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Santiago, Maximus Taveira. "Uma história da Secretaria Municipal de Saúde de Niterói (1975-1991)." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2010. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1677.
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Para escrever esta tese, que relata a criação, em 1975, da Secretaria Municipal de Saúde de Niterói, e sua evolução até 1991, valemo-nos de pesquisas realizadas em fontes primárias num período que abrangeu os últimos 60 anos. Foram pesquisados planos, programas e relatórios de secretários de Saúde, Diários Oficiais da União e do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Esses documentos primários, que constituem nossa maior fonte de pesquisa e montam a mais de 600 páginas, são apresentados nos anexos da tese. Também pesquisamos em fontes secundárias, como teses, dissertações, livros e periódicos. Destacamos na área da Saúde em Niterói, no início desse período, a implantação do Projeto Niterói, que hierarquizou e integrou as unidades de saúde no município de Niterói e implementou as Ações Integradas de Saúde, e ao seu final, em 1991, a realização da Primeira Conferência Municipal de Saúde de Niterói, a implantação do Conselho Municipal de Saúde, da Fundação Municipal de Saúde bem como a realização do Primeiro Concurso Público do Município de Niterói destinado a profissionais da área da saúde. Essas ações constituíram uma referência regional e nacional da integração dos serviços de saúde nas três esferas do Poder Executivo: o municipal, o estadual e o federal. No município de Niterói, forjaram e sustentaram a política pública de saúde municipal, implementando as prescrições constitucionais do Sistema Único de Saúde<br>To write this thesis, which describes the creation in 1975, of the Municipal Health Secretariat in Niterói city, and its development until 1991, we made use of research in primary sources over a period covering the last 60 years. We searched plans, programs and reports of secretaries of Health, Official Journals of the Union and State of Rio de Janeiro. These primary documents, which are our largest source of research and amount to more than 600 pages, are presented in the Annexes of the thesis. We also researched secondary sources, such as theses, dissertations, books and periodicals. We highlight in the Health area in Niteroi, in the beginning of this period, the implementation of the Niterói Project, which prioritized and integrated health units in Niterói, implemented the Integrated Health Actions and conducted in its end, in 1991, the first Municipal Health Conference of Niterói, the implementation of the Municipal Health Council and the Municipal Health Foundation, and the holding of the First Tender of the city of Niterói, designed for health care professionals. These actions constituted a regional and national integration of health services in the three spheres of government: municipal, state and federal. In the municipality of Niterói, they forged and sustained the public health politics, implementing the constitutional provisions of the Unified Health System
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Rashidirostami, Mahroo. "Theatre and cultural nationalism : Kurdish theatre under the Baath, 1975-1991." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/19578.
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This dissertation explores the role played by Kurdish theatre in the Kurdish national struggle in Iraq especially between 1975 and 1991. First, it traces the development of Kurdish theatre, within the socio-political context in Iraqi Kurdistan, from its emergence in the 1920s to the defeat of the Kurdish nationalist movement and the fall of the Kurdistan region under the direct Baath rule in 1975. It will then explore the Kurdish resistance theatre during the Baath rule and will analyse the representation of Kurdish nationalist identity in four dramas produced during the Baath rule between 1975 and 1991. By analysing the nationalist themes in the works of Ehmed Salar and Telet Saman, two prominent playwrights and directors of the late 1970s and the duration of the 1980s, I will argue that despite strict censorship during most of this period, theatre played a critical role in the Kurdish national struggle by staging Kurdish history, mythology, folklore, and re-enacting oppressed histories. Along with the thematic analysis of representative dramatic texts from the period and interviews with Kurdish theatre artists, this research draws on Kurdish theatre histories, historical documents, and journalistic accounts, to reveal how theatre participated in the Kurdish national struggle and how it responded to political changes in different historical periods.
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Henintsoa, Tolojanaha Arthur Marie. "Le système fiscal malgache." Paris 2, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA020075.
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Dote de techniques juridiques et fiscales assez completes, generalement inspirees de la legislation francaise, le systeme fiscal malgache est confronte a une distorsion structurelle. A cote d'un faible taux de recouvrement du a la carence de l'administration a couvrir certaines activites et l'ensemble du pays, se trouve une pression fiscale elevee pesant sur le secteur economique productif deja vulnerable. Ce qui engendre a la fois une inegalite dans la repartition de la charge fiscale et une faible productivite du systeme<br>The malagasy tax system, though fully equipped with legal and fiscal means mainly inspired by the french system, is today threatened with structural imbalance. Whereas tax revenue is low, due to administrative inability to cover certain types of activities and the difficulty to collect tax over the whole country, there is nevertheless considerable pressure on the already vulnerable productive areas of the economy. This leads both the unduly heavy taxation for some parts of the economy and a fiscal system with low production
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Estenssoro, Luis Enrique Rambalducci. "O sistema economico latino-americano (SELA): integração e relações internacionais (1975-1991)." Universidade de São Paulo, 1994. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-16082011-100208/.
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Traça um panorama teórico e histórico do contexto do pós-guerra, da crise da ordem internacional estabelecida em Bretton Woods, e da perspectiva de uma Nova Ordem Econômica Internacional (NOEI). Estuda o subsistema regional latino-americano, com os seus diversos esquemas de integração existentes (ALALC/ALADI, MCCA, GRAN, CARICOM, MERCOSUL). Descreve a criação do SELA, as expectativas que gerou e a natureza, propósitos, objetivos e estrutura da organização, como definidas no Convênio do Panamá (1975). Comenta e avalia alguns aspectos da atuação desta organização intergovernamental de integração regional frente aos problemas da dívida externa e crise das Malvinas, bem como perante aos novos processos de industrialização e tecnologia, com a intenção de definir melhor a utilização dos conceitos de desenvolvimento econômico e de seguridade econômica coletiva e integral. Por último, a dissertação analisa o papel do SELA na relação da América Latina com os EUA, União Européia, Japão, GATT e UNCTAD, esclarecendo a posição da organização nos marcos do diálogo Norte-Sul. Conclui com uma avaliação da história, importância e perspectivas futuras desta organização internacional.<br>Outlines a theoretical and historic post-war context, the crisis of the international order established at Bretton Woods, and the perspective for a New International Economic Order (NIEO). The research studies the latin american regional subsystem and its several integration arrangements (ALALC/ALADI, MCCA, GRAN, CARICOM, MERCOSUL). It focus on the foundation of the SELA, its mandate, objectives, organization and expectations generated at the time of the Panama Convention (1975). It reviews and evaluates the performance of this intergovernamental organization for the regional integration at the time of the Latin America debt crisis, and Malvinas war, as well as its stances on new industrialization and technological developments, to better define the concepts of economic development and collective and integral economic security. The research also analyses the role played by the SELA in the latin american relations with the USA, European Union, Japan, GATT and UNCTAD, under the North-South dialogue context. It concludes with an evaluation of the history, importance and futures perspectives of this international organization.
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Schwarzbürger, Susanne. "La novela de los prodigios : die Barcelona-Romane Eduardo Mendozas 1975-1991 /." Berlin : Ed. Tranvía, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39261449w.
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Borinelli, Benilson. "Um fracasso necessário : política ambiental em Santa Catarina e debilidade institucional (1975-1991) /." Florianópolis, SC, 1998. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/77468.
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Cucciolla, Mario Riccardo. "The Crisis of Soviet Power in Central Asia: The 'Uzbek cotton affair' (1975-1991)." Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2017. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/213/1/Cucciolla_phdthesis.pdf.
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The crisis of Soviet power in Central Asia: The 'Uzbek cotton affair', 1975-1991 aims at reconstructing and interpreting the final phases of Soviet political history and its effects in Uzbekistan. To this end, the reconstruction of the ‘Uzbek cotton affair’ – a judicial and political case linking the falsification of cotton production data and corruption that involved thousands of party and state officials in the republic – is something of a case study in evaluating Moscow’s grip on the ‘periphery’ of its empire. This case tracks the life story of Uzbekistan from its consolidation as a Soviet republic, through crisis and ultimately its transition into an independent state. Thus, we can identify ‘the Uzbek cotton affair’ as a critical reason for the transformations within republican political society. At the same time, it can be read as a symptom of a greater incurable disease within the whole Soviet Union itself, a system that collapsed when this kind of top-down hierarchical order – led by ideology, elite politics, social forces and interest groups and even administrators and bureaucrats – cracked down. This dissertation is divided in three parts with a total of seven chapters. The first part is introductory and aims to contextualize the Uzbek ‘periphery’ within the Soviet state, at both the political and at socio-economic level. In the first chapter, I introduce the political features that determined the consolidation of Soviet power in the UzSSR. After the formation of Uzbekistan, the Stalinist terror and the destalinization transition, the Soviet leadership transitioned to a peaceful, decentralized and tolerant pattern of control over the farthest regions of the USSR. During the 70s, the Moscow leadership and the republican party cadres built a patrimonial system that relied on local figures who could ensure loyalty to the central state. This led to the creation of autonomous client networks inside the republic and the mediation of the FS CPUz between Moscow and the national elites. This approach was particularly evident during the long ‘reign’ of the FS CPUz Sharaf Rashidov (1959-1983), a controversial figure at the center of the Cold War who – as we will see in the second chapter – turned Uzbekistan into a ‘cotton republic.’ In fact, the UzSSR became the main supplier of ‘white gold’ and from the ‘60s it essentially doubled down on cotton monoculture as a strategic task for ‘building communism’: for the tenth FYP (1976-1981), Soviet planners demanded an annual production of six million tons of raw cotton from Tashkent and reaching this target at any cost became a matter of political stability and legitimacy for the Uzbek ruling elite. The second part is argumentative and focuses on the three phases of the ‘Uzbek cotton affair.’ Hence, the third chapter analyzes the context of the second economy in the USSR and the features related to corruption and falsification of cotton production data in Uzbekistan. The rise of Andropov and his ‘moralization campaign’ would see an attempt to legalize, cleanse and – ultimately – revitalize a system in which stagnation and fraud had reached unprecedented levels. In 1983, the so called ‘Bukhara affair’ exposed the level of ‘official corruption’ and overwhelmed the higher echelons of the party and state of the UzSSR. Nevertheless, this ‘silent phase’ – characterized by preliminary inquiries, the preservation of power structures in Uzbekistan and general institutional silence – culminated in the death of Rashidov, the subsequent struggle among local elites and a nominal transformation of the patrimonial system. Thus, in the fourth chapter we analyze the ‘systemic phase’ of the Uzbek affair (1984-1985), when Moscow’s moralizing campaign was extended during the XVI plenum CPUz (1984) to map on to discord within the national party elites, the donos (complaints) wars and the internal struggles within the bureaucracy in post-Rashidovian Uzbekistan. The fifth chapter analyzes Moscow’s subsequent ‘trusteeship’ over the republic, reflected in the ‘krasnyi desant’ campaign endorsed by the CC CPSU, the derashidovization crusade, and the zenith of internal struggles in the wake of the ouster of the FS CPUz Usmankhodzhaev and his replacement with the Moscow loyalist Nishanov who attempted and failed to destroy local patrimonial networks. Third and final part is aimed at evaluating the results of the Uzbek cotton affair in the center and in the periphery, and see if this story became a factor determining the collapse of the Soviet system as in Moscow as in Tashkent. The sixth chapter focuses on the investigators Gdlyan and Ivanov who became a symbol of the prosecution of the ‘big fish’ and alleged prominent members of the CC CPSU – and even Gorbachev – of being in collusion with the ‘Uzbek mafiya.’ The case, the related media circus and the political campaign of the two radical mavericks threatened the credibility of Gorbachev and the legitimacy of the CPSU, the state and its survival in a time of serious changes and great internal challenges. Democrats and the inner opposition to the Gensek in the CPSU exploited the ‘Gdlyan-Ivanov affair’, and the whole case became a symptom of the collapsing system. The seventh chapter deals with the myth-building of the ‘Uzbek cotton affair’ in early Karimov’s Uzbekistan, where the story was narrated using critical discourse – such as ‘colonial,’ ‘purge,’ ‘terror,’ ‘new 1937,’ and even ‘genocide’ – in a Republic that had once been considered one of the most loyal within the Soviet system. Thus, the ‘Uzbek affair’ became a crucial event of Karimov’s ‘ideological shift’ from communism to Mustaqillik – the ideology based on the values of the Uzbek independence – and a sensitive identity issue of revenge/resistance against the former rulers, investing in a post-colonial trauma that contributed to legitimize the president’s regime and his relations with local power networks. Thus, dealing with recent Soviet times still represents a great challenge for contemporary historiography. The last decades of USSR history are still debated, defining a period that needs more work still to understand the characteristics, the limits and the contradictions that led to the end of the Soviet system. In that sense my primary goal in reconstructing these crucial and still obscure events here has been historiographical and it is intended at using primary unpublished sources, literature and oral history to uncover opaque aspects of the past. Relatedly, this research aims at offering a non-centrally oriented historiographical reconstruction of the final decades of the Soviet system, analyzing the evolutions of patrimonialism in USSR and the impact of perestroika, the dynamics of the purges and the symptoms of the collapse in the periphery of the empire in order to fill a historiographical gap of research on perestroika in Central Asia that is practically nonexistent. Furthermore, this research aims to recompose the framework of the ‘Uzbek cotton affair’ beyond its existence as a ‘simplistic label’ created by the media and too often related to the ‘Gdlyan-Ivanov affair’ only. Nevertheless, the case proceeded at different levels involving the party, prokuratura, MVD, KGB and soviets at the local and even at the central level, while only a part of the corruption and the other ‘negative phenomena’ revealed in the republic were related to cotton and a great part of the involved officials were not Uzbeks. Finally, this research aims at interpreting the last decades of Soviet history through a new interpretative key to understand how collapse-symptoms that had been exploited in Moscow and in Tashkent in order to avow the split from the USSR. The research is based on extensive unpublished archival material, literature and interviews and is aimed at expanding the horizon of current historiography.
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Jones, Lee C. "The cold war and conflic in Angola and Ethiopia 1975-1991: a world systems theory comparison." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2011. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/317.
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Chauvin, Hervé. "La lutte finale : l'URSS dans le débat politique et intellectuel en France de 1975 à 1991." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012BOR30085.
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Depuis son origine, l'Union soviétique n'a cessé d'être en France l'objet d'un vif débat politique et intellectuel, un lieu de transposition des affrontements idéologiques hexagonaux. Alors que deux images contradictoires de l'URSS se sont formées au XXe siècle – celle de l'incarnation du socialisme et celle d'une dictature repoussante – la décennie qui débute en 1975 voit le triomphe en France de l'image noire du régime soviétique, dont le bilan est jugé complètement négatif, malgré une courte période d'interrogations suscitée par les réformes gorbatchéviennes. Cette évolution est le résultat d'un intense affrontement politique et idéologique hexagonal autour de la « réalité » du socialisme soviétique au moment où l'Union de la gauche propose un projet socialiste pour la France : l'Union soviétique se retrouve alors étroitement imbriquée dans les débats politiques, syndicaux, intellectuels français, constituant alors la ligne de démarcation principale entre communistes et non-communistes. La réintroduction du concept de totalitarisme, l'identification à la lutte de la dissidence est-européenne et la dénonciation de l'impérialisme soviétique pendant la période de « guerre fraîche » constituent les différentes facettes de cette lutte dont le résultat est le développement d'un fort antisoviétisme en France, allant jusqu'à une certaine remise en cause des relations bilatérales. L'amalgame entretenu entre les deux socialismes – de l'Est et de l'Ouest – contribue à la fois à la marginalisation du Parti communiste français qui peine à redéfinir ses relations avec les partis frères, de l'affirmation du « socialisme aux couleurs de la France » au bilan « globalement positif » des pays de l'Est, mais affecte aussi de manière plus générale l'idée de socialisme en France. Après des années de sympathie pour le communisme, les intellectuels français basculent massivement dans un anticommunisme virulent: la substitution du binôme capitalisme/socialisme au profit du couple démocratie/totalitarisme se traduit par l'abandon des traditions révolutionnaires de la gauche française. La vision libérale de l'histoire triomphe alors, entraînant une condamnation totale et définitive du régime soviétique qui précède, de loin, sa fin en 1991<br>From its beginning, the Soviet Union has always been the subject of a fierce political and intellectual debate in France, a place on which ideological French confrontations were transfered. During the 20th century, two conflicting images of USSR were created – the embodiment of socialism and of a repulsive dictature – but after 1975 the dark image of the soviet system prevails. Its assessment is judged as completely negative, despite Gorbachev's era of reforms. This change is the result of an intense political and ideological French confrontation about what soviet socialism really is at the time when the Union of the Left is putting forward a socialist project for France : thus, the Soviet Union becomes closely interlocked in any debate in French political parties, unions and intellectual circles, acting as a dividing line between communists and others. The reintroduction of the concept of totalitarianism, the identification to the fight of Eastern Europe dissidents and the highlighting of soviet military imperialism during the second cold war are the different parts of this fight which results in the growth of a strong anti-sovietism in France and in a kind of adjournment of bilateral relations with the USSR. The amalgam between western and eastern socialism leads to the marginalization of the French Communist Party, which is not able to redefine its relations with the eastern sister parties, from the French way to socialism (“socialisme aux couleurs de la France”) to the globally positive assessment of Eastern socialist countries. It also affects the general idea and contents of socialism in France. After years of sympathy for communism, French intellectuals massively swing to an acerbic anticommunism: the opposition between capitalism and socialism is replaced by the one between democracy and totalitarianism, and, because of that, French Left revolutionary traditions are abandoned. At that point, the liberal vision of history prevails, and leads to the total and definitive condemnation of the soviet regime, preceding by far its end in 1991
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Kobersy, Berthe. "Sur l'identité personnelle : transmission et traumatisme à partir de la guerre du Liban (1975-1990/1991)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCB236.
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Comment ce qui s'est produit à une génération précédente est fondateur de l'identité subjective à la génération suivante ? Plus spécifiquement, comment la guerre du Liban (1975-1990/91), vécue par les parents, peut être constructive ou désorganisatrice du sujet (enfant) dans sa singularité ? La transmission psychique est inévitable et fondatrice de l'identité subjective. L'étude des éléments psychiques, relevant de cette expérience violente passée, vécue par la génération précédente, permet de comprendre la participation des processus psychiques générationnels à la formation de l'identité singulière, facilitant ou entravant le travail psychique à la génération suivante. Nos hypothèses envisagent la transmission dans la relation entre le père et le fils, à partir de l'exploration des processus d'identification et de conflictualité dans le lien père-fils, de la part négative (voire traumatique) du contenu transmis et des investissements narcissiques établis entre le père et le fils. Des entretiens de recherche ont été réalisés auprès de dix familles, dont le père était un combattant pendant la guerre, ayant des enfants (garçons, adolescents). L'objectif principal est d'interroger les effets psychiques de la guerre sur le père combattant et le vécu subjectif de l'enfant, examinant les traces de l'expérience violente vécue par le père chez l'enfant. L'analyse des processus en jeu dans le lien père-fils montre des caractéristiques de transmission différentes relatives à chaque lien étudié, et des mouvements généraux de transmission. Une étude plus approfondie de trois cas accentue, principalement, trois aspects de transmission : la violence, l'énigmatique et le narcissique. Ce travail rend compte : - de la part active et créative de l'individu dans l'élaboration de ce qui est transmis à partir de la guerre du Liban ; - des fonctions intrusive et aliénante de la transmission, par rapport à des fonctions constructive et créatrice ; - de la fonction fondatrice du collectif au niveau individuel. Dans le contexte du Liban, il s'agit, principalement, d'une transmission idéologique violente de la guerre, qui paraît être un détournement de la conflictualité oedipienne et intrapsychique<br>How is it that the experiences of a preceding generation are foundational to the subjective identity of the following generation? More specifically, how can the Lebanese civil war, witnessed by parents, be constructive or destructive to the subject (child) in his/her singularity? The psychological transmission is inevitable and foundational to the subject's identity. Studies on psychological elements related to that violent experience could help us comprehend the influence of generational psychological processes on singular identity formation. This facilitates or hinders the psychological development of the second generation. The principal objective of this research is to explore the effects of the war on the father (combatant) and the subjective experiences of the child through intergenerational psychological transmission. This study examines the psychological transmission through analysis of the identification process and the ensuing rivalry between father and son. This study also seeks to analyze the negative part (traumatic) of the transmitted heritage and the narcissistic investment between parent and child. Our research interviews were conducted with ten families in which the father was a combatant during the war and have adolescent children. The analysis of these processes between father and son has revealed some common characteristics among the subjects. A more detailed study of three of those cases accentuated three aspects of the transmission process: Violent, Enigmatic and Narcissistic. The study has revealed an active and innovational role by the subject in the transmission process. The results have also revealed the function of a collective component among the individuals studied. The transmission process had an intrusive and alienating function as well as a constructive and creative function. In the Lebanese context, there's a violent ideological transmission related to the war, which seems to be a diversion of the Oedipian and intrapsychic conflict
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Caillaud, Franck-Emmanuel. "La politique de sécurité espagnole depuis la mort du général Franco 1975-1991 : Défense, diplomatie et terrorisme." Grenoble 2, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991GRE21027.
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L'auteur presente la politique de securite de l'espagne depuis la mort du general franco. Il decrit les conditions de l'integration de l'espagne au systeme de defense collectif occidental a travers les adhesions de ce pays a l'otan et a l'ueo. Il etudie les principaux axes de la politique de defense espagnole, la protection de l'axe baleares gibraltar canaries, la defense des presides de ceuta et de melilla. . . L'auteur developpe ensuite les themes suivants en mettant en exergue le role diplomatique de l'espagne : - espagne et non-alignement, - espagne et desarmement, - l'espagne et les conflits d'amerique centrale, - le role de l'espagne durant la crise du golfe. Enfin, l'auteur demontre le role capital tenu par la diplomatie espagnol dans la lutte contre le terrorisme basque<br>The author treats spain's security policy since the death of general franco. He describes the conditions in which spain became an integrated parts of the western defence system through this country's membership of nato and weo. He studies the principal lines of the spanish defence policy, the protection of its strategic geographical limits : balearic islands, gibraltar and the canaries, the defence of the "presidios" of ceuta and melilla. The author the develops the following themes stressing spain's diplomatic role : - spain and non-alignment, - spain and disarmament, - spain and the conflicts in central america, - spain's position in the "gulf crisis". Finally, the author shows the fundamental role played by the spanish diplomacy in the fight against terrorism in the basque country
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Ferreira, Manuel. "Angola : a indústria transformadora numa economia de direcção central e planificada e em situação de guerra (1975-1991)." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3880.
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Razafimandimby, Andriamampandry. "Le Fonds monétaire international et la politique économique de Madagascar : 1973-1985." Toulouse 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993TOU10007.
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Dans le contexte des relations internationales, quelle que soit l'optique dans laquelle on aborde les problèmes de developpement, les questions centrales aujourd'hui tournent autour de l'endettement, et on a vu réapparaitre, au premier plan, des organismes financiers internationaux (FMI, Banque mondiale). C'est dans un tel cadre que se situe notre étude des relations entre le FMI et Madagascar. La crise économique et financière connue par Madagascar, la montée des incertitudes et des instabilités extérieures. Le poids des contraintes financières liées notamment à l'explosion du service de la dette, conduisent le FMI à privilégier le retablissement des équilibres financiers et à donner la priorité aux politiques de réhabilitation, d'ajustement et de régulation conjoncturelles. La grande vague libérale, véhiculé par le Fonds, prônant le moins d'État et la privatisation, aurait-elle suffit à réduire le poids de l'État et à relancer les bases productives de l'économie malgache ? L'analyse de l'intervention du Fonds qui tend à remettre en cause la politique économique de Madagascar, vise aussi les programmes d'ajustement du FMI dans la mesure où ils ont tendance a être dépassés par les spécificités socio-économique du pays aidé, ce qui explique les résultats plutôt relatifs. Cela relance l'eternel problème de financement des PVD<br>The approach to discussion between the IMF and Malagasy gouvernment Is situated in the context of international relations. Madagascar faces many difficulties in its effort to reorganize the financial and monetary sectors and the economic problems. This study is divided into two parts : the first is devoted to analysis of causes IMF intervention's ; the impact of adjustement policy in Madagascar are discussed in the second. The gouvernment of Madagascar broad objectives for economic development are articuled in a new economic policy approved by IMF but the result of adjustement policy it will need to attain maximum efficiency with in the acutal situation
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Manarin, Odirlei. "Peões da barragem. Memórias e relações de trabalho dos operários da construção da Hidrelétrica de Itaipu 1975 a 1991." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2008. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/1742.
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Previous issue date: 2008-04-25<br>Esta investigación analiza la trayectoria de los trabajadores que habían venido en el centro de la década 1970 para la ciudad del estuario de Iguaçu - banda, con la intención de trabajar en la construcción de la presa de Itaipu. Dialogando con los trabajadores que las relaciones del trabajo fueron discutidas vivió por ellos durante las actividades en los campos de trabajo, buscando entender los significados del fieltro, opiniones y durante esa rutina del trabajo. Más allá de la participación en las huelgas llevó a través en la planta, percibiendo las maneras como si estuvo tenido organizado en la realización del movimiento. Así, el problematización proyectó la historia para los administradores de la presa que presentan la realización de la ejecución en un ambiente de la comisión entre ella y sus trabajadores, entendiendo estas preguntas de las experiencias de los trabajadores que emergen la dinámica del proceso y de la composición de la construcción que comienzan también a entrelazar y a constituir la historia de la planta entendida y de la ciudad en un mismo campo de posibilidades, compartido de experiencias plurales, diversas de la memoria que ella aparece cristalizada y perpectuada para la compañía.<br>Esta pesquisa analisa as trajetórias dos operários que vieram em meados da década 1970 para a cidade de Foz do Iguaçu PR, com o intuito de trabalharem na construção da barragem de Itaipu. Dialogando com os operários discuti-se as relações de trabalho vividas por eles durante as atividades no canteiro de obras, buscando entender os significados, percepções e sentidos durante aquela rotina de trabalho. Além da participação nas greves realizadas na usina, percebendo as maneiras como se organizaram na realização do movimento. Assim, problematizando a história projetada pelos administradores da barragem que apresentam a realização da obra num ambiente de compromisso entre ela e seus trabalhadores, entendendo essas questões a partir das experiências dos operários que emerge a dinâmica do processo de construção e composição passando a entrelaçar e constituir a história da usina e também da cidade compreendidas num mesmo campo de possibilidades, compartilhadas de experiências plurais, diferentes da memória que aparece cristalizada e perpetuada pela empresa
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Howard, Christopher B. "The role of the House Armed Services and the Foreign Affairs Committees in the use of force policymaking, 1975-1991." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296114.
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Jones, Sheila. "Not "part of the job" sexual harassment policy in the U.S., the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and women's economic citizenship, 1975-1991 /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1217964889.
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Jones, Sheila. "Not “Part of the Job”: Sexual Harassment Policy in the U.S., the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and Women’s Economic Citizenship, 1975–1991." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1217964889.
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Taraga, Petchompoo. "Thailand, ASEAN and the Kampuchean problem from 1979 to 1986." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110698.
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The situation in Kampuchea has been an interesting issue in
international politics. The Kampuchean people have been battered and
exposed to foreign domination for the past five hundred years. After
such a long period, however, peace is still not at hand. Moreover,since
the 1970s the country has faced three major events: US bombings that
started in 1970 and culminated in 1973; the inhumane evacuation of
towns and mass executions under the Pol Pot regime (1975-1978); and the
war between the SRV and the. Kampuchean resistance groups since 1979.
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Zindel, Brian Daniel. "Seeking a techno-fix : postmodern war, U.S. culture, and invisible killing zones /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9457.
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McCullough, Kristen Anne. "The news media and public opinion the press coverage of U.S. international conflicts and its effect on presidential approval /." Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002701.
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Emadi-Moghadam, Mehrdad. "The quality, technology and welfare effects of VERs in the US automobile industry, 1975-1991 : the case for trade-cum-industrial policy in correcting the US trade deficit." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308582.
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Wuensch, Ana Miriam. "Pensar o nascimento : contribuições política e poética de Hannah Arendt e Maria Zambrano para a Bioética." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2017. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/31653.
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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Ciências da Saúde, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Bioética, 2017.<br>Submitted by Raquel Almeida (raquel.df13@gmail.com) on 2018-04-11T16:19:04Z
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Previous issue date: 2018-04-12<br>Esta tese propõe a consideração política e poética do nascimento humano por meio da apresentação da reflexão de duas filósofas contemporâneas, a pensadora alemã Hannah Arendt e a pensadora espanhola María Zambrano, como uma contribuição para um tratamento fenomenológico e existencial do nascimento na bioética. Nem a filosofia, em sua longa e ampla tradição ocidental, nem a bioética, em sua história recente como um novo campo de investigação de ética aplicada aos problemas persistentes e emergentes da vida e da saúde, pensou o nascimento como uma condição mais geral da existência humana. O que se observa nos materiais de referência como dicionários e enciclopédias de bioética é o predomínio de verbetes que incorporam as reflexões filosóficas sobre a morte e o morrer, e a condição mortal dos seres humanos, enquanto os temas do nascimento e do nascer, e a condição natal dos seres humanos é redirecionada para os aportes das ciências da vida e da saúde, reduzindo o fenômeno e o sentido do nascimento às considerações sobre a procriação, fertilidade, parto, relação mãe e bebê, com predominância da dimensão biológica e médica, técnica e deontológica sobre a condição existencial da natalidade. A contribuição de Hannah Arendt para pensar o nascimento contesta a redução da condição humana ao seu “ser para a morte”, e à sua finitude, afirmando a condição humana do “ser para o início”, a sua natalidade, como o começo de um ser no mundo humano, entre os demais. O princípio do começo que acompanha a nossa existência terrestre e mundana condiciona todas as atividades humanas, especialmente a ação. A sua teoria da ação é uma teoria política da liberdade, e da coexistência de seres capazes de começar algo por sua própria iniciativa. A contribuição de María Zambrano para pensar o nascimento também identifica esta relação entre nascer e viver, pela transcendência, no processo de individuação. Suas investigações examinam o fenômeno da humanização de alguém nascido e considera a incompletude do nascimento humano como o princípio do renascer que acompanha a vida. Tornar-se humano significa nascer continuamente de si mesmo, e renascer, exercendo a sua liberdade, na geração de si como pessoa entre pessoas. As contribuições políticas e poéticas para a bioética consistem em dimensionar as questões do início da vida para uma compreensão da vida como um início, considerando as tarefas envolvidas na recepção aos novos seres que nascem no mundo, e as tarefas que cada indivíduo tem que realizar para ser do mundo, incluido um aporte fenomenológico sobre o nascimento e o parto, na interface com as questões de saúde pública.<br>This academic work advances a political and poetic account on human birth through the reflection of two contemporary women philosophers, the German thinker Hannah Arendt and the Spanish Maria Zambrano, aiming to a contribution for a phenomenological and existential approach to the issue of birth in Bioethics. Neither the large occidental philosophical tradition nor Bioethics, as a recent field of research focusing on persistent and emergent questions of life, have developed a consistent reflection on the question of birth as the more general condition for human existence. The reflection on the issues of death and dying have been prevailing in dictionaries and encyclopedias entries, whereas birth and being born have not received the same attention by the side of practical philosophers and bioethicists. Birth is usually reduced to the empirical phenomena of procreation, fertility, delivery, mother/son relation and the like, in purely biological, medical or technical approaches with little attention, if any, paid to the existential dimensions of human birth. Hannah Arendt’s contribution in thinking birth challenges the reduction of human condition to “being-for-death” and finitude, affirming human condition as “being-for-beginning” and natality. Human birth is not something merely initial but a structure traversing the totality of human actions. Arendt’s theory of action is a political theory of human freedom, concerned with the coexistence of beings able to begin something radically new. Maria Zambrano’s poetic contribution to the issue of birth makes an expressive connection between to be born and transcendence and individuation. The Spanish thinker is concerned with the process of humanization of the newborn and the radical incompleteness of human birth, as a principle of permanent renaissance of life. Becoming human means to be constantly born exercising freedom in the self-generation of the own person among other persons. The political and poetic contribution of the two thinkers for Bioethics consist basically in the possibility of delivering philosophical comprehension of life as a beginning through the study of the beginning of life, pointing to the tasks involved in the reception of new people with a fresh look on the world which is receiving them, making a connection between the empirical concerns on public health and human condition as a radical background, to be taken into account for understanding birth in its existential source and meaning.<br>La presente tesis propone una consideración política y poética del nacimiento humano a través de la reflexión de dos filósofas contemporáneas, Hannah Arendt y María Zambrano, como una contribución para un tratamiento fenomenológico y existencial del nacimiento en la Bioética. Ni la filosofía, en su larga y amplia tradición occidental, ni la Bioética, en su historia reciente como nuevo campo de investigación de ética aplicada a los problemas persistentes y emergentes de la vida y de la salud, han pensado el nacimiento como una condición más general de la existencia humana. Lo que se observa en los materiales de referencia, como diccionarios y enciclopedias de bioética, es el predominio de las entradas que incorporan las reflexiones filosóficas sobre la muerte y el morir, y la condición mortal de los seres humanos, mientras que los temas del nacimiento y del nacer, la condición natal de los seres humanos, es redireccionada hacia los aportes de las ciencias de la vida y de la salud, reduciendo el fenómeno y el sentido del nacimiento a las consideraciones sobre la procreación, fertilidad, parto, relación madre y bebé, con predominio de la dimensión biológica y médica, técnica y deontológica sobre la condición existencial de la natalidad. La contribución de Hannah Arendt para pensar el nacimiento cuestiona la reducción de la condición humana a su “ser para la muerte” y su finitud, afirmando la condición humana del “ser para el comienzo” y su natalidad, a partir del hecho original del nacimiento físico, como el comienzo de un ser en el mundo humano, entre los demás. El principio del comienzo que nos acompaña en nuestra existencia terrestre y mundana participa de todas las actividades, especialmente de la acción. Su teoría de la acción es una teoría política de la libertad humana, y de la coexistencia de seres capaces de comenzar algo por su propia iniciativa. La contribución de María Zambrano para pensar el nacimiento también identifica esta relación entre nacer y vivir la trascendencia y la individuación. Sus investigaciones examinan el fenómeno de la humanización de los que nacen y considera la incompletud del nacimiento humano como el principio del renacer que acompaña toda la vida. El convertirse en humano significa nacer continuamente de sí mismo, y renacer, ejerciendo su libertad en la generación de sí como persona entre personas. Estas contribuciones políticas y poéticas para la bioética consisten, teóricamente, en dimensionar cuestiones del inicio de la vida para la comprensión de la vida misma como un inicio, considerando las tareas involucradas en la recepción de los nuevos seres que vienen al mundo, y las tareas que cada individuo tiene que realizar para ser de este mundo, incluyendo una consideración sobre el nacimiento y el parto en la interfaz con las cuestiones de salud pública.
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Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
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Bergès, Karine. "Pilar Primo de Rivera (1906-1991) : cause féminine, idéologie phalangiste, stratégies et enjeux politiques dans l'ombre du régime franquiste." Toulouse 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003TOU20053.
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Cette thèse propose une analyse de la carrière et de l'idéologie de Pilar Primo de Rivera, qui fut la seule femme politique d'envergure sous le régime franquiste. En mêlant une approche chronologique et thématique, cinq chapitres abordent les thèmes suivants : son éveil politique et sa nomination comme déléguée nationale de la Section Féminine ainsi que les conflits visant à étendre son hégémonie durant la guerre civile ; le culte rendu par la hiérarchie de sa propre organisation, les relations conflictuelles avec les édiles politiques et ecclésiastiques du régime ; la confrontation des politiques mises en œuvre sur la condition féminine avec un discours normatif et conservateur ; le culte de la mémoire de José Antonio et les rapports avec Francisco Franco ; le retrait de la vie politique et l'analyse critique de ses mémoires. L'étude de ces cinq axes permet de cerner les contours d'un personnage aux multiples facettes, au discours et au style de vie volontiers paradoxaux<br>This thesis proposes an analysis of the career and ideology of Pilar Primo de Rivera, who was the only major female political figure under Franco's regime. By combining a chronological survey with a thematic perspective, five chapters address the following questions : her political education in the thirties and nomination as national delegate of the Women's Section, including the conflicts in order to extend her hegemony during the Civil War ; the devotion about her figure within the organization and the often conflictual relationships with political and ecclesiastical representatives of the regime ; the analysis of the politics she promoted at the light of her normative and conservative discourse ; the cult of José Antonio and her relationship with Francisco Franco ; her retirement from political office and the critical analysis of her memoirs. The study of those five axes allows us to outline a complex personality, whose way of life and discourses were full of paradoxes
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Morgan, Glenda Nadine. "Reform and democracy in Mozambique, 1983-1991." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003019.
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Africa is currently experiencing a movement toward more democratic systems of government. The causes of such changes are numerous, but the literature on African democratization, like that on similar changes elsewhere in the world, places emphasis on the role of internal or domestic factors. The role of international pressures toward democratization is almost completely ignored. The case of Mozambique illustrates the dangers of such an omission. During the past decade Mozambique has undergone considerable political change. The single-party, Marxist-Leninist oriented state has been replaced by a multi-party system, devoid of explicit references to any guiding ideology. The government has also expanded its contacts with the West, particularly by means of its assuming membership of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These changes in Mozambique's political orientation have been accompanied by economic reforms, designed to arrest the precipitous decline in the Mozambican economy. In this dissertation I argue that the causes of both the economic and political reforms lie in this decline and in the government's need to secure capital and debt relief internationally. In order to do this, the Mozambican government had to change the aspects of its political system which were seen as being unacceptable by the West, in particular the lack of multi-party competition and its overtly Marxist orientation and close ties to socialist countries. Because the reforms had their primary genesis in Mozambique's need for international acceptance and not in the growth of popularly based democratic organisations, the reforms are fragile and their meaningfulness questionable.
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Nirhy-Lanto, Hery Andriamahazo. "La mutation de la classe politique malgache : un problème du temps présent." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014INAL0024.
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La vie politique de Madagascar, durant 54 ans d’indépendance, est jalonnée de crises post-électorales et de mouvements de contestation socio-politiques multiples. De ce constat, le peuple malgache se sent en droit de disposer de ses richesses et de vivre un développement soutenu à partir d’une considération des valeurs traditionnelles. Madagascar exige une vraie mutation de la classe politique qui s’avère être inéluctable, mais le principal doute est de savoir si elle ira dans le sens escompté… Des résistances à cet élan se font sentir cardivers enjeux politiques et économiques, aussi bien internes qu'internationaux, exigent la mise aux pas du pays vers le modèle stéréotypé du développement à l’occidentale. Par conséquent, les termes « démocratie, bonne gouvernance, mondialisation » apparaissent galvaudés au point parfois de perdre la précision et la pertinence nécessaires à la compréhension des systèmes de valeurs et d'échanges politiques qu'ils sont supposés fonder et véhiculer. D’autres corollaires à ces superficiels changements imposés se font jour : prolifération d’acteurs politiques avec la multitude de groupements que cela suppose. Sachons que l’île compte actuellement 150 partis et associations politiques enregistrés auprès du ministère de l’Intérieur alors que, face à l’évolution politique,aucune « opposition » digne de ce nom ne se manifeste positivement. En fin de compte, Madagascar se trouve confrontée à des problèmes d'ordre culturel, historique, institutionnel, économique et social, face à cette inévitable mutation de sa classe politique. Après un essai de définition de la notion de pouvoir à Madagascar etun survol descriptif des acteurs politiques malgaches durant la colonisation, une étude sur le fondement de la classe politique actuelle a été menée afin de déceler les motifs réels de cette résistance à la mutation. Des difficultés socio-économiques internes viennent s'ajouter aux intérêts internationaux géopolitiques et économiques. Une observation particulière a été entreprise sur le comportement des investisseurs et décideurs français. Il s'agit, en fait, d'une illustration réelle et précise des comportements pater familias que la France adopte auprès de ses partenaires africains<br>The political life of Madagascar is marked by post-election crises and sociopolitical protests, during its 54 years of independence. From this observation, Malagasy people feel entitled to enjoy their riches and live a sustained development based on consideration of traditional values. Madagascar demands a real transformation of its political class. This change seems inevitable, but the main question is whether it will go to the expected direction... Opposition to this impulse is felt, since domestic and international political and economic issues require that Madagascar conforms to the stereotypical pattern of western development. Therefore, the words “democracy, good governance, globalization” seem so overused. By this way, sometimes, they lose the necessary precision and relevance for an understanding of system of values and political exchanges they are supposed to express and establish. Other corollaries of these superficial changes that were imposed are emerging, namely the proliferation of political stakeholders that involve a multiplication of related groups. Infact, there is currently about 150 political parties and associations that are registered at the Ministry of DomesticAffairs. However, with these political developments, no real “opposition” manifest positively. Ultimately, faced with this famous and inevitable change of its political class, Madagascar is encountering cultural, historical, institutional, economic and social problems. To uncover the real motives of this resistance to change, first, atentative definition of the concept of power in Madagascar and a descriptive overview of the Malagasy politicians during the colonial period is conducted. Afterwards, a study on the basis of the current Malagasy political class is performed. In addition to domestic social and economic difficulties, there are international geopolitical and economic interests. A particular observation is undertaken on the behavior of French investors and policymakers. This is actually a real and accurate illustration of pater familias behaviors that France adopts vis-à-vis its African partners
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Clarke, Judith Lesley. "Reporters and their sources in a 'hidden' war : international news coverage of Cambodia, 1979-1991 /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B20604579.
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Meininger, Sylvestre. "Recherches d'une nouvelle masculinité dans le cinéma américain, 1977-1991." Paris 3, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA030063.
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Ce travail analyse la reaction du cinema americain aux bouleversements socioculturels provoques par les annees soixante et la guerre du viet-nam. La periode etudiee commence en 1977, date de sortie de la guerre des etoiles, et se termine en 1991, annee qui vit le triomphe de l'armee americaine contre l'irak. Concus par des studios qui appartiennent desormais a des multinationales et realises par une nouvelle generation de cineastes, les films produits au cours des annees quatre-vingt vont sauver hollywood de la ruine et participeront au renouveau ideologique symbolise par la presidence de ronald reagan. Au coeur de ce vaste mouvement de restauration nationale se trouve l'image de l'homme blanc, malmenee par l'evolution rapide des mentalites et la defaite militaire en asie du sud-est. De la guerre des etoiles a terminator 2, le cinema americain va developper differentes strategies narratives et esthetiques qui viseront a reconstruire le lien entre identite nationale et masculine. Commencees avec la relegitimation de la violence guerriere, la decennie s'acheve sur l'ouverture des personnages masculins aux femmes et a la sensibilite. L'analyse des films les plus populaires de cette periode, mais egalement de certains films d'auteur, permettra de mettre a jour ces strategies et de comprendre comment elles s'articulent les unes par rapport aux autres.
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Husseini, Dima El. "Relations entre poésie et musique arabes du XXe siècle dans leurs rapports avec les influences occidentales : phénomène du tarab." Paris 4, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA040098.
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L'évolution de la poésie arabe au XXe siècle constitue le point de mire de notre recherche dans sa relation avec la musique arabe et les influences occidentales. La relation entre la poésie et la musique arabes est étudiée à travers le phénomène du tarab (enchantement), propre à la musique orientale. Les manifestations du tarab sont étudiées par rapport au mot poétique dans sa relation avec la mélodie. Le musicien égyptien Abdel-Wahhab (1907-1991) a marqué une étape importante dans l'histoire de la relation de la musique et de la poésie. Son nom est lié aux grands poètes du monde arabe dont le poète égyptien Ahmad Chawqui (1870-1932), le poète libanais Gibran Khalil Gibran (1883-1931) et le poète syrien Nizar Qabbani (1923-1932). Les compositions musicales d'Abdel-Wahhab pour la chanteuse égyptienne Oum Kaltoum (1902-1975) représentent le mieux l'exemple de cette émotion musicale appelée tarab (enchantement).
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Campos, Gavilán Francisco Javier. "Antecedentes del neoliberalismo en Chile (1955-1975) : el autoritarismo como camino a la libertad económica." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2013. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/114731.
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Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales)<br>La presente investigación tiene por objetivo analizar desde un punto de vista crítico los antecedentes históricos que hicieron posible la implementación del sistema neoliberal en Chile, centrando el análisis en el período comprendido entre 1958 y 1975. A diferencia de la historiografía mayoritaria esta tesis sostiene que la implementación de la economía social de mercado en Chile no fue consecuencia del triunfo de liberales por sobre desarrollistas durante el Gobierno Militar, sino que obedeció a un proceso que se inició el mismo 11 de septiembre de 1973, y que tuvo sus orígenes en el Convenio de la Universidad Católica de Chile con la Universidad de Chicago. Para argumentar esta hipótesis se analizan los principales hitos históricos que hicieron posible la revolución económica, así como el rol decisivo que tuvo la Universidad Católica, El Mercurio y los mismos economistas. Esta memoria, igualmente contempla el análisis de las principales normas de carácter legal que se dictaron en los dos primeros años del Gobierno Militar y que perseguían sentar las bases del nuevo sistema económico. Finalmente, se analiza la particular alianza entre gremialistas y neoliberales, centrando el estudio, en la evolución del pensamiento de Jaime Guzmán, en aras de adaptar su obra al neoliberalismo económico.
La idea de este trabajo se centra en brindar los antecedentes necesarios para entender como fue posible que en un período de tiempo tan acotado se produjera una revolución económica de tanto alcance, así lo que se pretende, es lograr en el lector una opinión fundada sobre el tema; sea esta concordante u opuesta a la que se presenta en este trabajo
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Park, Bong-Gyu. "A dynamic perspective of strategic groups and performance : a longitudinal study of the U.S. computer equipment industry, 1975-1989 /." Diss., This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-07282008-134457/.
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Lorandini, Francesca. "Au-delà du formalisme. La critique des écrivains en France et en Italie pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2014. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/367942.
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My dissertation covers the field of what Albert Thibaudet called “the critique of artists†in order to show that, throughout the second half of the twentieth century, this form of criticism has given readers a different perspective on literature in comparison to that of the formalists and the neo-avant-garde. In the first part of my study, I examine the evolution of formalist criticism in the twentieth century, considering the linguistic turn of the 1960s as the natural outcome of a cultural revolution which took place at the end of the nineteenth century. By conducting a comparative study between France and Italy, I attempt to outline a transnational model which shows that the two formalist critiques share the same understanding of the literature postulated by the neo-avant-garde. The second part of my thesis is devoted to the study of one of the main tendencies in the critique of the writers since the Second World War, a tendency that called into question a purely intrinsic study of the work of art. Here, I propose a comparative study of the literary critique of Georges Perec, Michel Tournier, Philippe Muray, Tommaso Landolfi, Pier Paolo Pasolini and Pier Vittorio Tondelli, in order to underline that their critical practice has not limited itself to a personal declaration of their poetic views, but it has truly opened up an alternative approach to formalist theoretical positions. They refused to speak of literature as a secluded world, and by doing so they anticipated one of the most important features of the literature of the end of the twentieth century, both in France and in Italy.
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Marty, Christophe. "L’aventure coloniale dans le roman britannique vue par le cinéma américain : King Solomon’s Mines (1950), Kim (1950), The Quiet American (1958 ; 2002), The Man Who Would Be King (1975), Apocalypse Now (1979 ; 2001)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030125.
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Portant sur six adaptations hollywoodiennes de récits de Rider Haggard, Kipling, Conrad et Greene, ce travail analyse la manière dont le cinéma américain retravaille divers aspects des supports littéraires à des fins esthétiques [attention aux détails exotiques, remaniements narratifs, jeu des acteurs, couleurs, décors] et idéologiques [réflexion sur l’impérialisme colonial]. En confrontant les films et les récits qui les précèdent, il s’agit d’examiner la manière dont le cinéma prend appui sur la littérature pour tisser un réseau où transparaît le regard que Hollywood porte sur la tentation impérialiste américaine<br>The study focuses on six adaptations of narratives by Rider Haggard, Kipling, Conrad and Greene. It addresses the way Hollywood worked over several aspects of the literary works for aesthetic [attention to exotic details, reshaping of narratives, acting, colours, setting] as well as ideological purposes [a reflection on colonial imperialism]. Comparing the films with their literary antecedents, the study analyses the manner cinema is backed by literature to weave a network of signs which reveal Hollywood’s approach to American imperialist temptation
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Lorandini, Francesca. "Au-delà du formalisme : la critique des écrivains en France et en Italie pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle." Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100044.
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Ce travail arpente le domaine de ce qu’Albert Thibaudet nommait « la critique des artistes » pour montrer que, au cours de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, ce genre de critique a constitué un véritable laboratoire permettant de sortir des impasses auxquelles avait conduit la vision autotélique de l’œuvre proposée par la critique formaliste et par la néo-avant-garde. Dans la première partie de l’étude on s’interroge sur l’évolution de la critique formaliste, en envisageant le tournant linguistique des années 1960 comme l’aboutissement naturel d’une révolution culturelle qui a eu lieu à la fin du XIXe siècle. En menant une analyse comparée entre la France et l’Italie, on observe les deux critiques formalistes en-dehors de leur rapport de filiation, et on brosse un modèle transnational qui montre qu’elles partagent la même conception de la littérature postulée par la néo-avant-garde. La deuxième partie du travail est consacrée à l’analyse d’une tendance relevable dans la critique des écrivains à partir de l’après-guerre, où une étude purement intrinsèque de l’œuvre d’art est mise en discussion. On propose une analyse comparée de la critique littéraire de Georges Perec, Michel Tournier, Philippe Muray, Tommaso Landolfi, Pier Paolo Pasolini et Pier Vittorio Tondelli, afin de souligner que leur pratique critique ne s’est pas limitée à une déclaration personnelle de poétique, mais elle a ouvert une voie alternative à l’exaspération des positions théoriques formalistes, en anticipant ou en prônant le dépassement d’une vision autoréférentielle de l’œuvre qui a caractérisé la littérature de la fin du XXe siècle aussi bien en France qu’en Italie<br>My dissertation covers the field of what Albert Thibaudet called “the critique of artists” in order to show that, throughout the second half of the twentieth century, this form of criticism has given readers a different perspective on literature in comparison to that of the formalists and the neo-avant-garde. In the first part of my study, I examine the evolution of formalist criticism in the twentieth century, considering the linguistic turn of the 1960s as the natural outcome of a cultural revolution which took place at the end of the nineteenth century. By conducting a comparative study between France and Italy, I attempt to outline a transnational model which shows that the two formalist critiques share the same understanding of the literature postulated by the neo-avant-garde. The second part of my thesis is devoted to the study of one of the main tendencies in the critique of the writers since the Second World War, a tendency that called into question a purely intrinsic study of the work of art. Here, I propose a comparative study of the literary critique of Georges Perec, Michel Tournier, Philippe Muray, Tommaso Landolfi, Pier Paolo Pasolini and Pier Vittorio Tondelli, in order to underline that their critical practice has not limited itself to a personal declaration of their poetic views, but it has truly opened up an alternative approach to formalist theoretical positions. They refused to speak of literature as a secluded world, and by doing so they anticipated one of the most important features of the literature of the end of the twentieth century, both in France and in Italy
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Correia, Paulo Emanuel Spranger Lobato de Freitas. "Aspects of social and economic reconstruction during Eritrea's war of independence, 1975-1991." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/5476.
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M.A.<br>With the exception of the Western Sahara, Eritrea was the only African country to have been permanently occupied by another African country after the Second World War, when the concept of self-determination had been widely recognised and accepted. Despite the illegality of the Ethiopian annexation, the conflict in Eritrea was largely under-reported in the Western media, especially in the 70s and 80s. There were also few protests from the international community, especially African states and their leaders, many of whom viewed the conflict in Eritrea as a secessionist problem. The Organisation of African Unity was founded in Addis Ababa in 1963 and Ethiopia had a particularly prestigious position in Africa. During three decades the Eritrean nationalists conducted a war of liberation with no parallel in Africa and one which can only been compared to the Vietnamese struggle against French and American domination. The war in Eritrea was a protracted conflict that involved many thousands of soldiers, foreign military advisors and heavy military equipment on the Ethiopian side and a much smaller fighting force on the Eritrean side, which only had the support of the civilian population. This mini-thesis looks into those socio-economic aspects that enabled Eritrea's most efficient and resilient liberation front, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front, EPLF, to mobilise the Eritrean population around the goal of national liberation. The study pays particular attention to how the EPLF obtained the highest degree of participation from the civilian population and how it maximised all available resources to fight the Ethiopian occupation forces.
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Wannitikul, Gadsaraporn. "The relationships of socioeconomic factors on forest cover in Northeast Thailand from 1975 to 1991." 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33284361.html.
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Brett, Matthew. "The Contested Terrain of Central Banking: Ideas, Interests and the Bank of Canada’s Inflation-Rate Reduction Policies, 1975-1991." Thesis, 2012. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/974580/1/MattBrettFinal_paper.12%2D08%2D28Archive02.pdf.
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Monetary policy in Canada underwent significant changes between 1975 and 1991 as the central bank shifted from fostering full employment to aggressively reducing and controlling inflation. Existing studies of this period largely adopt either monetarist or constructivist frameworks of analysis. Both of these approaches do not sufficiently account for the class-based dynamics of monetary policy. Adopting Epstein’s view that central banks are contested terrains in which conflicting interests compete for profit and power over the marcroeconomy (2001), this paper examines the class-based dimensions of monetary policy change. The framework developed in this study accounts for both systemic factors of capital accumulation and class dynamics that influence monetary policy. Three distinct yet overlapping periods are analysed: the monetarist period (1975-82); the Volcker Shock period (1977-84); and the Crow Doctrine period (1988-91). Each of these periods had a distinct configuration of class forces, and these shifting configurations influenced the monetary ideas and policies that prevailed during a given time. Organized labour was significantly weakened during the monetarist and Volcker periods, while finance capital grew in power and influence over the macroeconomy into the 1990s.
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Salmon, Jago [Verfasser]. "Militia politics : the formation and organisation of irregular armed forces in Sudan (1985 - 2001) and Lebanon (1975 - 1991) / Jago Salmon." 2008. http://d-nb.info/990397173/34.
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Lin, Xiao-Ying, and 林孝穎. "The Way to Reconciliation : An Analysis of the Process and Impacts of the 'Normalization of Relations' between China and Vietnam（1975-1991）." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/kag2s9.
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碩士<br>國立暨南國際大學<br>東南亞學系<br>103<br>China and Vietnam are close neighbors since long ago. In the forty years between 1950 to 1990, the relationships between them were magically undulatory. The relationshad been through brotherhood, serious opposition to ice break.
A new condition followed by the Chengdu Meeting in1990. Since then, the cooperation of the two countries in politics, economics, culture and technology fields was on a new stage. “To end the past and build the future” was the main idea of this conference.It showed a great effect of being normalized.
This article will focus on effects of fast relation developing between the two countries which include national environment, area situations, the policy of reformation and opening, ideologues, Cambodia issues and the meeting in chandu. Furthermore, both of them agreed
to follow the guide-line which was to keep a stable long-term relation, face to the future, in amity with each other and cooperating together and it did contribute a great development in their relations. After that, the cooperation in politics, economics, culture and technology
between China and Vietnam was on a new developing stage.
From the developing history of being normalized in the two countries, we can see that the motivation was successfully built on amity and cooperation which mat their people’s radical benefits. It is believed that to strengthen and develop the two countries relationship will not only meet their people’s needs but also benefit this area and world in peace, stability, cooperation and development.
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"'They Fought as Bravely as Any American Fighting Men': Conservative Republicans and the Attempt to Save American Exceptionalism from the Loss in Vietnam, 1975-1991." Doctoral diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.26828.
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abstract: The historiography of the Vietnam War's effect on American society and culture often focuses on the public image of its veterans. Historians and other scholars credit liberal and apolitical Vietnam veterans for reshaping Americans' opinions of those who served. These men deserve significant recognition for these changes; however, historians consistently overlook another aspect this topic. Conservative Republicans in the mid-1970s through the early 1990s made a concerted effort to alter how Americans viewed Vietnam veterans and their performance in the conflict. The few scholars who have examined this issue suggest conservatives wanted to quell Americans' distaste for military endeavors after the loss in Southeast Asia, a concept known as the Vietnam Syndrome.
This dissertation argues conservatives' efforts were more complex than simply wanting to break down the syndrome. The war and its loss threatened their understandings of the exceptional nature of the United States. This notion of exceptionalism stemmed from the immense success of the country territorially, economically, and in the international system, accomplishments realized with the assistance of the American military. The performance of the military establishment and its soldiers in the Vietnam War and the negative international and domestic opinions of the country in the wake of this loss threatened those elements of American success that conservatives viewed as imperative to maintaining the idea of exceptionalism and the power of the United States. As a result, a disparate group of conservative Republicans in the post-Vietnam era attempted to alter American understandings of the nation's martial tradition and the concept of martial masculinity, both ravaged by the war. This dissertation adds another layer to the historiography of the effects of the Vietnam War by arguing that conservatives not only shored up Americans' belief in the martial tradition and reshaped the definition of martial masculinity, but that they also significantly influenced Americans' newfound positive opinions of Vietnam veterans.<br>Dissertation/Thesis<br>Doctoral Dissertation History 2014
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Velez, Estêvão Sara. "Design, comunicação e modelação do mundo ; um estudo da condição do design da comunicação a partir do pensamento de Vilém Flusser." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10451/25105.
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Tese de doutoramento, Belas-Artes (Design da Comunicação), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Belas-Artes, 2016<br>Esta tese visa questionar a posição contemporânea do design de comunicação a partir da hipótese da sua condição de modelador do mundo. Esta é uma perspectiva original que proponho explorar tendo como mote a obra de Vilém Flusser, uma vez que este autor entende o design e a comunicação como fenómenos culturais de construção humana do mundo. Não obstante a presença quotidiana do design de comunicação, não têm sido consideradas as suas implicações na formação do mundo contemporâneo. Face ao peso da tecnologia que suporta os seus objectos, e apesar da sua ubiquidade, o design de comunicação é muitas vezes tido por uma actividade inócua, capaz de facilitar a comunicação, porém desprovida de outro tipo de mediação. O pensamento em design de comunicação tem, não só diagnosticado esta presença, como também tem feito notar que está por discutir e por completar uma ontologia da disciplina que tenha em conta as tecnologias de informação e a sua influência. A investigação é desenvolvida em dois planos que se alimentam mutuamente. Por um lado, a exposição e discussão dos conceitos de Flusser, em diálogo com outros autores, que se relacionam com a hipótese referida. Por outro lado, tal discussão permite enfrentar um conjunto de aspectos fundamentais para o actual design de comunicação: a comunicação, a técnica, a imagem e a desmaterialização dos suportes técnicos. O entrelaçamento dos planos teóricos e analíticos permitirá sustentar o argumento de que a mediação do design de comunicação, num tempo de intensificação da desmaterialização, se vai constituindo como um meio fundamental para a legibilidade do mundo contemporâneo.<br>This thesis mainly aims at questioning the contemporary stand of communica- tion’s design starting from the hypothesis of communication design as a shaper of the world. This original perspective shall be explored based on Vilém Flusser’s thinking, due to his understanding of design and communication as cultural pheno- mena of the human construction of the world. Despite the presence of communication design in everyday life, its implica- tions on shaping the contemporary world have not been considered. Given the wei- ght of technology supporting its objects and despite its ubiquity, communication design is sometimes considered a neutral activity capable of facilitating communi- cation, but de-void of any further power. Thinking in communication design has not only diagnosed its presence, but also highlighted that a communication design on- tology which takes information technology into account has yet to be discussed and completed. The current investigation is developed at two mutually inf luencing levels. First, to present and discuss Flusser’s concepts associated with the current hypo- thesis, in dialogue with other authors. Second, based on this discussion, to tackle a set of fundamental dimensions for current communication design: communication, technology, image and dematerialization of technical supports. Intertwining theore- tical and analytical per-spectives will support the argument that communication de- sign mediation in times of increasing dematerialization is becoming a powerful tool for contemporary world legi-bility.
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Charnbhumidol, Pitchayaphant. "The Kampuchean conflict, 1975-1985 a case study of threat perception and international conflict /." 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/28448708.html.
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Schmidt, Kenneth J. "William Vander Zalm to Rita Johnston : the 1991 leadership choice of the Social Credit Party of British Columbia." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1444.
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The traditional objectives of leadership conventions have been two-fold; First, the choice of a new party leader; second, the reaffirmation and renewal of party activists as well as unification of them behind the newly chosen leader. This thesis analyzes the Social Credit party leadership selection process with particular focus on the 1991 leadership convention. The study draws upon data and written material with respect to the 1986 leadership convention, but primarily information gathered from an extensive survey of behavior and attitudes of the nearly 1900 delegates to the 1991 leadership convention as well as newspapers and personal observation and interviews with attendees. It explores how the Social Credit party tried but failed to achieve both of the traditional objectives with their 1991 leadership convention. They chose a new party leader. However, entering the 1991 convention, the party was divided by numerous rifts which had developed during the 1986 leadership convention and since that event. Rather than heal the rifts, the 1991 leadership convention exacerbated them. Thus, as the 1991 leadership convention closed the party was more divided than when the year's leadership politics had begun.
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Rodrigues, Joseph 1969. "A paisagem na cidade, da modernidade à contemporaneidade : um exercício curatorial sobre a experiência do lugar urbano." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10451/34800.
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The city was a site of interest for photography, at the end of the 19th Century. It was used as a basis for experimentation and interpretation of its cultural landscape and locations. It was also decisive in defining the concept of street photography, with its depictions of the visible and invisible realities of the city over the years. In the modern period, we saw the construction of a new urban culture and identity in Europe, as well as profound urban changes, which turned cities into the protagonists of new sociocultural contexts. With that, a spirit of progress and renewal, which gave rise to increased interest in countless areas of knowledge, in cultural and urban landscapes, as well as in the visual arts, specifically, painting and photography. In all this, different approaches jostled for space, some based on philosophy, some using other sciences, like geography, sociology, or anthropology in their reflections on the impact of urban life, as a product of man's activity on the land. Given that the new landscapes inspired increasing interest in theoretical approaches, we can take photography as a foundation for documenting the cultural and urban landscape and its visible and invisible realities. The history of photography brings together some of the best interpreters of urban life, such as Eugène Atget (1857-1927), George Brassai (1899-1984) and Joshua Benoliel (1873-1932), among others. As street photographers, they depicted the cities of Paris and Lisbon in the modern period. Based on their perspectives, we proposed a curatorial project featuring such landscapes, with the aim of allowing experimentation and interpretation together with the public, while raising their profile as part of modern and contemporary Europe's heritage of urban culture. Taking Joshua Benoliel's perspective on modern Chiado for one aspect of the curatorial project, we held a photography workshop at the same urban location, projecting his interpretation onto modern day Chiado, and observing the dynamics and specialities of his genius loci, in an experience of "visiting" and "revisiting." The eight views produced by the workshop participants, mostly students of F.B.A.U.L (Fine Arts Faculty of the University of Lisbon), were presented on campus in the exhibition: "Chiado - modern day urban space, (re)visiting Joshua Benoliel's perspective," in June 2015. These works served as a critical foundation for looking at the experience of this location and the building of an urban identity. They achieved an effective dialogue between various creators, the young artists and all those characterizing the cultural and urban landscape of Chiado in its timelessness