade organation GEPA. The first two case studies examine the politicisation of fair trade products in its early ca

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Junes, Tom. "Confronting the ‘New Class’ in Communist Poland: Leftist Critique, Student Activism and the Origins of the 1968 Student Protest Movement." Critique 36, no. 2 (2008): 257–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017600802185381.

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Vos, Louis. "Het politieke falen van een kerkvorst. Kardinaal Suenens en 'Leuven-Vlaams' (1962-1968)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 77, no. 4 (2019): 329–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v77i4.15713.

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In dit artikel wordt de rol geanalyseerd van kardinaal Suenens in de ontknoping van de kwestie ‘Leuven-Vlaams’. Zijn mandement van 13 mei 1966, dat ook door de andere Belgische bisschoppen werd ondertekend, leidde een halve eeuw geleden tot de splitsing van de Leuvense universiteit.Suenens’ beslissing in 1966 om de Franstalige afdeling in Leuven te handhaven, lokte groot verzet uit in Vlaanderen. Het kwam tot een revolte tegen het kerkelijk gezag, enerzijds omdat de katholieke Vlaamse opinie de autoritaire ‘verordening’ van de bisschoppen als autoritair klerikalisme verwierp, anderzijds omdat

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Clifford, Rebecca. "Emotions and gender in oral history: narrating Italy's 1968." Modern Italy 17, no. 2 (2012): 209–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2012.665284.

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The year 1968 was and remains an emotion-laden topic in Italy, and yet few historians have used emotions to parse the history and memory of this period. This paper draws on a collection of interviews with former activists in the student movement and the New Left to explore the ways in which expressions of feeling in life-history narratives can flag up possible lines of difference in women's and men's stories. It draws on three emotive themes – rebellion, violence and liberation – to explore the interaction between gender, feeling, narrative, and what the author calls the ‘third person in the r

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JANSEN, PETER-ERWIN. "The Frankfurt School’s Interest in Freud and the Impact of Eros and Civilization on the Student Protest Movement in Germany: A Brief History." PhaenEx 4, no. 2 (2010): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/p.v4i2.2915.

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The essay focuses on the impact of Marcuse’s Eros and Civilization in Germany in 1968. First, the essay discusses how Freud’s theory was used in the late twenties at the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt. Then, it focuses on how certain of Adorno and Horkheimer’s ideas were developed in Eros and Civilization. Finally, it shows how Marcuse’s work became relevant for the intellectual development of the student movement in Germany.

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Dos Santos, Paula Eloise, and Lucas Augusto Souza de Jesus. "A insurgência estudantil paranaense no pensamento militar: uma análise da Operação Pente Fino no contexto ditatorial de 1968." Revista Discente Ofícios de Clio 5, no. 9 (2021): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/clio.v5i9.18932.

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Esse artigo visa apresentar uma análise documental da Operação Pente Fino, realizada na Delegacia Regional do Paraná e Santa Catarina, na cidade de Curitiba, cujo intuito foi prender as lideranças do Movimento Estudantil paranaense sob acusação de subversão, denotando o aumento da repressão policial às manifestações estudantis. Para essa análise nos valemos do conceito de região, entendido como lugar de conflito e de relações de poder. A presença da repressão evidencia que a população paranaense não era exclusivamente “ordeira e conservadora” conforme a construção de sua imagem por parte do Es

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Zolov, Eric. "Toward an analytical framework for assessing the impact of the 1968 student movement on U.S.-Mexican relations." Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research 9, no. 2 (2003): 41–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13260219.2007.10418855.

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Crespo, Jorge Ivan Puma. "Small Groups Don’t Win Revolutions: Armed Struggle in the Memory of Maoist Militants of Política Popular." Latin American Perspectives 44, no. 6 (2017): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x17699902.

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Política Popular, an unarmed Maoist group operating from 1968 to 1979 in northern Mexico, developed as it did because of the attraction of the “mass line” in its interpretation as a direct-democratic model for political participation. This is why activists from the student movement of 1968 adopted Maoist ideas as an ideological guide. Maoism as a simple organizational catechism easily captured their imagination and persuaded squatters and workers to join them in challenging the authoritarian Mexican regime. El grupo maoísta no armado Política Popular, que operara de 1968 a 1979 en el norte de

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Hajek, Andrea. "Francesco è vivo, e lotta insieme a noi!Rebuilding local identities in the aftermath of the 1977 student protests in Bologna." Modern Italy 17, no. 3 (2012): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2012.661035.

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The decade spanning from 1968 to 1980, known also as theanni di piombo, is among the most difficult and traumatic periods in Italian post-war history. One of the most memorable years of this decade was 1977, when a new student movement stood up against the established order. The so-called Movement of ‘77 manifested itself among others in Bologna, where it had a predominantly creative and joyful character. Nevertheless, the protests were violently struck down when left-wing student Francesco Lorusso was killed by police forces during clashes, resulting in an urbanguerriglia. This incident worse

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Hernández Huerta, José Luis. "El ’68 más allá de las Primaveras Boreales: Representaciones en la esfera pública de los estudiantes universitarios brasileiros en acción." education policy analysis archives 26 (May 28, 2018): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.26.3022.

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The student movements which took place worldwide during 1968 had a considerable impact in Brazil, where they emerged as one of the social groups at the forefront of civic resistance to the dictatorship and modernisation of the university system. This article discusses the representations of Brazilian students in action, constructed and disseminated in the public sphere by the daily press. Particular attention is paid to (1) the motives, demands and aspirations of the activist student youth, (2) their capacity for social mobilisation, integration of alternative political figures and negotiation

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Ordaz, Jessica. "La Lucha Obrera No la Para la Frontera (There Are No Borders in the Workers’ Struggle)." California History 98, no. 2 (2021): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2021.98.2.3.

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The 1970s was a time of growing government repression, incarceration, and subsequent radical activism across the United States and Mexico. This is reflected in the migration, incarceration, and organizing efforts of José Jacques Medina, a Mexican activist who fled to the United States to escape political persecution after his involvement in the 1968 student movement in Mexico City. After the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) apprehended and incarcerated Medina inside an immigration detention facility in El Centro, California, activists,

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Glade, Rebecca. "‘Shama will not dance’: University of Khartoum politics, 1964–69." Africa 89, S1 (2019): S109—S126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000931.

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AbstractIn 1968, the Democratic Front organized a folkloric dance recital at the University of Khartoum as a prelude to the upcoming student union elections, a recital that was opposed by the Islamic Movement. This dispute culminated in a riot in which a student was killed, an event referred to as the ‘Ajakoincident’, which is discussed as the first recorded instance of inter-student violence at the university. Drawing on newspaper accounts from the time, secondary sources and first-hand interviews with participants, this article explores the clashing political and moral ideologies at stake wi

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Pintassilgo, Joaquim António de Sousa, Alda Namora De Andrade, and Carlos Alberto da Silva Beato. "Student Movement in Portugal Throughout the ’60s: Actors’ Representations of a Period of Social and Cultural Experimentation." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no. 1 (2019): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.266.

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The Portuguese university student movement was very active during the so-called «long ’60s» (also the final phase of Estado Novo) and took on a major role in the opposition to the regime. While the wide range of events and international mobilizations resulting from a large increment in youth activism was an important source of inspiration to the Portuguese students, it is equally certain that specific elements in the national context contributed to the characteristics that the movement came to assume. Specifically, we are referring to the regime’s authoritarianism and to the intense repression

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Madden, Gerard. "Responses in the west of Ireland to civil rights protest in Northern Ireland, 1968–72." Irish Historical Studies 41, no. 159 (2017): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2017.6.

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Abstract1968 has become synonymous with the large-scale global protests of that year. International scholarship has increasingly sought to examine instances of these protests in global peripheries, and amongst the most studied examples is Northern Ireland. The growth of civil rights protest in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s, which emerged from long-standing feelings of exclusion amongst the Catholic minority of the predominantly Protestant polity, was influenced by a broader international discourse of protest associated with the long 1968, notably the African-American civil rights movement

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Markarian, Vania. "Uruguay, 1968. Algunas líneas de análisis derivadas del estudio de la protesta estudiantil en un país periférico." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no. 1 (2019): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.267.

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This paper – focused on a deep analysis of the student movement that occupied the streets of Montevideo in 1968 – aims at proposing some analytical lines to understand this and other contemporary cycles of protest in different places of the world. After locating these events in a wide geography characterized both by political acceleration and the dramatic display of cultural change, four relevant themes in the growing body of literature on the «global Sixties» are raised. First, it is addressed the relationship between social movements and groups or political parties in these «short cycles» of

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Folic, Branislav. "The contribution to the research into the role of Bogdan Bogdanovic in the creation of the New School of architecture in Belgrade." Spatium, no. 27 (2012): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/spat1227019f.

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Following student protests in 1968, the reform of universities began in Yugoslavia. The idea of the humanization of architectural profession and the reform of Belgrade Faculty of Architecture towards the environmental studies was launched. The article examines the impact of the New School on the humanization of the architectural profession as part of a general movement to humanize the society of the sixties, as well as the significant role of Bogdan Bogdanovic in the realisation of such an endeavour. First steps towards creating a New School could be foreseen in Bogdan Bogdanovic's text Arhite

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Vetta, Valerio. "The école barisienne: a cultural and political endeavour after 1968." Modern Italy 21, no. 3 (2016): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.27.

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The ‘école barisienne’ refers to a group of intellectuals, active between the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1980s, who brought their academic and political activity together in order to bring the cultural heritage of Italian communism up to date and to construct a new theory of the revolution. Interpreting the student movement of 1968 as the historical agent of a social and political revolution, their intention was to transform the Italian Communist Party (PCI) into a ‘partito-società’ (‘party-society’) that could take hold of the new generation’s demand for democracy and overturn

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Eisler, Jerzy. "Rok 1968 w Polsce – kryzys władzy, kryzys społeczeństwa, początek przemian?" Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 18 (March 30, 2010): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2010.18.02.

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The fundamental question articulated in the article addresses the issue of whether what happened in Poland in 1968 was a social crisis, and if it was, what its background was and what its specific features were? Can we, and should we, thus refer to a crisis of the then authorities? And what did it mean, in general, under the actual conditions of real socialism? And finally, can one say that 1968 marked the beginning of the systemic changes? Pointing out that, in Poland, this process was, by its nature, multi-faceted, the author is of the opinion that, a term inadequate as far as its logic is c

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Moses, Nigel R. "Student Organizations as Historical Actors: The Case of Mass Student Aid." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 31, no. 1 (2001): 75–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v31i1.183379.

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The National Federation of Canadian University Students (NFCUS) and the Canadian Union of Students (CUS) had historicity; that is, they helped transform the field of historical action by convincing business, government, university administrators and public opinion on the need for mass student-aid programs and low tuition fees. From the 1950s to the mid-1960s, NFCUS and CUS campaigned for government-funded mass student-aid; in fact, it was their number one "national affairs" concern. Governments responded to the NFCUS and CUS accessibility lobby with the Canada Student Loan Program (CSLP) in 19

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Andrade Guevara, Víctor Manuel. "El 68 global: Revolución y contracultura." Clivajes. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 10 (December 3, 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/clivajes-rcs.v0i10.2549.

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Este artículo emprende un balance sobre el impacto del movimiento global de 1968 en la configuración del capitalismo contemporáneo, así como en el campo de las ciencias sociales. A diferencia de quienes sostienen que el movimiento cívico-estudiantil y la contracultura que le acompañó no tuvieron un impacto significativo en el ámbito político, aquí se afirma que la contracultura y los breves, pero intensos, momentos de experimentación de otras formas de participación política y de convivencia, junto con los valores contraculturales que le acompañaron, tuvieron una repercusión política, más allá

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Sidorova, Tamara A. "The Women-Historians in F.W. Maitland’s Scientific School: Mary Bateson." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 1 (209) (March 30, 2021): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2021-1-78-88.

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Women-historians make up a small part of the scientific school of the outstanding British historian and lawyer F.W. Maitland (1850-1906). The gender profile of F.W. Maitland’s school was not the subject of special study. The women’s coming in the historical science of Great Britain in 1880-1890s was the result of a broad suffragist movement, granting women equal rights with men in higher education in national universities. The formation of “female” medieval studies was influenced by F.W. Maitland as a scholar and a professor of Cambridge University - his methodological approach, relevance with

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Levent, Yanlik. "A Test for Soviet Internationalism: Foreign Students in the USSR in the Early 1960s." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (February 16, 2021): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v071.

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For leftist movements internationalism, as a principle of Marxism-Leninism, has always been of great importance. The paper discusses Soviet internationalism in relation to foreign students in the USSR in the early 1960s. The author emphasizes some characteristics of the first stages of ideological struggle between Soviet and Chinese communists in connection with the international youth movement and dwells on three demonstrations of foreign students in the Soviet Union. The first one took place on August 5, 1962 in Red Square and was arranged by a militant leftist Japanese student organization

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Romano, Livia. "Aldo Capitini e la riforma della scuola pubblica nell’Italia degli anni Sessanta." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 5, no. 1 (2018): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.209.

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This paper reconstructs Aldo Capitini’s years of militancy in the ADESSPI (Association for Defence and Development of the Italian Public School) in the 1960s. By exploring the author’s works (correspondence, university lectures, books, articles); various historical documents (including ministerial publications); critical literature and publications by the association itself, as well as other members of ADESSPI, the protagonist role that Capitini took on within the school reform movement of the 1960s emerges. He was instrumental in designing and drafting its policies, and using them as grounds

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Klimke, Martin. "40/68 – “We Are Not Going to Defend Ourselves Before Such a Justice System!” – 1968 and the Courts." German Law Journal 10, no. 3 (2009): 261–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200001048.

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On November 29, 1967, Commune I member Fritz Teufel had to face his second day in a West Berlin courtroom. Teufel was charged with breaching the public peace for allegedly hurling stones at policemen during a demonstration against the visit of the Shah of Persia on June 2, 1967– the same event during which West German police officer Karl-Heinz Kurras killed twenty-six-year-old student Benno Ohnesorg with a shot to the head. When the judge entered the courtroom that day in late November, Teufel sat in the same spot in which only one week before Kurras had been acquitted of involuntary manslaugh

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Andrievskiy, Oleksandr, and Oleksandr Ivanov. "Causes of the West German student movement’s radicalization in the late 60s and a foundation of terroristic organization RAF." European Historical Studies, no. 6 (2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.64-83.

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On the basis of published documents on the activities of the terrorist organization “Red Army Fraction” (RAF) in West Germany during the 70s-80s, the authors highlight the causes that led to the radicalization of the student movement and the transition of activists to the armed confrontation with the police in the name of “City guerrilla” concept. Among the documents mentioned, texts of the RAF members, their manifestos, etc. are avaliable, as well as the articles by one of the leaders of the organization, Ulrike Meinhof, which she wrote for the left-radical magazine “Concrete”. Also there aut

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Visic, Maroje. "Ivory tower and barricades: Marcuse and Adorno on the separation of theory and praxis." Filozofija i drustvo 31, no. 2 (2020): 220–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2002220v.

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The events of 1968/69 initiated a dispute between Adorno and Marcuse over the (alleged) separation of theory and praxis. While Marcuse ?stood at the barricades? Adorno sought recluse in the ?ivory tower?. Marcuse and German students perceived Adorno?s move as departure from fundamental postulates of critical theory as laid down in Horkheimer?s 1937 essay. Adorno died amidst the process of clarifying his differences with Marcuse and thus the ?unlimited discussions? between the two remain unfinished. This paper sets to examine how both Marcuse and Adorno remained dedicated to the unity of theory

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Robinson, Amy. "Chucho el Roto in Mexico’s Post-1968 Cinema: Banditry, State-Sponsored Violence, and the Alternative National Family." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 30, no. 2 (2014): 446–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2014.30.2.446.

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Legendary bandit Chucho el Roto was portrayed by renowned actor Manuel López Ochoa in a film series made and released in the wake of violent repression of Mexico’s student movement. The four films provide entertainment with their charismatic leading man, melodrama, romance and comedy. Yet, the series also allegorizes and critiques Dirty War tactics employed in Mexico by portraying how the powerful abuse their authority to criminalize, imprison, torture and murder young idealists with an alternative vision for society. The popular figure of the bandit thus constituted a timely vehicle for criti

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Nahmad Rodríguez, Ana Daniela. "Mexicans in Nicaragua: Revolution and propaganda in Sandinista documentaries of the University Center for Cinematographic Studies (CUEC-UNAM)." Studies in Spanish & Latin-American Cinemas 17, no. 2 (2020): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/slac_00020_1.

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Film production played a decisive role in the Nicaraguan Revolution. During the preparation of the 1979 Ofensiva Final (Final Offensive), the Sandinistas clearly understood the need to produce audio-visual documents that would serve as testimony and political propaganda of this historic moment. To do so, they sought the support of internationalist filmmakers among whom a group of Mexicans were most prominent. This article focuses on materials on the Sandinista Revolution preserved at the film archive of the University Center for Cinematographic Studies (CUEC) of the National Autonomous Univers

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