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Books on the topic '1970s political activism'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 11 December 2022
Last updated: 25 January 2023

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1

1963-, Thompson Heather Ann, ed. Speaking out: Activism and protest in the 1960s and 1970s. Pearson Prentice Hall, 2010.

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2

Stout Research Centre for New Zealand Studies. Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, ed. Māori political activism and the quest for rangatiratanga in the 1970s and 1980s: A Māori perspective. Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Stout Research Centre for New Zealand Studies, Victoria University of Wellington, 2007.

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3

The challenge of blackness: The Institute of the Black World and political activism in the 1970s. University Press of Florida, 2011.

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4

Library, Princeton University. Spanish political and economic transition groups, 1940s-1980s. Primary Source Microfilm, 2004.

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5

Johnson, Virginia M. Spanish political and economic transition groups, 1940s-1980s. Princeton University Libraries, 1991.

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6

1973-, Rodriguez Garcia Magaly, ed. European solidarity with Chile, 1970s-1980s. Peter Lang GmbH, 2014.

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7

Kallen, Stuart A. Political activists of the 1960s. Lucent Books, 2004.

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8

Chan, Shelly. A maidservant of the revolution: He Xiangning and Chinese feminist nationalism in the 1920s and 1930s. Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007.

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9

The new radicals: A generational memoir of the 1970s. Jacana Media, 2014.

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10

Kim, Jin Hee. Labor law and labor policy in New York State, 1920s-1930s. American Studies Institute, Seoul National University, 2006.

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11

Kim, Jin Hee. Labor law and labor policy in New York State, 1920s-1930s. American Studies Institute, Seoul National University, 2006.

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12

1970-nendairon. Hihyōsha, 2004.

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13

Beyond the laboratory: Scientists as political activists in 1930s America. University of Chicago Press, 1987.

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14

Changing the world, changing oneself: Political protest and collective identities in West Germany and the U.S. in the 1960s and 1970s. Berghahn Books, 2010.

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15

Ledesma, Matilde Luna. Los empresarios y el cambio político: México, 1970-1987. Ediciones Era, 1992.

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16

El estado y la violencia en Guatemala (1944-1970). Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, Centro de Estudios Urbanos y Regional, 2004.

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17

Soria, Julio César Pinto. El estado y la violencia en Guatemala (1944-1970). Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, Centro de Estudios Urbanos y Regionales, 2004.

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18

The big vote: Gender, consumer culture, and the politics of exclusion, 1890s-1920s. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004.

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19

Nehring, Holger. Peace Movements and the Demilitarization of German Political Culture, 1970s–1980s. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037894.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the relationship between peace movement activism and demilitarization in both East and West Germany during the 1970s and 1980s. It focuses on the history of peace activism in the two parts of the divided Germany: the liberal-democratic West German Federal Republic (FRG) and the socialist dictatorship of the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Such an approach reveals not only the common themes they addressed and the transfers of ideas across the Iron Curtain, but also the ways in which governments addressed them as mirror images in the Cold War for ideas. While the peace movements in the West could appear in the contemporary political-cultural mainstream as the results of communist infiltration, the GDR government regarded the independent peace movement in the East as the result of the infiltration of the GDR by dangerous bourgeois-capitalist pacifists.
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20

Front porch politics: The forgotten heyday of American activism in the 1970s and 1980s. Hill and Wang, 2013.

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21

Foley, Michael Stewart. Front Porch Politics: The Forgotten Heyday of American Activism in the 1970s And 1980s. Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2013.

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22

Whittier, Nancy. Generational Spillover in the Resistance to Trump. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190886172.003.0011.

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The anti-Trump Resistance involves activists from an unusually wide range of political and chronological generations: movement veterans from the 1960s and 1970s, Generation X activists politicized in the 1980s and 1990s, Millennials who entered activism in the 2000s, and newcomers of all ages. Political generations differ in worldview based on both age and time of entry into activism. Generational spillover—the mutual influence, difference, and conflict among political generations—includes explicit attempts to teach organizing, and indirect influences on frames, organizational structures, tactics, ideologies, and goals. This chapter discusses generational spillover in the Resistance, including transmission and conflict.
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23

Twarog, Emily E. LB. Organizing in the 1970s. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190685591.003.0006.

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In 1973, housewives in California launched what would be the last meat boycott of the twentieth century. And, like its predecessors, the 1973 boycott gained national momentum albeit with little political traction now that Peterson had left public life for a job in the private sector as the consumer advisor to the Giant grocery store chain. And in some quarters of the labor movement, activists drew very clear links between the family economy and the stagnation plaguing workers’ wages. The 1973 boycott led to the founding of the National Consumers Congress, a national organization intended to unite consumer organizers. While it was a short-lived organization, it demonstrates the momentum that consumer activism was building. This chapter also reflects on the lost coordinating opportunity between housewives organizing around consumer issues and the women’s movement in the 1970s.
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24

White, Derrick E. The Challenge of Blackness: The Institute of the Black World and Political Activism in the 1970s. University Press of Florida, 2012.

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25

Davies, Carole Boyce. Circulations. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038020.003.0012.

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This chapter engages some of the political realities of living as a Caribbean person in the United States. It examines the movements of some of the most visibly representative figures largely from the Anglophone Caribbean, from the formative period of black activism leading up to the Black Power period of the 1970s. In pursuing earlier work on Claudia Jones that focused largely on the 1930s—1950s, the author was able to see some patterns emerging in the surrounding intellectuals and activists with whom Jones' work intersected and intersects, that is, the African American activists in the U.S. context and the larger Caribbean and Pan-African and international contexts. Jones' Caribbean left politics addresses the question of how to “remake” inherited political positions for usability in black communities.
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26

Gallagher, Julie A. Conclusion. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036965.003.0007.

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This concluding chapter recounts the great strides made by African American women in the United States between the 1910s and the 1970s and discusses their progress in more recent years, such as the breaking down of racialized and gendered barriers to political power. At the same time it returns to Chisholm's story and her wistful assertion that “Someday the country will be ready” for an individual who was both black and a woman to run for the presidency. Moreover, the chapter discusses how the history of black women's political activism between the 1910s and the 1970s offers some complicated lessons for activists in more current times, and suggests that, while improvements have been made over the decades, there are still many issues that need to be addressed today—not just in politics, but in other aspects of black women's lives.
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27

Laats, Adam. Learn One for the Gipper. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190665623.003.0010.

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By the late 1970s, fundamentalist schools no longer pretended to stand aloof from electoral politics. But though pundits and scholars tended to think of this as something new, it actually represented a continuation of a long tradition. Since the 1920s, evangelical and fundamentalist campuses had always been hotbeds of political thought and activism, usually along conservative lines. Similarly, by the 1970s a new debate split creationists, with fundamentalists often insisting on young-earth beliefs and evangelicals hoping for a more profound engagement with mainstream science. The angry split between young-earth creationist fundamentalists and progressive creationist evangelicals reinforced the long running feud at all conservative-evangelical institutions.
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28

Allison, Juliann Emmons. Ecofeminism and Global Environmental Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.158.

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Ecofeminism can be described as both an ecological philosophy and a social movement that draws on environmental studies, critiques of modernity and science, and feminist critical analyses and activism to explicate connections between women and nature, and the implications of these relationships for environmental politics. Feminist writer Françoise d’Eaubonne is widely credited to be the founder of ecofeminism in the early 1970s. Ecofeminists embrace a wide range of views concerning the causal role of Western dualistic thinking, patriarchal structures of power, and capitalism in ecological degradation, and the oppression of women and other subjugated peoples. Collectively, they find value in extending feminist analyses to the simultaneous interrogation of the domination of both nature and women. The history of ecofeminism may be divided into four decade-long periods. Ecofeminism emerged in the early 1970s, coincident with a significant upturn in the contemporary women’s and environmental movements. In the 1980s, ecofeminism entered the academy as ecofeminist activists and scholars focused their attention on the exploitation of natural resources and women, particularly in the developing world. They criticized government and cultural institutions that constrained women’s reproductive and productive roles in society, and argued that environmental protection ultimately depends on increasing women’s socioeconomic and political power. In the current postfeminist and postenvironmentalist world, ecofeminists are less concerned with theoretical labels than with effective women’s activism to achieve ecological sustainability.
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29

Sutcliffe-Braithwaite, Florence. Working-Class Autobiography, c.1970–1985. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812579.003.0004.

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This chapter examines working-class autobiographies and oral history testimonies created in the 1970s by the ‘history from below’, oral history, and community publishing movements. It finds that most working-class autobiographers felt that class divisions had weakened and changed radically in the post-war years: they identified improvements in housing, the NHS, education, and the power of workers as key alterations. The disappearance of live-in domestic service was a particularly powerful symbol of the changes that had taken place. Though none thought class had disappeared, many thought class divides were less powerful. While some working-class autobiographers wrote that their experiences made them instinctive socialists, in fact political activism did not flow straightforwardly from experience, but was the result of political education and context. Working-class experience was highly diverse, and as this became clear to many in the community publishing movement, it led to changes in their activist practice in the 1980s.
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30

Thuma, Emily L. All Our Trials. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042331.001.0001.

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All Our Trials: Prisons, Policing, and the Feminist Fight to End Violence is a history of grassroots activism by, for, and about incarcerated domestic violence survivors, criminalized rape resisters, and dissident women prisoners in the 1970s and early 1980s. Across the country, in and outside of prisons, radical women participated in collective actions that insisted on the interconnections between interpersonal violence against women and the racial and gender violence of policing and imprisonment. These organizing efforts generated an anticarceral feminist politics that was defined by a critique of state violence; an understanding of race, gender, class, and sexuality as mutually constructed systems of power and meaning; and a practice of coalition-based organizing. Drawing on an array of archival sources as well as first-person narratives, the book traces the political activities, ideas, and influence of this activist current. All Our Trials demonstrates how it shaped broader debates about the root causes of and remedies for violence against women as well as played a decisive role in the making of a prison abolition movement.
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31

Twarog, Emily E. LB. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190685591.003.0001.

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The introduction traces the involvement of working-class housewives in political action from the 1930s as their involvement in cost of living protests, such as meat boycotts, led to a complicated involvement in organized political action. Tracing the entrance of these women into the political sphere through the emergence of the conservative right, it argues that as housewives negotiated the intersection of their homes, labor, community, and the marketplace, they formed a unique political constituency group in the twentieth century, which failed to find cohesion with the second-wave feminism in the 1970s, which dismissed domestic politics that these women were engaged in because it was rooted in the traditional family model, viewed with suspicion by works like Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique. This left a distinctive form of activism to pave the way for conservative women’s movement made famous by anti-feminist icon Phyllis Schlafly and the conservative watch group the Eagle Forum.
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32

Voss, Kimberly Wilmot. Women Politicking Politely: Advancing Feminism in the 1960s And 1970s. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated, 2019.

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33

Women Politicking Politely: Advancing Feminism in the 1960s And 1970s. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2017.

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34

Tsutsui, Kiyoteru. Rights Make Might. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190853105.001.0001.

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Rights Make Might examines why the three most salient minority groups in Japan all expanded their activism since the late 1970s against significant headwinds, and chronicles how global human rights ideas and institutions empowered all three groups to engage in enhanced political activities. It also documents the contributions of the three groups to the expansion of global human rights activities, demonstrating the feedback mechanism from local groups to global institutions. Examining the prehistory of the three groups, it first sets the scene for minority politics in Japan before the 1970s, which featured politically dormant Ainu, an indigenous people in northern Japan; active but unsuccessful Koreans, a stateless colonial legacy group; and active and established Burakumin, a former outcaste group that still faced social discrimination. Against this background, the infusion of global human rights ideas and the opening of international human rights arenas as new venues for contestation transformed minority activists’ movement actorhood, or subjective understanding about their position and entitled rights in Japan, as well as the views of the Japanese public and political establishment toward those groups, thus catalyzing substantial gains for all three groups. Having benefited from global human rights, all three groups also repaid their debt by contributing to the consolidation and expansion of global human rights principles and instruments. Rights Make Might offers a detailed historical and comparative analysis of the co-constitutive relationship between international human rights activities and local politics that contributes to our understanding of international norms, multilateral institutions, social movements, human rights, ethnoracial politics, and Japanese society.
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35

Nam, Hwasook. Women in the Sky. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501758263.001.0001.

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This book examines Korean women factory workers' century-long activism, from the 1920s to the present, with a focus on gender politics both in the labor movement and in the larger society. It highlights several key moments in colonial and postcolonial Korean history when factory women commanded the attention of the wider public, including the early-1930s rubber shoe workers' general strike in Pyongyang, the early-1950s textile workers' struggle in South Korea, the 1970s democratic union movement led by female factory workers, and women workers' activism against neoliberal restructuring in recent decades. The book asks why women workers in South Korea have been relegated to the periphery in activist and mainstream narratives despite a century of persistent militant struggle and indisputable contributions to the labor movement and successful democracy movement. The book opens and closes with stories of high-altitude sit-ins — a phenomenon unique to South Korea — beginning with the rubber shoe worker Kang Churyong's sit-in in 1931 and ending with numerous others in today's South Korean labor movement, including that of Kim Jin-Sook. The book seeks to understand and rectify the vast gap between the crucial roles women industrial workers played in the process of Korea's modernization and their relative invisibility as key players in social and historical narratives. By using gender and class as analytical categories, the book presents a comprehensive study and rethinking of the twentieth-century nation-building history of Korea through the lens of female industrial worker activism.
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36

Bleich, Erik. From Race to Hate. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190465544.003.0002.

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Contemporary anti-hate policies have largely evolved from a series of laws originating in the 1960s and 1970s that countered forms of racism. Particularly in large European countries such as Britain, France, and Germany, these laws were enacted as a function of an effort to combat anti-Semitism in the post-Holocaust years and antiminority racism in the decolonization and Apartheid eras. In the 1980s and 1990s, United States–based activists began to explicitly use “hate” to mobilize policy change at the state and federal level. In the 1990s and 2000s, these strategies spread from the United States to European countries where the language of hate has begun to gain political and policy traction. This chapter draws on these longer-term historical developments to illustrate the origins, growth, and spread of “hate” as a concept that evolved from—and that continues to exist in parallel to—longstanding concerns about racism in liberal democracies.
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37

Petrie, Malcolm. Radicalism and Respectability in Working-class Political Culture. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474425612.003.0003.

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Class, for some on the radical left, and especially those in the Communist Party, was not just an economic identity. It was also one earned through conduct, particularly a commitment to political activism, sobriety and self-improvement. This was, of course, a culture that had always enjoyed a limited appeal; during the inter-war period, however, this appeal was restricted further by the rise of mass democracy, which undermined the necessary sense of political exclusion. This chapter charts the social and cultural limits of Communism in Scotland, exploring the Party’s appeal by focusing on the criminal trials of activists charged with sedition, the role played by religion and gender within the Party, and the changing nature of independent working-class education, especially within the labour college movement, during the 1920s and 1930s.
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38

Grant, Catherine. A Time of One's Own. Duke University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478023470.

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In A Time of One’s Own Catherine Grant examines how contemporary feminist artists are turning to broad histories of feminism ranging from political organizing and artworks from the 1970s to queer art and activism in the 1990s. Exploring artworks from 2002 to 2017 by artists including Sharon Hayes, Mary Kelly, Allyson Mitchell, Deirdre Logue, Lubaina Himid, Pauline Boudry, and Renate Lorenz, Grant maps a revival of feminism that takes up the creative and political implications of forging feminist communities across time and space. Grant characterizes these artists’ engagement with feminism as a fannish, autodidactic, and collective form of learning from history. This fandom of feminism allows artists to build relationships with previous feminist ideas, artworks, and communities that reject a generational model and embrace aspects of feminism that might be seen as embarrassing, queer, or anachronistic. Accounting for the growing interest in feminist art, politics, and ideas across generations, Grant demonstrates that for many contemporary feminist artists, the present moment can only be understood through an embodied engagement with history in which feminist pasts are reinhabited and reimagined.
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39

Gallagher, Julie A. On the Shirley Chisholm Trail in the 1960s and 1970s. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036965.003.0006.

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This chapter examines Shirley Chisholm's political career as part of this longer history of African American women in New York City politics. The first black woman elected to the U.S. Congress, Chisholm contributed to the breaking down of barriers that kept black women from powerful positions within the federal government. She was a vocal advocate for an activist government to redress economic, social, and political injustices, and she frequently used her national prominence to bring attention to racial, sexual, and class-based inequality. At the same time, she collided into well-established and powerful forces that made it hard to effect change, and she arrived in Congress at the moment when the New Deal coalition began to fall apart. Although her impact as a liberal Democrat would be blunted by the larger political forces surrounding her, Chisholm's influence on the predominantly white women's movement was substantial.
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40

Kay, Tamara, and R. L. Evans. Trade Politics prior to NAFTA. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190847432.003.0003.

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Chapter 3 explores key political and economic conditions in North America that led to NAFTA’s negotiation and examines the relations between labor unions and environmental organizations in the years prior to its proposal when trade policy was dominated by a political elite. It begins with a discussion of trade in the 1930s, then moves into the 1970s when trade policy was not contested by activists. It then tracks the shift to trade liberalization policies, an erosion of legislative consensus around trade, and growing discontent among labor environmental activists leading into the late 1980s. Finally, the chapter examines the history of emerging labor-environmental coalitions in response to maquiladoras.
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41

Twarog, Emily E. LB. Politics of the Pantry. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190685591.001.0001.

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This book examines the rise and fall of the American housewife as a political constituency group and explores the relationship between the domestic sphere and the formation of political identity. This book is a study of how women used institutions built on patriarchy and consumer capitalism to cultivate a political voice. Using a labor history lens, it places the home rather than the workplace at the center of the community, revealing new connections between labor, gender, and citizenship. Three periods of consumer upheaval anchor the narrative: the Depression-era meat boycott of 1935, the consumer coalitions of the New Deal and the rise of the Cold War, and the wave of consumer protests in the 1960s and 1970s. The book is framed around the lives of several key labor and consumer activists and their organizations in both urban and suburban areas—Detroit, Chicagoland, Long Island, and Los Angeles. The geographic diversity of these three periods allows for a national story about the influence of domestic politics between the New Deal and the election of Ronald Reagan and the emergence of the conservative right. Some of these women have appeared in other historical work in limited ways, while the remaining women are new to the literature of consumer activism. This book tells the story of these women as they enter the public sphere to protest the increasingly challenging task of feeding their families and balancing the household ledger.
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42

Thomson, Jennifer. The Wild and the Toxic. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651996.001.0001.

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Health figures centrally in late twentieth-century environmental activism. There are many competing claims about the health of ecosystems, the health of the planet, and the health of humans, yet there is little agreement among the likes of D.C. lobbyists, grassroots organizers, eco-anarchist collectives, and science-based advocacy organizations about whose health matters most, or what health even means. In this book, Jennifer Thomson untangles the complex web of political, social, and intellectual developments that gave rise to the multiplicity of claims and concerns about environmental health. Thomson traces four strands of activism from the 1970s to the present: the environmental lobby, environmental justice groups, radical environmentalism and bioregionalism, and climate justice activism. By focusing on health, environmentalists were empowered to intervene in the rise of neoliberalism, the erosion of the regulatory state, and the decimation of mass-based progressive politics. Yet, as this book reveals, an individualist definition of health ultimately won out over more communal understandings. Considering this turn from collective solidarity toward individual health helps explain the near paralysis of collective action in the face of planetary disaster.
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43

Dunning, John H. The Key Literature on IB Activities: 1960–2006. Edited by Alan M. Rugman. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199234257.003.0002.

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In considering the origin, form, and global spread of the value-added activities of multinational enterprises (MNEs) over the past four and a half decades, this article traces the main thrust and content of two influential strands of literature. The two strands are closely interrelated. The first examines the development of scholarly thinking on the determinants of the ownership, sectoral pattern, and geographical scope of MNE activity. The second identifies, and where possible evaluates the significance of the main changes in the external technological, economic, and political environment that, in part at least, have helped fashion these determinants. In reviewing both literatures, and the interface between them, the article considers three main time periods, viz. the 1960s to the mid 1970s, the mid 1970s to the late 1980s, and the late 1980s to the early 2000s.
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44

Heller, Monica. Socioeconomic Junctures, Theoretical Shifts. Edited by James W. Tollefson and Miguel Pérez-Milans. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.013.6.

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This chapter begins by situating language policy and planning (LPP) historically, linking it to colonialism and capitalism, and in particular to the development of the nation-state. The institutionalized emergence of LPP as a defined field of scholarly inquiry in the 1960s–1980s, with a peak in the 1960s and 1970s, is understood in the context of state management of populations on the terrain of language, necessarily connected to the interests of capital. The central question is how LPP has been understood, at various historical junctures, to be connected to both political and economic interests. LPP’s increasingly explicit interest in economic activity tracks a shift in locus of attention and activity. The question for LPP has thus become the legitimacy of its mission: whose interests it serves, and in the name of what.
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45

Gabriele, Griffin, ed. Feminist activism in the 1990s. Bristol, PA, 1995.

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46

Griffin, Gabriele. Feminist Activism in The 1990s. Taylor & Francis Group, 2005.

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47

Griffin, Gabriele. Feminist Activism in The 1990s. Taylor & Francis Group, 1995.

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48

Griffin, Gabriele. Feminist Activism in The 1990s. Taylor & Francis Group, 2005.

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49

Griffin, Gabriele. Feminist Activism in The 1990s. Taylor & Francis Group, 2005.

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50

Heberle, Renee. The Personal Is Political. Edited by Lisa Disch and Mary Hawkesworth. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199328581.013.31.

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This chapter traces the history of and various meanings captured by the phrase “the personal is political” in the United States. It begins with an explanation of the use of the phrase by young civil rights activists who were struggling with the abstraction of critical theory and the authoritarian qualities of culture. The chapter tracks the phrase through into the early days of feminism in the late 1960s and early 1970s when second-wave feminists began to challenge the violence and oppressions experienced by women in the private realm. The chapter then highlights how “the personal is political” is related to the emergence of identity politics and the theorizing of difference within feminism. The conclusion offers some observations about contemporary uses and abuses of the phrase by those who identify as feminists in the popular sphere.
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