Dissertations / Theses on the topic '1969-1985'

Dans ses differentes phases de periodisation, le soudan de numayri a connu tour a tour une phase "militaro-communiste" dite "progressiste" puis une phase "nationale-developpementaliste", ou l'accent a ete fortement mis sur le developpement economique et social, pour aboutir a l'alternative "islamiste" comme reponse a la crise et a la demande de l'islamisme montant, dont le projet echoue. La survie de ce type de regime doit beaucoup au caractere autoritaire et sans partage de l'exercice du pouvoir, qui, dans sa quete de legitimite, occulte les aspirations de la societe civile<br>As many other arab countries, numayri's regime phased three periods. The first, a "progressive" one, was based on the communists support but the 1971 coup interrupted it. The second dealt with national unity and the realisation of huge development projects thanks to close relations with arab oil countries the last one was characterized by the islamists alliance embodied in the issue of "the 1983 september laws" and ended in a popular revolution which toppled numayri's regime

A partir de 1971 s'est constitue dans les colonnes du figaro une rubrique critique concernant la photographie qui presentait pour la premiere fois une regularite et une attention a la seule expression. Ce premier exemple sera bientot suivi par les quotidiens le monde et liberation. Cette experience critique s'est maintenue dans les quotidiens cites jusqu'en 1985 dans des conditions a peu pres identiques : un redacteur principal tenant de la rubrique, une actualite identique correspondant a un essor nouveau de la photographie en france. La constitution d'une table generale des articles (volume iii) et la realisation du corpus des textes critiques (volumes iv et v) ont eu pour objectif de transformer une somme d'ecrits epars en un discours de critique photographique sur une duree determinee. Il devenait possible alors de determiner l'essence de cette critique ainsi que le projet qu'elle s'est assignee dans chacun des cas. La premiere partie de cette these s'attache plus particulierement a mettre en evidence la nature du texte de cette critique a trois niveaux : l'installation de chaque rubrique, les conditions enonciatives de son ecriture et l'idee de la critique propre a chacun des auteurs. La deuxieme partie s'applique a developper l'intentionnalite du discours critique selon les trois axes qu'elle se fixe elle-meme : informer, instruire, juger. L'analyse de ces actes intentionnels montre que la critique est subordonnee a une idee originale de la photographie propre a chacun des auteurs qui engendre une lecture singuliere de la meme actualite. Cette these n'est ni une histoire, ni une critique de la critique photographique journalistique : elle en constitue l'archive. Elle se limite a explorer les relations discursives qui ont rendu possible la naissance de ce phenomene journalistique et a dresser le systeme general de la formation de ses enonces.

<p>The economy of Ghana has faced stagnation over the period of independence till recent times. There have been continuous military presence and intervention in the Ghanaian political Affairs. The period from 1969 to 1985 has been characterised by several military regimes who have blamed global economic injustices as the reason for the failure of the Ghanaian economy. As such they assumed power illegally to liberate the economy from foreign influence and unfair economic policies which has always gone to the detriment of the Ghanaian economy. For this reason diverse economic policies have been enacted by several military regimes and government who have come to power through the gun or military coup. It is my aim in this project work to research and analyze how these claims are justifiable and realizable by researching into the theoretical and empirical evidence, beliefs and principles as well as the economic policies that they implement when they assume power and to conclude on whether this assertion of the military is realizable. As such two main military regimes that came to power NRC/SMC and PNDC in Ghana and some Military takeovers in some developing countries will be studied to know how this assertion was justified in their search for economic well being.</p>

Between 1969 and 1985, native Indians in British Columbia have used the courts in a significant number of cases to pursue goals which can be considered particularly Indian in that they have arisen as a result of the Indians' position as one of the indigenous peoples of Canada. Three general questions with respect to the use of the courts are addressed. First, what goals have native Indians pursued in the courts, and how are these related to the objectives which native Indians are pursuing in the political arena? Second, how have these goals been pursued in court; that is, what legal arguments were used, how were these related to the goals pursued, and how do these affect the possible impact of the cases? Third, what have been the consequences of court action? Through an examination of the court cases in which native Indians were involved from 1969-1985, four major goals were identified. First, native Indians used the courts in order to ensure that they received the benefits to which they were entitled under the provisions of the. Indian Act. Second, native Indians challenged the way in which the federal government had administered the Indian Act. Third, Indians have attempted to preserve their traditional way of life by arguing that federal and provincial legislation which regulates hunting and fishing should not apply to them. Fourth, native Indians have used the courts in attempts to prevent damage to land and resources to which they have a claim. Native Indians have not attempted to achieve a recognition of their right to self-government through court action; rather they have pursued goals which can be termed "economic" from the viewpoint of non-native society. Native Indians have used the courts both in order to achieve legal solutions to disputes, and as a means of putting economic and political pressure on governments. In their attempts to use the courts to achieve legal solutions, Indians have achieved some successes. The overall utility of the courts as a means of putting economic and political pressure on governments has yet to be determined, although to date it would appear that native Indians have made some gains by using the courts in this way.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Political Science, Department of<br>Graduate

L'avant-garde cinématographique française des années 1970, représentée par : le "groupe" Dziga Vertov (1969 - 1973), fondé notamment par Jean-Luc Godard et Jean-Pierre Gorin et le collectif Cinéthique (1969-1985) éditant une revue homonyme,était caractérisée par l'ambition d'une pratique cinématographique articulant avant-garde esthétique et avant-garde politique (au sens léniniste). Saisir l'actualité de leur démarche, suppose de : 1ʿ) systématiser leurs présupposés et acquis théoriques, fondés sur une conception marxiste-léniniste (au sens " maoi͏̈ste ") : étudier la fonction sociale du cinéma qui, en tant que produit idéologique, contribue à la reproduction des conditions de la production ; 2ʿ) situer historiquement leurs activités et établir la progression de leur production filmique et théorique. Cette analyse permet de retenir les thèses et positionnements des deux groupes, leur actualité et les limites de leurs apports<br>The 70's French avant-garde, represented by Dziga Vertov "group" (1969-1973), set up among others by Jean-Luc Godard and Jean-Pierre Gorin and Cinethique group (1969-1985) editing the homonym review was characterised by the ambition of a cinematographical practice which would merge the esthetical avant-garde and the political avant-garde (in a leninist view). To understand the topicality of their way approach needs to : 1ʿ systematize their presuppositions and experiences based on a marxist-leninist (in the "maoist" sense) conception : to study the social function of cinema which, as an ideological product contributes to the reproduction of the production conditions ; 2ʿ position historically their activities and establish the progression of their films and theoretical production. This analysis allowed us to emphasise the thesis and positions of the two groups, their topicality and the limits of their contribution

PORTO, Márcio de Souza. Dom Delgado na igreja de seu tempo (1963 – 1969). 2007. 215f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2007.<br>Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-27T16:13:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_MSPorto.pdf: 16072367 bytes, checksum: c5ba0b6d28410e0cd5516076eed44b5a (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-20T13:56:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_MSPorto.pdf: 16072367 bytes, checksum: c5ba0b6d28410e0cd5516076eed44b5a (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2012-07-20T13:56:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_MSPorto.pdf: 16072367 bytes, checksum: c5ba0b6d28410e0cd5516076eed44b5a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007<br>O recudescimento da cultura política autoritária na década de 60 no Brasil coincidiu com a realização do Concílio Vaticano II (1962 - 1965), a mais importante reforma do catolicismo no século XX. O Concílio ao tentar responder às problemáticas resultantes do pós-guerra, reformulou a doutrina da Igreja, aprovou novidades como padres operários, a missa em língua vernácula e privilegiou a participação dos leigos nas pastorais. Aqui buscamos problematizar as vicissitudes do catolicismo no Ceará na década de 1960, período de renovação do pensamento social cristão a partir da determinação da libertação social do pobre como imperativo teológico e ético. Tomando como referencial o episcopado de Dom José de Medeiros Delgado, nos interessa perceber os deslocamentos que foram se operacionalizando no catolicismo no Ceará, no recorte cronológico aqui estabelecido (1963 - 1969). Por um lado, interpretaremos como a Igreja foi alterando o seu perfil institucional, a sua imagem tradicional e, por outro, explicitaremos os condiconamentos históricos que possibilitaram uma maior articulação da Igreja com o universo social.

This thesis argues that through bringing together two branches of inquiry???the literary work of Katharine Susannah Prichard and Eleanor Dark and socio-feminist theory on health, contagion and the female body???the discursive body of the mother-figure in their novels serves as a trope through which otherwise unspoken tensions???between the personal and the political, between family and nation and between identity and race in Australian cultural formation???are explored. The methodology I use is to analyse the literary mother-figure through a ???discourse on health??? from a soma-political, socio-cultural and historical perspective which sought to categorise, regulate and discipline women???s lives to ensure that white women conformed to their designated roles as mothers and that they did so within the confines of marriage. The literary mother-figure, as represented in Prichard???s and Dark???s novels, is frequently at odds with the culturally constructed mother-figure as represented in political and religious discourses, and in popular forms of culture such as advertising, film and women???s magazines. This culturally constructed ???ideal??? mother-figure is intimately linked to nationalist discourses of racial hygiene, of Christian morality, and of civic and social order controlled by such patriarchal institutions as the state, the church, the law and the medical professions during the period under review. This is reflected in Prichard???s and Dark???s inter-war novels which embody unresolved tensions in a way that challenges representations of the mother-figure by mainstream culture. However, their post-war novels show a greater compliance with nationalist ideologies of the good and healthy mother-figure who conforms more closely with an idealised notion of motherhood, leading up to the 1950s. Through a detailed analysis of the two writers??? changing representations of the mother-figure, I argue that the mother-figure is a key trope through which unspoken tensions and forces that have shaped (and continue to shape) Australian culture and society can be understood.

Arrivées au pouvoir à la faveur du coup d'Etat du 27 juin 1973, les Forces Armées uruguayennes qui occupaient les devants de la scène politique depuis septembre 1971, date à laquelle elles furent chargées de la lutte antisubversive, ne firent que durcir des mesures en vigueur depuis 1968 et ce afin d'obtenir un contrôle hégémonique des organes du pouvoir. Interdiction des partis politiques et des syndicats, censure, répression, emprisonnements, tortures et disparitions semèrent la désolation. S'appuyant sur les recherches menées notamment par Milita Alfaro sur les origines du carnaval en Uruguay, la thèse contextualise l'espace public en dictature comme lieu réservé à la diffusion de la doxa où toute parole jugée dissidente se voit muselée. Le propos principal de cette thèse, basée sur une abondante recherche de terrain et des matériaux d'archives jusqu'ici inédits, est d'interroger et d'interpréter une nouvelle configuration d'action "politisée" qui prit place dans l'espace festif du tablado pourtant sous étroite surveillance. Au sein du genre murga, connu pour ses fonctions de divertissement populaire, la production de certaines de ces troupes allaient emprunter un chemin différent en détournant la fonction première de ces festivités. Le travail se propose de commenter et d'analyser comment le teatro de los tablados allait ainsi offrir un autre canal à une certaine forme de contestation, tout en limitant les risques encourrus<br>The Uruguayan miitary forces, on the power since the 27th June 1973 coup d'Etat, had taken the political lead after September 1971 when they took over the anti subversive fight, which they did by toughening the policies existing since 1968 whith views of gaining a hegemonic control of the organs of power. Measures like the prohibition of political parties and unions as well as censure, imprisonment, torture and disappearances sowed desolation in the country. Based on the researches on the origins of the carnival in Uruguay, particularly on Milita Alfaro's, this thesis focuses on the public space during the dictatorship as a place confined to the diffusion of the doxa where every word thought to be dissident would be muzzled. The main purpose of this thesis, which is based on an ample research field and so far unpublished files, is to interrogate and to interpret this new configuration of politised action that took place in the festive venue of the tablado despite of being under thorough scrutiny. Within the murga's genre and its main capacity of amusement, some murga troupes were to take a different course eccentric to this festivities' primary function. This work intends to offer a commentary and an analysis on how the teatro de los tablados would open a channel for contested expressions limiting the incurred risks

Made available in DSpace on 2013-08-07T18:58:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 000412614-Texto+Completo-0.pdf: 2660281 bytes, checksum: d205a79fb7c75040c54fcd18ed6fc044 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009<br>This dissertation concerns the forty-one professor purge cases which happened at Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), through 1964 and 1969, during the Civil-Military Dictatorship (1964-1985). It was aimed the analysis of the uses of this repressive measure regarding with its causes, the institutions in charged of its application and its ways of execution, taking it as part of a complex of repressive measures, applied during that period for a domination through coercion. It was taken as sources: documents from UFRGS and from other institutions (MEC, DSI/MEC, CISMEC, DOPS/RS and 3º Exército); interviews and testimonies; laws; Diário Oficial da União; newspapers from Porto Alegre and Pelotas; press and speeches published during that period. The methodological basis consisted in critical analysis of the sources, adopting the perspective of 'epistemological curiosity' (P. Freire). It was taken in observation the specificities of the sources, the subjects responsible for their production and the contexts of their production. In regard to the oral sources, it was adopted the use of ‘informers’ (P. Thompson) and thematic semi-structured interviews. The theoretical foundation was based in the Marxist tradition, placing emphasis on A. Gramsci. In all analysed cases, the purges were promoted with the intention of repressing individuals and groups taken by sectors of the political society and by some university sectors, as real or potential threats to the ruling block, because of various reasons, derived from at least one of the following factors: political-ideological profiles; politicalparty association with opposition parties and opposition political movements; and other actions (e. g. the protection of students and protests against the purge cases) supposed or really practiced inside or outside the institution.Taking this into consideration, it was observed that in absolutely none of the cases, the purges were promoted because of corruption or any illegal administrative behavior, but only because of political-ideological reasons. In regard to the institutions in charged of the application of the purge, it was concluded that, in the majority, they were external to the university and, only in specific cases, internal to the university. In regard to the ways the arbitrary retirement, it was observed in all cases the action of individuals and institutions internal and external to the university. However, in regard to the decision process about which individuals should be purged, it was identified three different types: 'internal', when it happened exclusively inside the university; 'external', when it happened in an external institution (no matter some sectors of UFRGS might have participated on the primary steps of ‘investigation’); and ‘indirect’, when the purged individual himself took the initiative to leave the institution, dismissing himself, exonerating himself or simply leaving his job position, because of embarrassments related to the dictatorial context. It was also possible to verify and analyze the actions of sectors of the university structure on the political-ideological control of the university professors, students and staff, including through the creation of divisions for this purpose (CEIS/UFRGS and ASI/UFRGS) and the establishment of associations with the Repressive System. It was verified the action of MEC on the direct political-ideological control and in the repression of individuals and groups inside the university, and also the relation between such Ministry and the Repressive System.In addition, it was also observed the creation (CISMEC) and re-activation/adaptation (DSI/MEC) of the security and information divisions inside the MEC structure, for the execution of repressive tasks and political-ideological investigation, improving the association between such Ministry and the Repressive System.<br>Esta dissertação trata dos quarenta e um casos de expurgos de professores da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) ocorridos em 1964 e 1969, durante a Ditadura Civil- Militar (1964-1985). Buscou-se analisar o recurso à medida repressiva quanto às suas causas, quanto às instituições responsáveis por sua aplicação e quanto aos modos de execução das mesmas, percebendo-a como parte de um conjunto de medidas repressivas utilizadas no período para a dominação via coerção. Como fontes, foram utilizados: documentos da UFRGS e de outras instituições (MEC, DSI/MEC, CISMEC, DOPS/RS e 3º Exército); entrevistas e depoimentos; legislação; Diário Oficial da União e periódicos de Porto Alegre e Pelotas; publicações e discursos da época. A base metodológica consistiu da análise crítica das fontes, adotando-se a perspectiva da “curiosidade epistemológica” (P. Freire). Procurou-se observar suas especificidades, sujeitos produtores e contextos de produção. Quanto às fontes orais, optou-se pelo uso de “informantes” (P. Thompson) e de entrevistas temáticas semiestruturadas. O embasamento teórico alicerçou-se na tradição marxista, com ênfase para A. Gramsci. Em todos os casos analisados, os expurgos foram promovidos com a intenção de reprimir indivíduos e grupos percebidos, por setores da sociedade política e por setores da universidade, como ameaças reais ou potenciais ao bloco dominante, em função de motivos diversos, derivados de pelo menos um dos seguintes fatores: perfis político-ideológicos; vínculos político-partidários com partidos e movimentos políticos de oposição; e ações diversas (como a defesa de estudantes e protestos contra expurgos) suposta ou efetivamente praticadas dentro ou fora da instituição.A par disso, observou-se que, em absolutamente nenhum caso, os expurgos foram promovidos por corrupção ou improbidade administrativa qualquer, mas apenas por motivos político-ideológicos. Em relação às instituições responsáveis pela aplicação do expurgo, verificou-se que majoritariamente eram externas à universidade e, somente em casos excepcionais, internas à mesma. Sobre os modos de execução dos afastamentos sumários, em todos os casos percebeu-se a atuação de indivíduos e instituições externos e internos à universidade. Entretanto, quanto ao processo decisório sobre quais indivíduos deveriam ser expurgados, foram identificados três tipos distintos: interno, quando foi realizado exclusivamente no interior da universidade; externo, quando se deu em instituição externa (independentemente de ter contado com a participação de setores da UFRGS nos estágios preliminares de “investigação”); e indireto, quando o próprio expurgado tomou a iniciativa de se afastar da instituição, demitindo-se, exonerando-se ou simplesmente abandonando o cargo, em função de constrangimentos relacionados com o contexto ditatorial. Também foi possível constatar e analisar a atuação de setores da estrutura universitária no controle político-ideológico de docentes, discentes e servidores técnico-administrativos, inclusive através da criação de órgãos para esse fim (CEIS/UFRGS e ASI/UFRGS) e do estabelecimento de vínculos com o Aparato Repressivo.Percebeu-se a atuação do MEC no controle político-ideológico direto e na repressão a indivíduos e grupos no interior da universidade, bem como a relação entre tal ministério e o Aparato Repressivo. Observou-se ainda a criação (CISMEC) e a reativação/adaptação (DSI/MEC) de órgãos de segurança e informações no interior da estrutura do MEC, para a execução de tarefas repressivas e de investigação político-ideológica, aprimorando o vínculo entre o referido ministério e o Aparato Repressivo.

Orientador : Ernesta Zamboni<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-02T14:43:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cerri_LuisFernando_D.pdf: 77023592 bytes, checksum: ba7a9ee4ca3243b7b7d654e0596dfc75 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2000<br>Doutorado

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T13:46:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 412614.pdf: 2660281 bytes, checksum: d205a79fb7c75040c54fcd18ed6fc044 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-30<br>Esta disserta??o trata dos quarenta e um casos de expurgos de professores da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) ocorridos em 1964 e 1969, durante a Ditadura Civil- Militar (1964-1985). Buscou-se analisar o recurso ? medida repressiva quanto ?s suas causas, quanto ?s institui??es respons?veis por sua aplica??o e quanto aos modos de execu??o das mesmas, percebendo-a como parte de um conjunto de medidas repressivas utilizadas no per?odo para a domina??o via coer??o. Como fontes, foram utilizados: documentos da UFRGS e de outras institui??es (MEC, DSI/MEC, CISMEC, DOPS/RS e 3? Ex?rcito); entrevistas e depoimentos; legisla??o; Di?rio Oficial da Uni?o e peri?dicos de Porto Alegre e Pelotas; publica??es e discursos da ?poca. A base metodol?gica consistiu da an?lise cr?tica das fontes, adotando-se a perspectiva da curiosidade epistemol?gica (P. Freire). Procurou-se observar suas especificidades, sujeitos produtores e contextos de produ??o. Quanto ?s fontes orais, optou-se pelo uso de informantes (P. Thompson) e de entrevistas tem?ticas semiestruturadas. O embasamento te?rico alicer?ou-se na tradi??o marxista, com ?nfase para A. Gramsci. Em todos os casos analisados, os expurgos foram promovidos com a inten??o de reprimir indiv?duos e grupos percebidos, por setores da sociedade pol?tica e por setores da universidade, como amea?as reais ou potenciais ao bloco dominante, em fun??o de motivos diversos, derivados de pelo menos um dos seguintes fatores: perfis pol?tico-ideol?gicos; v?nculos pol?tico-partid?rios com partidos e movimentos pol?ticos de oposi??o; e a??es diversas (como a defesa de estudantes e protestos contra expurgos) suposta ou efetivamente praticadas dentro ou fora da institui??o. A par disso, observou-se que, em absolutamente nenhum caso, os expurgos foram promovidos por corrup??o ou improbidade administrativa qualquer, mas apenas por motivos pol?tico-ideol?gicos. Em rela??o ?s institui??es respons?veis pela aplica??o do expurgo, verificou-se que majoritariamente eram externas ? universidade e, somente em casos excepcionais, internas ? mesma. Sobre os modos de execu??o dos afastamentos sum?rios, em todos os casos percebeu-se a atua??o de indiv?duos e institui??es externos e internos ? universidade. Entretanto, quanto ao processo decis?rio sobre quais indiv?duos deveriam ser expurgados, foram identificados tr?s tipos distintos: interno, quando foi realizado exclusivamente no interior da universidade; externo, quando se deu em institui??o externa (independentemente de ter contado com a participa??o de setores da UFRGS nos est?gios preliminares de investiga??o ); e indireto, quando o pr?prio expurgado tomou a iniciativa de se afastar da institui??o, demitindo-se, exonerando-se ou simplesmente abandonando o cargo, em fun??o de constrangimentos relacionados com o contexto ditatorial. Tamb?m foi poss?vel constatar e analisar a atua??o de setores da estrutura universit?ria no controle pol?tico-ideol?gico de docentes, discentes e servidores t?cnico-administrativos, inclusive atrav?s da cria??o de ?rg?os para esse fim (CEIS/UFRGS e ASI/UFRGS) e do estabelecimento de v?nculos com o Aparato Repressivo.Percebeu-se a atua??o do MEC no controle pol?tico-ideol?gico direto e na repress?o a indiv?duos e grupos no interior da universidade, bem como a rela??o entre tal minist?rio e o Aparato Repressivo. Observou-se ainda a cria??o (CISMEC) e a reativa??o/adapta??o (DSI/MEC) de ?rg?os de seguran?a e informa??es no interior da estrutura do MEC, para a execu??o de tarefas repressivas e de investiga??o pol?tico-ideol?gica, aprimorando o v?nculo entre o referido minist?rio e o Aparato Repressivo.

Ce travail de thèse vise à analyser les mécanismes historico-juridiques qui ont conduit la légitimation de la dictature civile-militaire dans les premières années après le coup d'État au Brésil par les premiers actes institutionnels et la Constitution de 1967, afin d'évaluer l’action du pouvoir judiciaire face aux violations des droits fondamentaux commises pendant la période 1964 à 1969.Pour donner l'apparence de normalité et de légitimité, des dispositifs démocratiques ont été maintenus tout au long du régime, comme le maintien du Congrès national, un parti d'opposition modéré et un système judiciaire, malgré son profil d'exception. Dans le même temps, une loi d'exception et une grande structure administrative et institutionnelle qui possédait une efficacité relative ont été construites pour réprimer les opposants.Il a fallu pour cela de bons juristes pour fonder légalement leurs actes de dictature, parce que, même s'ils étaient incompatibles avec l'État de droit et l'ordre constitutionnel en vigueur ; et aussi parce que, pour cette raison, ils ont cherché à donner un vêtement institutionnel aux normes et aux organes de répression, en réglementant et en bureaucratisant la persécution politique.A une époque marquée par l'appréciation de l'État de droit, dont l'un des protagonistes est le pouvoir judiciaire, il est nécessaire d'indiquer comment les juges brésiliens ont traité l'ordre autoritaire établi en 1964 et leurs commandements présents sur des instruments assemblés arbitrairement, sans négliger pour autant la tentative de localiser les causes les plus évidentes d'une position des juges, politique et judiciaire, réfractaire ou non à l'amorce de l'armée brésilienne qui a pris le pouvoir politique par la force<br>The aim of this thesis work is to analyze the historical-legal mechanisms that led to the legitimization of the civil-military dictatorship in the first years after the coup d'état in Brazil through the first institutional acts and the 1967 Constitution, in order to evaluate the action of the Judiciary in the face of the violations of fundamental rights committed during the period 1964 to 1969.In order to give the appearance of normality and legitimacy, democratic mechanisms were maintained throughout the regime, such as the maintenance of the National Congress, a moderate opposition party and a judicial system, despite its exceptional profile. At the same time, an exceptional law and a large administrative and institutional structure that was relatively effective was built to repress opponents. This required good jurists to legally base their acts of dictatorship, because, even though they were incompatible with the rule of law and the constitutional order in force, and also because, for this reason, they sought to give an institutional garb to the norms and organs of repression, regulating and bureaucratizing political persecution.In an era marked by the appreciation of the rule of law, one of the protagonists of which is the judiciary, it is necessary to indicate how Brazilian judges have dealt with the authoritarian order established in 1964 and their present commandments on arbitrarily assembled instruments, without neglecting the attempt to locate the most obvious causes of the judges' position, both political and judicial, whether or not refractory to the initiation of the Brazilian army that took political power by force

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabricia Cristina de Sa Santos.pdf: 1208981 bytes, checksum: 4f57ef87566060dda8ba8fa0be9081d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-17<br>Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo<br>The main goal of this work is to examine the position of the Supreme Court (STF) regarding habeas-corpus requests during the first years of the Military Regime in Brazil (1964-1969). The principal question that we tried to answer was, in the face of the gradual installation of authoritarianism and the suspension of the Right of the State, beginning with the Coup of 1964, how the ministers, whose constitutional duty was to guarantee the protection of civil rights under the aegis of the Brazilian Judiciary, were able to position themselves and vote. Also, whether the voting of the STF ministers in such processes, would follow standards from such different factors regarding the means of recommendation and nomination of judges for the STF; their different professional background, public careers and political paths of those ministers prior to their placement on the Supreme Court. In order to respond to these questions, the study adopted the following processes: raising and analyzing the bibliographical material in the fields of Law and Political Science, related to the period and to the institution of habeas-corpus; quantitative and qualitative analysis of 238 processes of habeas-corpus which had been brought to the STF between 1964 and 1969, and the examination of biographical data in the professional and public areas of the ministers who composed the Supreme Court during the period in question. The data collected received statistical treatment and, with a base of career models developed, starting from the biographical information of the ministers, we could verify the weight of the political factors and the importance of the professional paths in explaining the bases of the votes issued by the ministers. The results allowed us to conclude that there was a great weight from external factors on the votes of the ministers changes in the judicial structure, internal factors weight of the vote by the court recorder, and on the career path (magistrate or politician). Research results showed that the Supreme Court (STF) adopted an intermediate posture, given the fact that there was no direct and open confrontation with the government. The court justices made an effort to use available judicial openings to grant the largest possible number of habeas corpus. However, as institutional acts and decrees were closing around the authoritarian circle, the court had its performance possibilities reduced until 1969 when the military suspended the writ of habeas corpus itself<br>Esta pesquisa se insere no campo de estudos políticos sobre o Poder Judiciário e tem como objetivo principal analisar os votos dos Ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) no julgamento dos pedidos de habeas-corpus durante os primeiros anos do Regime Militar no Brasil (1964-1969). A principal demanda que procuramos responder foi se, diante da instalação gradual do autoritarismo e da suspensão do Estado de Direito, a partir do Golpe de 1964, como se posicionaram e votaram os ministros integrantes do órgão de cúpula do Judiciário brasileiro, que tem por função constitucional garantir a proteção dos direitos civis de liberdade. Também, se os votos dos ministros do STF em tais processos, obedeceriam a padrões decorrentes de diferentes fatores, como a forma de indicação e nomeação de juízes para o STF; suas diferentes formações profissionais, carreiras públicas e trajetórias políticas dos referidos ministros até sua chegada ao Supremo Tribunal Federal. Para responder a estas perguntas, a pesquisa adotou os seguintes procedimentos: levantamento e análise bibliográfica nos campos do Direito e da Ciência Política, relativa ao período e ao instituto do habeas-corpus; análise quantitativa e qualitativa de 238 processos de habeas-corpus, que deram entrada no STF entre 1964 e 1969 e o levantamento dos dados biográficos e da trajetória profissional e pública dos ministros que compunham o Supremo Tribunal Federal no período em questão. Os dados coletados receberam tratamento estatístico e, com base em modelos de carreira , desenvolvidos a partir das informações biográficas dos ministros, verificamos o peso dos fatores políticos e a importância das trajetórias profissionais na explicação dos padrões de votos emitidos pelos ministros. Os resultados nos permitem concluir que houve grande peso sobre os votos dos ministros dos fatores externos mudanças no ordenamento jurídico, fatores internos peso do voto do relator, e da trajetória de carreira (magistratura ou política)

Le présent travail cherche à montrer l'importance du mouvement étudiant (ME) brésilien pour la résistance à la dictature des années 1970. En partant de la promulgation du AI-5 à la fin de 1968, la thèse met en évidence la continuité du mouvement qui a présenté différentes propositions de résistance. On démontre comment le ME a inventé de nouvelles tactiques et stratégies pour se faire représenter dans le champ politique, ce qui 1ui a donné le rôle de premier acteur dans la lutte, et lui a également permis le retour à la scène publique en 1977, contribuant ainsi avec d' autres mouvements sociaux pour la redémocratisation du pays. La présente thèse révèle encore les efforts faits par les étudiants pour le maintien de leur représentativité associative, signalant que ces efforts ont contribué à la réorganisation de l 'UNE aux premiers signes d' ouverture du régime.

VIEIRA, Átila. Bezerra Fernandes; CARVALHO, Francisco Gilmar Cavalcante. Guerrilha de pincéis: humor gráfico no jornal O Pasquim como resistência política e cultural à ditadura militar (1969 - 1970). 2010. 285f. Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Instituto de Cultura e Arte, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2010.<br>Submitted by Maria Josineide Góis (josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-08-29T16:54:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 201_dis_ABFVIEIRA.pdf: 15593617 bytes, checksum: a00619d0a5cfbacc5845a38fe48407c6 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-08-29T16:55:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 201_dis_ABFVIEIRA.pdf: 15593617 bytes, checksum: a00619d0a5cfbacc5845a38fe48407c6 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2011-08-29T16:55:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 201_dis_ABFVIEIRA.pdf: 15593617 bytes, checksum: a00619d0a5cfbacc5845a38fe48407c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010<br>The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the mood chart in Rio tabloid‟s Pasquim. First, the intention is to tell the story of the first two years of the journal (1969-1970), in its political and cultural resistance to military dictatorship, contextualizing it from the analysis of some of his humorous images. The second proposal is - in a direct relationship with the first - to raise some of the topics covered by the newspaper during this period, starting from the various genres of humor employed by the weekly chart. The Pasquim was one of the main representatives, for over 20 years, of the Alternative Press in Brazil, through its editorial posture of reaction, political, cultural and ideological deployed with the military regime in 1964. Weekly cartoon humor that was in one of their languages the caricature, the Pasquim has made during this period of two decades, a critical political ally to another, cultural, which is devoted to call criticism of customs, within the context of the exception regime hardened in 1968.<br>A proposta desta dissertação é analisar o humor gráfico no tablóide carioca Pasquim. Primeiramente, a intenção é contar a história dos dois primeiros anos do jornal (1969-1970), em sua resistência política e cultural à ditadura militar, contextualizando-a a partir da análise de algumas de suas imagens humorísticas. A segunda proposta é - em uma relação direta com a primeira - levantar alguns dos temas abordados pelo jornal neste período, partindo-se dos diversos gêneros de humor gráfico empregados pelo semanário. O Pasquim foi um dos principais representantes, durante mais de 20 anos, da imprensa alternativa no Brasil, através de sua postura de reação editorial, política, cultural e ideológica ao regime militar implantado em 1964. Semanário de humor que tinha na caricatura uma de suas linguagens, o Pasquim fez durante este período de duas décadas uma crítica política aliada a uma outra, cultural, que se consagrou chamar de crítica de costumes, dentro do contexto do regime de exceção endurecido em 1968.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PATRICIA SADAIKE.pdf: 40150072 bytes, checksum: e8f4cbded51d457f5be0c1041ef06ebc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-30<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>Esta dissertação tem por objetivo estudar a construção do pensamento artístico e político do arquiteto, professor e comunista João Batista Vilanova Artigas, entre os anos de 1945 a 1969. Para isso, analisa-se três de suas obras arquitetônicas edificadas em São Paulo, alguns de seus depoimentos e ensaios publicados em revistas especializadas em artes e arquitetura e, principalmente, os artigos políticos que produziu para a Revista Fundamentos, da qual foi um dos principais articuladores. Delineia-se esse período histórico devido à intensidade de transformações políticas e sociais que ocasionaram várias mudanças na configuração espacial e urbana de São Paulo. Além disso, acredita-se que esse período foi o marco da produção artística e intelectual do arquiteto, que, por inúmeras vezes, foi questionado por ousar nas formas arquitetônicas e punido por levantar críticas às condições de atraso e subdesenvolvimento que assolavam o país. Os desdobramentos dessa atitude crítica resultaram na cassação de seus direitos políticos e na sua aposentadoria das atividades acadêmicas da FAUUSP, durante a repressão imposta pela ditadura militar. Assim, acredita-se que, mesmo diante dos impasses políticos e dos conflitos ideológicos que resultaram numa crise profissional, a dedicação de Artigas à prancheta trouxe importantes contribuições artísticas para a arquitetura moderna paulista

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Cavalcante Guerra.pdf: 1061946 bytes, checksum: 10db5d0b40562cef51c69e52682e7d18 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-27<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>This research aims to examine a central figure in the military dictatorship in Brazil and "engineer" of the candidacy and the government by Costa e Silva: the general Jayme Portella. From the study of his writings, noting the historical and social conditions of production, we want to understand the policy of general practices, and showing the social function of his actually ideology. Jayme Portella is considered as one of the greatest exponents of the "linha -dura (hard-line) , the research seeks to explain details about this historical current military, which has in "castelismo" the counterpoint s main and coup d'état of 1964, as founding myth. Investigated the way that general conceives his conception about the conspiracy and consolidation of military autocracy in Brazil and e stablishing the links from their concrete ideology under history<br>Esta pesquisa visa analisar uma figura central na ditadura militar no Brasil e engenheiro da candidatura e do governo Costa e Silva, o general Jayme Portella. A partir do estudo imanente de seus escritos, observando as condições históricas e sociais da sua produção, pretendemos compreender a práxis política do general, desvelando a função social de sua ideologia na realidade vivida. Tratado como um dos maiores expoentes da linha-dura , a investigação pretende explicar as nuances históricas desta corrente militar que tem no castelismo o seu principal contraponto e o golpe de estado de 1964, como mito fundador. Investigamos as ideações do general quanto à conspiração militar e à consolidação da autocracia bonapartista no Brasil, estabelecendo os vínculos concretos de sua ideologia no quadro histórico desnudado

Submitted by Daniele Amaral (daniee_ni@hotmail.com) on 2016-09-15T14:42:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJCB.pdf: 944818 bytes, checksum: 41640ab4f64d87f9cfb7ec09dc2a40b4 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-16T19:51:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJCB.pdf: 944818 bytes, checksum: 41640ab4f64d87f9cfb7ec09dc2a40b4 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-16T19:51:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJCB.pdf: 944818 bytes, checksum: 41640ab4f64d87f9cfb7ec09dc2a40b4 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-16T19:51:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJCB.pdf: 944818 bytes, checksum: 41640ab4f64d87f9cfb7ec09dc2a40b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-30<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>This research aims to study the creative process of the Brazilian film “O Bravo Guerreiro” (The Brave Warrior), 1969, Gustavo Dahl, from the analysis, description and comparison of the different versions of scripts and other peripheral documents belonged to the film. These files are deposited in “Cinemateca Brasileira” and many of them have not been officially cataloged. Thus one of the efforts of this paper will be to detail them seeking reach the poetic project of the author, revealing its esthetic and ethical principles of that moment. The theoretical support offered by academics in Critics of Creative processes will be the main tool for this task. We intend to use this material, the result of the comparative reading of scripts and other documents, to understand the Brazilian political and cultural context of the late 60's, taking as basis for such work theories that allows to think the examination of film documents, in addition to film, as a source for the writing of history.<br>Esta pesquisa tem o objetivo de estudar o processo criativo do filme brasileiro O Bravo Guerreiro, 1969, de Gustavo Dahl, a partir da análise, descrição e comparação das diferentes versões de roteiros e demais documentos periféricos à realização deste filme. Estes arquivos estão depositados na Cinemateca Brasileira e boa parte deles não foi catalogada oficialmente até a conclusão deste texto, assim, um dos esforços desta dissertação será o de detalhá-los buscando alcançar o projeto poético do autor, revelando seus princípios éticos e estéticos naquele momento. O suporte teórico oferecido pelos estudiosos em Crítica de processo criativo será a ferramenta principal para tal tarefa. Pretendemos utilizar esse material, o resultado da leitura comparativa dos roteiros e demais documentos, para a compreensão do contexto político e cultural brasileiro do final da década de 1960, tomando como base para tal empreita teorias que permitam pensar o exame de documentos cinematográficos, além do filme, como fonte para a escrita da História.

Ce travail propose une analyse du récit romanesque des années 70, chez des écrivains ayant opté pour une nouvelle forme de prose : à la linéarité traditionnelle se substitue la discontinuité narrative, à l'unicité de l'histoire une pluralité d'éléments, à la cohérence stylistique un roman plurilingue. Les six chapitres abordent les procédés différents responsables de ce renouvellement : variations graphiques et éléments paratextuels englobés dans le texte ; pauses narratives, digressions et histoires insérées ; juxtaposition de styles et genres littéraires ; contraintes structurelles qui entament la fluidité du récit. Les exemples sont fournis par des romans contemporains de trois romanciers européens : Malina d'Ingeborg Bachmann ; Le château des destins croisés, Les villes invisibles et Si par une nuit d'hiver un voyageur d'Italo Calvino ; W ou le souvenir d'enfance et La vie mode d'emploi de Georges Perec. Bien que conçues dans des contextes géographiques et culturels différents, leurs œuvres présentent des analogies concrètes et, surtout, une tendance commune à la déconstruction narrative, formelle et stylistique du récit<br>This work proposes an analysis of the literary text in novels of the nineteen seventies by writers who opted for a new form of prose: the traditional linearity gave way to narrative discontinuity, the oneness of the plot was replaced by a variety of elements, stylistic coherence disappeared in favour of a multiple novel. The six chapters treat the different methods involving this revolution: graphical variations and paratextual elements included in text, narrative breaks, digressions and inserted histories, mixture of styles and genders, and structural rules destroying the fluidity of the text. The examples are provided by some contemporary novels of three European writers : Malina by Ingeborg Bachmann ; The Castle of the Crossed Destinies, Invisible Cities and If on a Winter's Night a Traveler by Italo Calvino ; W or the Memory of Childhood and Life: A User's Manual by Georges Perec. Though conceived in different geographical and cultural contexts, these works present concrete analogies and, above all, a common tendency to the narrative, formal and stylistic deconstruction of text

Submitted by Marina Ribeiro da Silva (ma_ribeiros@hotmail.com) on 2018-10-03T00:47:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Marina Ribeiro da Silva.pdf: 1583726 bytes, checksum: 5b1bd9434eae2dc9dcae224d80f9834b (MD5)<br>Rejected by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br), reason: Bom dia, solicitamos que realize correções na submissão seguindo as orientações abaixo: 1. O título em inglês no repositório está diferente que no trabalho Abstract. 2. A data de defesa e do trabalho estão corretos? 2017 ? Se sim ignore a pergunta. Att Jacqueline. on 2018-10-03T13:18:51Z (GMT)<br>Submitted by Marina Ribeiro da Silva (ma_ribeiros@hotmail.com) on 2018-10-03T17:16:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Marina Ribeiro da Silva.pdf: 1583726 bytes, checksum: 5b1bd9434eae2dc9dcae224d80f9834b (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-10-03T18:11:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_MR_me_fran.pdf: 1583726 bytes, checksum: 5b1bd9434eae2dc9dcae224d80f9834b (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-03T18:11:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_MR_me_fran.pdf: 1583726 bytes, checksum: 5b1bd9434eae2dc9dcae224d80f9834b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-28<br>Esta pesquisa pretende analisar a percepção expressa pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade acerca da atividade jurisdicional desenvolvida pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, durante os anos da Ditadura Militar brasileira. Órgão de cúpula do Judiciário, o Supremo Tribunal Federal foi profundamente afetado pelos Atos Institucionais editados pelo Poder Executivo militarizado. A investigação, à semelhança daquela realizada pela comissão de verdade, tomará o interregno compreendido entre 1964 e 1969 como marco temporal, e se preocupará com o estudo dos habeas corpus de caráter político que chegaram ao Tribunal nestes primeiros anos da ditadura militar. Objetivando descortinar os critérios utilizados pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade, em seu relatório final, ao vaticinar que o Supremo Tribunal Federal, em consonância com todo o Poder Judiciário brasileiro, compactuou com as arbitrariedades e graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas pelo Regime Militar, adotaremos uma abordagem multimétodo. Em um primeiro momento, serão levantadas fontes jurídico-históricas referentes à utilização da garantia do habeas corpus no Brasil e ao impacto que os Atos Institucionais editados durante a Ditadura Militar tiveram sobre o Supremo Tribunal Federal. Posteriormente, na segunda parte da pesquisa, buscaremos apreender o que é uma comissão de verdade, ferramenta de Justiça Transicional, e como a Comissão Nacional da Verdade, utilizando-se de métodos e materiais próprios, entendeu o funcionamento do Supremo Tribunal Federal nos primeiros anos do período de exceção brasileiro.<br>This research aims to analyze the perception expressed by the National Truth Commission on the judicial activity of the Supreme Federal Court, during the years of dictatorship the Brazilian military. Judiciary umbrella body, the Supreme Court was deeply affected by the Institutional Acts issued by the Executive Branch militarized. The research, like that carried out by the truth commission, will take the interregnum between 1964 and 1969 as a timeframe, and be concerned with the study of the political nature of habeas corpus which reached the Court in these early years of the military dictatorship. Aiming to uncover the criteria used by the National Truth Commission in its final report to predict that the Supreme Court, in line with all the Brazilian Judiciary, agreed with arbitrariness and serious human rights violations perpetrated by the military regime, adopt one multi-method approach. At first, legal and historical sources referring will be raised to the use of the habeas corpus guarantee in Brazil and the impact that the Acts Institutional edited during the military dictatorship had on the Supreme Court. Later, in the second part of the study, we seek to grasp what a truth commission, transitional justice tool, and as the National Truth Commission, using methods and materials themselves, understand the functioning of the Supreme Court in the early years Brazilian exception period.

I identify Tony Williams’ formative drumset ideology as being emergent from his adaptive modeling of the feel, technique and creativity identified in the drumming of Art Blakey, Max Roach and Philly Joe Jones respectively and present the results of extensive textual and musicological research on Williams’ formative practices between 1945 and 1969 as an archetype for cultivating originality in jazz drumset performance studies. I examine patterns of creative thought in the New York jazz community as they developed from the relative heteronomy of modernist bebop improvisation to the postmodernist aesthetic of jazz-rock fusion resulting in the emergence of collective autonomy in musical interaction and improvisation. My research reveals Willams’ possession of autotelic personality and utilisation of learning techniques associated with heutagogy. Also identified is the prevalence of entrainment in the social and musical interactions of the New York jazz community and I interpret these qualities through the lens of the theory of complex adaptive systems as a model for learning in jazz drumset performance studies. I analyse Williams’ ensemble and solo drumming in comparison to that of Blakey, Roach and Jones in addition to Roy Haynes by using an analytic schema designed specifically for identification of contrasting qualities in the voicing of rhythm and expression as revealed in the grouping and ordering of limbs in drumset performance. I present a complete stylistic overview of Williams’ recorded output until 1969 including swing, avant garde, ballad, straight eighth-note and sixteenth-note oriented styles as well as complex temporal events such as polymetric superimposition, rubato, polytempo, superimposed metric modulation, metric modulation and tempo fluctuation.

Ce travail se propose d'interroger le problème des limites de la représentation du cinéma de l'âge classique (1920-1960) à partir de l'esthétique organique-pathétique conçue par Sergueï Eisenstein dans la Non-Indifférente Nature, qu'il nomme « formule de l'extase ». Après avoir montré l'existence d'une double nature de l'extase chez Eisenstein (en même temps eidétique et régressive), ce travail montre les analogies de cette formule avec la mise en forme de l'excès de pathos (thématique et formel) dans l’œuvre de trois cinéastes hollywoodiens, King Vidor, Josef von Sternberg et Orson Welles<br>This piece of work aims to inquire the topic of the limits of representation in the cinema of classical era (1920-1960) on the basis of the organic-pathetic esthetics conceived by Sergei Eisenstein in The Nonindifferent nature, which he names “formula of ecstasy”. After having shown the existence of a double (that is, eidetic and regressive at the same time) nature of ecstasy in Eisenstein, this piece of work will focus on the analogies between this formula and the shaping of the excess of (thematic and formal) pathos in the works by three Hollywood filmmakers: King Vidor, Josef von Sternberg and Orson Welles

Ph.D. thesis abstract PhDr. Matěj Bílý The Ph.D. thesis "The Warsaw Treaty Organization 1969-1985. The pinnacle and path to dissolution" analyses inside processes within both political and military structures of the alliance and puts it in the context of the Cold War's development and the events in the Soviet sphere of influence in Europe. It deals mostly with the climax of the Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev's rule, however, attention is paid also to the short intermezzo of his successors, Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko. The work is based on a broad research in the Czech, Polish and German archives, already published documents and the proper secondary literature. The explanation focuses not only to the development of the organization's mechanisms - it also asses the Warsaw Pact's role as one of the Kremlin's tools for managing the Eastern Bloc. Nonetheless, during Brezhnev's era, the alliance never became an initiator of processes within the Soviet sphere of interest. In fact, the organization's structures were not very initiative. The agenda of meetings was defined elsewhere, most often in Moscow. The activities in the alliance's framework did not constitute a starting-point for the development in the Soviet sphere of influence. On the contrary, the processes within the Warsaw Treaty Organization...

碩士<br>臺北市立師範學院<br>視覺藝術研究所<br>92<br>This is a research about the art of Anselm Kiefer (b. 1945), one of Germany’s visual artists in the last half of twentieth century. Anselm Kiefer seems to be the representative of a new generation of Germany artists who were painfully aware of the terrible history of Germany. During the period of 1969 to 1985, his arts were particularly affected by Germany history, myth, literature, art history, music, philosophy, topography, architecture, folk culture and the Nazi past. By the research, I hope to find out the connection of Kiefer’s art and the varied sources above, and try to explain the way he got free from the suffering of Germany history. My approach in this study is trying to explore the personality of Kiefer, the creative motifs of Kiefer, and the varied resources influenced upon his arts. Besides, by the way of a regression into the historical past, this study intends to see how Kiefer got to grips with Germany historical past and its present . To sum up, this research includes five parts as follows: (1) concerning German identity (2) confronting Christian legacy and German mythology (3) interpreting German history events (4) exploring the German being ideology (5) thinking about the redemptive role of art. As a result of this study, there are some conclusion as follows: (1) He rejected his art labelled as American-art. (2) By means of imitating the Nazi-salute, .Kiefer touched the shadow of the Nazi past and made a self-examination (3) Kiefer searched for the sources of German mythology and the central dogma of Christianity not only for the root searching, but also for his inner conflict which were related to the values of Christianity and the German mythological roots. (4) By combined German mythology , historical themes, with Jewish tradition, Kiefer attempted to express the mourning for the whole of German culture. Besides, he accepted the original sin of being a German. (5) By exploring the history of German, Kiefer knew who he was in German identity. (6 ) Kiefer’s creation were attached to national historical themes that means he paid more attentaion on human sympathy than ever.

Defence date: 26 November 2010<br>Examining Board: Prof. Giovanni Federico (European University Institute) – Supervisor; Prof. Kiran Patel (European University Institute); Prof. Matthias Schulz (Université de Genève); Prof. Giles Scott-Smith (University of Leiden)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses

Many scholars have considered Cuban American artist Ana Mendieta to be a translator of Afro-Cuban culture. In her 2019 monograph on the artist, for example, Genevieve Hyacinthe writes: “brownness made Mendieta a powerful translator of Black Atlantic forms into contemporary art language because she was not, and could never be, part of the dominant white culture.” Mendieta also announced herself as a translator (and inheritor) of Siboney and Taino cultures. Her gallery notes that to celebrate her return to Cuba’s “maternal breast” as an adult, the artist titled the rock carvings she made there with “names of zemis, or Taíno spirits, such as Bacayu for ‘Light of Day.’” I argue that alongside her claims on Taino cultural heritage we might consider her actual ancestry and claims on Indigenous women in the art of Cuban settlers before her. My dissertation considers Mendieta as a translator not of Taino myths or Black cultural practices but of ethnological texts and nationalistic folklore which catalogued and caricatured Black and Indigenous cultures. “Bacayu,” for example, is not a Taino “zemi” but rather a word she culled from a glossary of Black and Indigenous terms: a performance of knowledge over Indigenous cultures rather than a Taino cultural product. It hails from a lecherous story written by a Havana dentist about the death of an “Indian doncella.” Each chapter considers her translations of such pieces, focusing in particular on her translation choices which I suggest are motivated by her feminist and anti-imperial politics. My first chapter considers the influence of ethnographic studies on Abakuá and particularly the writings of Fernando Ortiz in her Iowa campus performances which reference crime scenes and “sacrificial” initiation ceremonies. Rather than offering unmediated access to Black religious practices, I suggest she is performing an abased view of Abakuá as seen through the (exterminationist) lens of Ortiz’s scholarship from his criminological ethnography, Los negros brujos (1906), to his less punitive but still highly fetishizing account of Abakuá in “La ‘tragedia’ de los ñáñigos” (1950). I don’t believe Mendieta translates this work to oppress Black people. Rather as a bodywork artist composing a militant, corporal language of feminist critique, she aims the violence of cultural translation toward her chauvinistic art school cohort. The second chapter considers her literary translation of “La Venus Negra, based on a Cuban legend,” which was composed by Adrián del Valle, Ortiz’s secretary at La Sociedad Económica de los Amigos del País for which he collated Cuba’s first public library among other projects. The original legend can be contextualized by del Valle’s broader stewardship of Cuban letters: he penned “La Venus Negra” for a collection celebrating the Centenary of Cienfuegos from the family notes of a prominent cienfueguero, Pedro Modesto. Examining the tacky national showcase in which the legend originally appears, I consider the ways Mendieta repositions la Venus Negra as a display of her own “will to continue being Other.” In particular, her translation imposes a “Siboney” ancestry on la Venus Negra and dispenses with the conditions which determine the protagonist’s muteness (in the original, la Venus Negra is a nude Black woman who is captured and displaced from her island hideout by criollo enslavers). In Mendieta’s translation la Venus is not muted Black protest incarnate but becomes an anti-colonial symbol. Mendieta publishes the piece in the feminist magazine Heresies, illustrating the legend with a silhouette of her own body from her Silueta Series. Again, I don’t think Mendieta poses as a Ciboney woman or absents Black women in a gesture of ill will toward Black and Indigenous people. Rather, she does so as an anti-imperial strategy consistent with Fidel Castro’s cadre, as her unavowed translation of Roberto Fernández Retamar’s “Calibán” into her “Dialectics of Isolation: An Exhibition of Third World Women Artists of the United States” curatorial statement indicates. In the essay, Retamar, a white Cuban scholar, aligns the revolution with Black and Indigenous Cuba by “reclaiming” the caricature Caliban, which, as Coco Fusco writes, Shakespeare himself had based on an “Indian” exhibited in London. In the third chapter, I consider Mendieta’s Esculturas Rupestres, not as tributes to Taino spirits but as monuments of settler longing for mutilated Indigenous women. The legend I mentioned in the introductory paragraph, “Bacayu,” for example, is settler fanfiction about a daughter of a “cacique” whose death portends the coming of the white man and includes a lengthy description of the dead woman’s body. I also point toward the misnamings of Black women which appear within this rock series (Black Venus, Mother) which are often overlooked by scholars who ask us to read the work as Taino myth. Finally, building on these themes, I suggest a comparison to the work of Brazilian artist Hélio Oiticica: emphasizing the similarities in their “cannibalistic” approaches to translation. Although differently aligned politically (leftist, anarchist), Oiticica’s family, like Mendieta’s, were culturally and politically prominent settlers; and, like Mendieta, Oiticica is often read as a translator of Black Atlantic culture. Further both artists engaged in the caricaturing of Indigenous “American” cultures. In New York, Oiticica translated Oswald de Andrade’s “Manifesto Antropófago” (1928) to contextualize his work and the work of his friends. Artists in Brazil had adapted de Andrade’s manifesto into a translation program “cannibalizing” European and North American cultures, a practice they misidentified as Tupi as de Andrade had. Comparing Mendieta and Oiticica as translators reveals shared patterns of Latin American vanguards employing caricatures of Black and Indigenous cultures in anti-imperial performances. These caricatures and their resemblance to caricatures in the U.S. also point to older (and enduring) transnational networks of white nationalism in the Americas.

Le sujet de notre recherche est le volontariat international au Québec. Le but de notre démarche est de définir, qualifier et mieux cerner ce qu'a été la pratique du volontariat international, entre 1960 et 1985, à travers le cas spécifique du Service universitaire canadien outre-mer (SUCO). Notre principale hypothèse repose sur une mutation de l'éthique à la base du volontariat international: d'une éthique chrétienne puis libérale, le volontariat au SUCO découle, à compter des années 1970, d'une éthique solidaire. Pour en arriver à une telle démonstration, nous brossons en tout premier lieu un tableau historiographique qui nous permet de saisir l'état de la question. Une telle démarche permet également d'établir une recension des écrits sur des concepts-clé, à savoir le volontariat et le développement, pour en aboutir à des définitions opérationnelles pour notre programme. Ensuite, nous consacrons un chapitre au parcours historique du SUCO. D'un organisme national ayant comme principal objectif l'envoi de volontaires, le SUCO s'autonomise et s'arroge de nouveaux objectifs, notamment celui d'éduquer la population québécoise aux enjeux du développement international. Le volontariat, dans une perspective que l'on appelle la solidarité internationale, n'est plus central comme il l'avait été initialement et comme le gouvernement fédéral canadien continue de le souhaiter. Un chapitre suivant nous amène à considérer cette relation entre le gouvernement canadien et le SUCO. Nous y voyons quelles furent les motivations fédérales dans la coopération internationale, le soutien aux organisations non-gouvernementales (ONG) puis au volontariat. Nous voyons aussi comment la crise du SUCO, en opposant la vision gouvernementale à celle véhiculée par les membres actifs du SUCO, illustre et calcifie la distance entre deux visions de la coopération internationale et du volontariat. Dans un dernier chapitre, nous voyons comment les différents acteurs qualifièrent le volontariat à travers le temps. C'est ainsi que nous retraçons les caractères d'un volontariat libéral, héritier d'une éthique chrétienne missionnaire, au début des années 1960. C'est ainsi également que nous soulignons les caractères d'une nouvelle éthique qui se met en place, celle de la solidarité. Cette dernière, sous l'impulsion d'anciens volontaires et dans une démarche critique d'une définition libérale du développement et du volontariat, amènera une nouvelle acception de la coopération internationale de même que du volontariat en découlant. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Volontariat international, Volontaires, Coopérants-volontaires, SUCO.