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Relevant bibliographies by topics / 1984 Presidential Election

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Journal articles

Academic literature on the topic '1984 Presidential Election'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "1984 Presidential Election"

1

Epstein, Laurily K. "The Changing Structure of Party Identification." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 01 (1985): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500021284.

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However one wishes to characterize Walter Mondale's campaign for the presidency, his loss was only the latest in a series of Democratic presidential candidate defeats beginning in 1968. In 1968, Hubert Humphrey got 43 percent of the popular vote. In 1972, George McGovem received 38 percent of the popular vote. And in both 1980 and 1984, the Democratic presidential tickets got 41 percent of the popular vote. Only in 1976 did a Democratic presidential candidate receive a (very slim) majority of the popular votes cast. Indeed, Democratic presidential candidates have received only 42 percent of the total votes cast between 1968 and 1984.Although Democratic presidential candidates have not been faring well for 16 years, party identification has remained about the same—with the Democrats as the majority party. Until 1984. And that is what makes the 1984 election interesting, for in this election the voters finally seemed to change their party identification to correspond with what now appears to be their habit of electing Republican presidents.In 1980, when Jimmy Carter received the same proportion of the total votes cast as did Walter Mondale in 1984, self-styled Democrats were still in the majority. But, by 1984, Republicans and Democrats were at a virtual tie nationwide, as these figures from NBC News election day voter polls demonstrate.

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2

Axelrod, Robert. "Presidential Election Coalitions in 1984." American Political Science Review 80, no. 1 (1986): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957096.

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This report provides an update of major characteristics of the Democratic and Republican party coalitions for the recent U.S. presidential election. Earlier reports published in this Review have provided this kind of analysis from 1952 to 1980.

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3

Lichtman, Allan J. "The Keys to the White House." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 1, no. 1 (2010): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jssc.2010092903.

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The Keys to the White House are an index-based prediction system that retrospectively account for the popular-vote winners of every US presidential election from 1860 to 1980 and prospectively forecast the winners of every presidential election from 1984 through 2008. The Keys demonstrate that American presidential elections do not turn on events of the campaign, but rather on the performance of the party controlling the White House. The Keys hold important lessons for politics in the United States and worldwide. A preliminary forecast based on the Keys indicates that President Obama is a likely winner in 2012, but also reveals the specific problems at home at abroad that could thwart his re-election.

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4

Campbell, James E. "Presidential Coattails and Midterm Losses in State Legislative Elections." American Political Science Review 80, no. 1 (1986): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957083.

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The president's party consistently loses partisan control of state legislatures in midterm elections, a pattern similar to the loss of seats in the U.S. House of Representatives in midterms. This study examines presidential coattails as a possible explanation of these losses. Aggregate state legislative election outcomes between 1944 and 1984 in 41 states are examined. The analysis indicates that the president's party gains seats in presidential elections in proportion to the presidential vote in a state, and subsequently loses seats in midterm elections also in proportion to the prior presidential vote in the state. The presidential coattail and the midterm repercussion effects are evident even when gubernatorial coattail effects are introduced, but are fairly modest in states lacking competitive parties.

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5

Woodrum, Eric. "Moral Conservatism and the 1984 Presidential Election." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 27, no. 2 (1988): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1386715.

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6

Sigelman, Lee, and Michael M. Gant. "Anticandidate voting in the 1984 presidential election." Political Behavior 11, no. 1 (1989): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00993368.

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7

West, Darrell M. "Television and Presidential Popularity in America." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 2 (1991): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006104.

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Presidential approval ratings are a frequently used barometer of performance and popularity. However, despite recognition of the media age in which we live, little work has examined the impact of television on presidential popularity. Using a 1980 and 1984 television content study, panel data from the 1980 National Election Study and rolling cross-sectional data from the 1984 Continuous Monitoring Study, I compare two American presidents (Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan) commonly seen as having different effectiveness on television. While media effects were not uniformly present during the two presidencies, there was some evidence that television harmed popularity, particularly when the content of news stories and commentary turned negative. I conclude by discussing the ramifications of these results for presidential strategies based on ‘going public’.

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8

Tate, Katherine. "Black Political Participation in the 1984 and 1988 Presidential Elections." American Political Science Review 85, no. 4 (1991): 1159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963940.

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Using data from a longitudinal telephone study of voting-eligible black Americans I explore the political context of black voter turnout in the 1984 and 1988 presidential elections and reexamine the attitudinal and demographic variables associated with black electoral participation. Jesse Jackson supporters were more likely to vote in the 1984 presidential election, while black opposition to Reagan was also linked to black voter turnout in 1984. Nonetheless, blacks who preferred Jackson to other primary contenders in the 1988 nominating contest were less likely to vote in the presidential election. Finally, while education, political interest, partisanship, and age were generally associated with black voter participation, race identification had a less consistent effect. Instead, church membership and involvement in black political organizations serve as alternative, community-based resources that promote black participation. This research underscores the importance of both political context and group-based political resources in stimulating the black vote.

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9

Johnson, Stephen D., and Joseph B. Tamney. "The Christian Right and the 1984 Presidential Election." Review of Religious Research 27, no. 2 (1985): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511667.

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10

Ladd, Everett Carll. "On Mandates, Realignments, and the 1984 Presidential Election." Political Science Quarterly 100, no. 1 (1985): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150858.

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