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Komulainen, Heidi, and Ulrika Sandström. "Kroniskt trötthetssyndrom : en diskursanalys av artiklar 1989-2006." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Social Work, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6752.
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The purpose with this work is to describe the language that is built around the chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS) in Sweden. Our questions are: What does the professional field look like; who writes, about what and for which kind of readers? How do they describe the expressions and the upcoming of CFS? For which reasons can CFS be considered as a medical diagnosis/illness? How can CFS be understood from a social perspective? Our theoretical starting point is a social constructive theory and also Karin Johannisson's theory about medicalization and Foucault’s theory about power. We have from a literature-exposition of Swedish articles from 1989 to 2006, done a social constructive discourse analysis with help from Laclau & Mouffe's discourse theory, and Fairclough's model of social practices. In our textual analysis we found three dominating discourses: A medical discourse, a social/cultural discourse and a general/popular discourse. Our results showed that the dominating professional category is doctors and those who have medical direction within their work. In most cases they wrote articles that searched for medical explanations of CFS and their common factor was that they looked at CFS as an illness. The articles that had a social constructive, anthropological, idea historical or religious perspective to CFS was in a minority and they often defined the phenomenon as an expression of different kind of public elements and were often critical to medicalization.
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Добровольська, І. "Французько-німецьке партнерство в європейських інтеграційних процесах (1989-2006 рр.)." Diss. of Candidate of Political Sciences, КНУТШ, 2008.
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Zolnerkevic, Aleksei. "Geografia eleitoral: volatilidade e tendências nas eleições presidenciais de 1989 a 2006." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8135/tde-17092012-121840/.
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Esta dissertação trata do estudo da volatilidade eleitoral nas eleições presidenciais brasileiras no período de 1989 a 2006 na escala dos municípios brasileiros. Foi calculada a volatilidade eleitoral em quatro períodos: 1989/1994, 1994/1998, 1998/2002 e 2002/2006. Os cálculos foram feitos por meio do índice de volatilidade entre blocos de partidos (Bartolini e Mair 1990). A geografia eleitoral da volatilidade eleitoral municipal desses períodos é apresentada através de tabelas e mapas. Os municípios brasileiros são Identificados e classificados em cinco grupos pelo número de vezes em que eles apresentaram taxas altas de volatilidade no período de 1989 a 2006. Por fim é analisada a possível correlação entre essa classificação e algumas variáveis socioeconômicas. Os resultados obtidos sugerem que altas taxas de volatilidade eleitoral durante as eleições presidenciais nos municípios brasileiros estiveram correlacionadas a índices baixos de condição de vida e educacionais.This dissertation is on the electoral volatility in Brazilian presidential elections between 1989 and 2006 on Brazilian municipalities scale. The electoral volatility of four periods was calculated: 1989/1994, 1994/1998, 1998/2002, and 2002/2006. The calculations were made using the inter-bloc volatility index (Bartolini and Mair, 1990). The electoral geography of municipal electoral volatility is presented through maps and tables. The Brazilian municipalities were identified and classified into five groups according to the incidence of high volatility in the period 1989 to 2006. Finally, there is an analysis of the possible correlation between this classification and some socioeconomic variables. The results indicate that high rates of electoral volatility during presidential elections in Brazilian municipalities were correlated with low rates of education and life condition.
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Caldeira, Neto Odilon. ""Nosso nome é Enéas!" : Partido da Reedificação da Ordem Nacional (1989-2006)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/148426.
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Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a trajetória política do Partido de Reedificação da Ordem Nacional (Prona), organização liderada por Enéas Ferreira Carneiro. Fundado em 1989 e existente até 2006, o Prona representou uma alternativa de direita radical à ordem democrática brasileira, agregando diversos estratos do conservadorismo e autoritarismo político brasileiro após o fim do regime militar. Dessa maneira, a pesquisa se estrutura em dois eixos fundamentais e complementares. Em primeiro lugar, busca analisar a diversidade constituída pela própria agremiação, isto é, quais os caminhos percorridos por uma pequena legenda partidária que buscava eleger seu líder como Presidente da República. Além disso, a pesquisa objetivou analisar também a circularidade de ideias que permearam o partido político em questão, sobretudo no âmbito das cooperações da direita radical brasileira, seu preceitos e valores conservadores e autoritários. Dessa maneira, busca compreender não apenas a trajetória da própria agremiação, mas também suas relações em amplitude nacional e internacional.This thesis aims to analyze the political trajectory of the Reedification of National Order Party (PRONA), an organization led by Eneas Ferreira Carneiro. Founded in 1989 and existed until 2006, PRONA represented a radical right alternative to the Brazilian democratic order, adding several layers of Brazilian political conservatism and authoritariansm after the end of Military dictatorship. Thus, the research is divided into two core and complementary lines. First, is to analyze the diversity constituted by the Party, that is, which paths were taken by a small party label that sought to elect their leader as President. In addition, the research also aimed at analyzing the circularity of ideas that permeated the political party in question, particularly in the context of cooperation of the Brazilian radical right and its precepts and conservative and authoritarian values. In this way, seeks to analyze not only the trajectory of their own party, but also their relationships on a national and international scale.
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Colin, Christelle. "Identité et mémoire dans le cinéma actuel sur la Galice (1989-2006)." Toulouse 2, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007TOU20086.
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Cette thèse traite la question identitaire dans le cinéma (de fiction) fait en Galice depuis 1989. Pour dégager les formes et les expressions de l’identité dans l’imaginaire filmique, nous nous sommes centrée sur un axe récurrent dans ce cinéma encore très jeune : la mémoire et les images du passé. En partant du constat de cette thématique mémorielle et en nous appuyant sur le concept d’identité narrative proposé par Paul Ricoeur nous avons dégagé les différentes stratégies identitaires mises en place dans les textes filmiques. Dans une première partie, l’évocation d’une mémoire folklorique constituée par des éléments tels que le territoire, les traditions et la langue propose une lecture inspirée d’un macrotexte identitaire issue de la tradition galléguiste. Dans une deuxième partie, un rapport problématique au passé fondé sur les troubles de la mémoire l’oubli et l’amnésie caractérise un personnage galicien en crise qui rejette le premier modèle identitaire proposé par les films de la période précédente. Une troisième partie enfin met en évidence la formulation d’une identité idéale fondée sur la récupération de la mémoire des anciens héros de la république et du galléguisme ou de héros plus contemporains. La mémoire dans ces représentations filmiques révèle plus une identité problématique que la revendication d’une identité galicienne forteThis thesis treats the identity question in the cinema (of fiction) made in Galicia since 1989. To release the forms and the expressions of the identity in the imaginary filmic one, we were centered on a recurring axis in this cinema still very young: memory and images of the past. By supporting us on the concept of narrative identity proposed by Paul Ricoeur we highlighted the various identity strategies installation in the filmic texts. In a first part, the evocation of a folk memory consisted elements such as the territory, the traditions and the language proposes a reading inspired of a macrotext identity exit of the tradition galleguist. In a second part, a problematic relation with the past based on the disorders of the memory the lapse of memory and amnesia characterize a Galician character in crisis which rejects the first identity model suggested by films of the previous period. A third part finally highlights the formulation of an ideal identity founded on the recovery of the memory of the former heroes of the republic and the galleguism or more contemporary heroes. The memory in these filmic representations reveals more one problematic identity that the claim of a strong Galician identity
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Smetanková, Daša. "Vplyv maďarskej menšiny na volebný vývoj na Slovensku v období rokov 1989-2006." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-1870.
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práca analyzuje vplyv maďarskej menšiny na južnom Slovensku na volebný a politický vývoj na Slovensku. Analyzuje historické aspekty menšinovej problematiky, ktoré vplývajú na jej volebné a politické správanie v súčasnosti a zároveň hodnotí problematiku maďraskej menšiny po roku 1989 na Slovensku
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Schmenk, Janine Therese. "Chirurgische Therapie und Prognosefaktoren des Papillenkarzinoms an der Chirurgischen Universitätsklinikum Bonn von 1989-2006 /." Bonn, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?sys=000253894.
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Solà, Climent Rosario. "Análisis de las estrategias publicitarias de ls campañas turísticas de la comunidad valenciana 1989-2006." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/10467.
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La tesis doctoral trata sobre el estudio de las campañas publicitarias de marca turística valenciana utilizando como exponente de las mismas el anuncio en televisión.Esta investigación comenzó con la recopilación del universo total de trece campañas publicitarias emitidas desde el año 1989 hasta la finalización del 2006. Se han recogido y estudiado las submarcas turísticas valencianas, desde su creación hasta la actualidad así como, la marca paraguas Comunitat Valenciana aparecida en cada campaña.
Tras la recopilación de campañas se ha realizado por una parte un análisis audiovisual de las mismas y por otra un análisis de las estrategias creativas que se presentan en ellas.
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Del, Porto Fabiola Brigante 1977. "Jovens da democracia? = valores políticos das coortes da juventude brasileira no período democrático recente (1989-2006)." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280037.
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Orientador: Rachel MeneguelloTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese estuda os valores políticos dos sucessivos grupos de jovens "em formação" no cenário da democratização brasileira e os compara àqueles expressos por seus concidadãos mais velhos, que viveram, pelo menos, o regime militar. O estudo é baseado na análise longitudinal de surveys nacionais realizados em 1989, 1993 e 2006 e as variáveis utilizadas são a preferência por regimes políticos, a confiança nas instituições representativas, a percepção da eficácia política, o voto voluntário, os hábitos de conversa e informação políticas e a participação em associações ou comunidades de bairro. Com os pressupostos de que a socialização política ocorre por toda a vida e que as experiências políticas mais recentes, com o regime corrente, importam mais na avaliação e adesão a esse regime, a hipótese da tese aponta que a faixa etária dos indivíduos - como "coorte" ou como "ciclo de vida" - não tem impacto independente sobre aqueles aspectos de seu envolvimento político-institucional e democrático. A partir do cenário da adesão majoritária à democracia dos brasileiros e seus paradoxos, a análise dos dados pautou-se em técnicas estatísticas descritivas e exploratórias para visualizar os padrões de transmissão geracional nas mudanças e continuidades da cultura política dos brasileiros e em que medida os jovens que viveram seus "anos formativos" durante a democratização brasileira acompanharam essas tendências atitudinais. Os processamentos estatísticos utilizados (testes de associação, regressões logísticas e análise de agrupamentos) apontaram não haver diferenças marcantes nos valores políticos dos cidadãos brasileiros relacionadas à sua coorte de nascimento. Através do período, apenas a desconfiança política diminuiu em patamares sustentados da coorte mais nova a mais velha, levando a perguntar se as diferenças etárias na desconfiança política não eram, então, efeitos do "ciclo de vida" dos cidadãos ou efeitos composicionais, tendo em vista os crescentes níveis de instrução dos jovens no período estudado. A comparação longitudinal da desconfiança de indivíduos nas mesmas faixas etárias mostrou que as diferenças por faixas etárias também foram significativas, mas diminutas através do período. Por outro lado, quando se comparou o impacto do grau de instrução sobre a desconfiança por faixas etárias, o efeito sobre os jovens em "anos formativos" foi até menor do que sobre seus concidadãos mais velhos. Através do tempo, o controle do grau de instrução afetou, no entanto, a preferência por regimes, sugerindo que os jovens dependem da mediação do aprendizado escolar para a construção de suas preferências políticas, dado que não viveram o regime autoritário
Abstract: This thesis studies the political values of successive groups of young people "in formation" in the Brazil's recent democratization as compared to its older fellow citizens, who lived, at least, the military regime. The study is based on longitudinal analysis of national surveys carried out in 1989, 1993 and 2006 and the variables used are the preference for political regimes, the trust in representative institutions, the perception of the political efficacy, the voluntary vote, the habits of discuss and access at political information and participation associations or communities in the neighborhood or city. From the scenario of the majority adherence to the democracy of the Brazilian citizens and its paradoxes, data analysis was based on descriptive and exploratory statistics to visualize the generational patterns transmission in the changes and continuities of the political culture of the Brazilian and the extent to which young people lived their "formative years" in the time of the Brazilian democratization accompanied those attitudinal trends. The statistical procedures used (tests of association, logistic regression and cluster analysis) showed no remarkable differences in political values of Brazilian citizens related to their birth cohort. Through the period, only the political distrust sustained levels decreased from the youngest cohort to the oldest one, leading to ask whether the age differences in political distrust were not effects of "life cycle" of citizens or compositional effects, taking into seen rising levels of education of the Brazilian youth during the studied period. A longitudinal comparison of distrust of individuals in the same age groups showed that the differences by age were also significant but diminutive through the period. On the other hand, when comparing the impact of schooling on the distrust for age groups, the effect on young people in "formative years" was even less than about older fellow citizens. Over time, the control of the degree's instruction affected, however, the preference for the political regime; this suggest the youth depends on the mediation of school learning for the formation of their political preferences, since they didn't live the authoritarian regime
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política
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Stanski, Keith Raymond Russell. "'Warlord' : a discursive history of the concept in British and American imperialism, 1815-1914 and 1989-2006." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:303a15ac-8f59-4861-9cc0-e514193e1e17.
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The renewed interest in empire, particularly in its British and American variants, has brought into sharper relief the difficulties both metropoles faced in projecting order in the global south. Far from cohesive entities, the British and American empires tried to manage territories that defied many of the political, economic, and legal systems, as well as normative and moral understandings, that enabled their imperial ascendancy. Despite a considerable literature about how metropoles comprehended these frustrated imperial plans, limited insights can be found into the way Britain and the United States coped with the influence of war in the uneven expansion of order. This challenge is brought into focus by examining one of the most direct formulations of the relationship between war and order in US and British imperialism, namely the concept of warlord. The concept’s history, it is argued, provides a glimpse into the far-reaching influence cultural constructions of war had in how US and British policymakers, journalists, and advocates conceived of and projected order in the non-European world. Such influential understandings also inspired overstated conclusions about the degree to which both imperial powers could realise their visions of order in the global south. Drawing on discursive and historical methods, the dissertation develops a conceptual framework that distils the core features of ‘warlords’ in the US and British imperial imaginaries. This conceptual approach is used to revisit some of the most formative encounters with colonial and contemporary ‘warlords’, as captured in British and American policy debates, political commentary, and popular culture, during two highpoints in British and American imperial history, 1815-1914 and 1989-2006 respectively. These arguments bring to the forefront how instead of an ancillary part of conclusions about the inferiority of non-European cultures, as suggested in much of the post-colonial literature, notions of war conditioned many of Britain and the United States’ enduring conception of and strategies for managing the uneven development of order in the global south.
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Jobst, Maria. "Die Zystekomie als Therapie des fortgeschrittenen primären Urothelkarzinoms am Caritas-Krankenhaus St. Josef in Regensburg zwischen 1989 - 2006." kostenfrei, 2008. http://www.opus-bayern.de/uni-regensburg/volltexte/2008/1103/.
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Campos, Marcelo da Silveira. "Crime e Congresso Nacional no Brasil pós-1988 = uma análise da política criminal aprovada de 1989 a 2006." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279483.
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Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira CostaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A partir de meados dos anos 90 do século XX até os dias atuais, parte da literatura internacional sobre criminalização, segurança pública e justiça criminal (sobretudo nos EUA e Inglaterra) sinalizou o abandono da política criminal tradicional - chamada de penal welfarism. Esta política, baseada na tradição liberal dos direitos humanos e pautada no ideal de ressocialização do criminoso, teria sido substituída por uma política penal mais dura, abrangente e agora mais voltada para a defesa social. Modificou-se o funcionamento estratégico da justiça penal contemporânea e sua importância. A partir desse enquadramento teórico geral, este trabalho analisa quais foram as políticas criminais adotadas pelo Parlamento brasileiro. Para isso analiso a produção das principais leis aprovadas em segurança pública e justiça criminal no Congresso Nacional brasileiro no período de 1989 a 2006. Divido a pesquisa em dois momentos: i) um mapeamento do material apontando quais são os partidos, estados e casas proponentes; mandatos presidenciais que sancionaram as leis; número de leis aprovadas por ano e o tempo de tramitação das leis de acordo com a casa propositora; ii) os tipos gerais (modelos) de punição propostos pelas normas. Proponho nas considerações finais que é possível pensar: coexistências na política criminal entre criminalização, recrudescimento penal e leis que despenalizaram ou buscaram efetivar direitos dos réus; ii) apesar da coexistência ou (e) sobreposição entre estes domínios na política criminal, o Parlamento e o Executivo 'escolhem' o uso simbólico do Penal como forma fundamental de resolução de conflitos, a partir de demandas estatais (ou da sociedade civil) por maior (ou mais pesada) criminalização de condutas
Abstract: From the mid-90s of the twentieth century until today, part of the international literature on criminality, public safety and criminal justice (primarily in the U.S. and England) signaled the abandonment of traditional criminal policy - called the penal welfarism. The policy, based on the liberal tradition of human rights and on the ideal of social resocialization of criminals, would have been replaced by a tougher criminal justice policy, more comprehensive and now more focused on social defense. The strategic functioning of criminal justice and its contemporary relevance has changed. From this general framework, this research examines the criminal policies which were adopted by the Brazilian Parliament. To that end, I analyze the production of the major laws approved on public safety and criminal justice in the Brazilian Parliament in the period from 1989 to 2006. The research is divided into two different moments: i) a mapping of the material indicating which are the proponent parties, states and houses; presidential mandates, the number of laws adopted per year and the time of the drafting of laws in according to the proponent house ii) the general types (models) of punishment proposed by the laws. I propose in my final considerations that: the coexistence in Brazilian criminal policy of criminalization and the stiffening of criminal laws/expansion of rights in Brazil. Despite this coexistence or (and) overlap between these areas, the Parliament and the Executive 'choose' the symbolic use of the penal laws as a fundamental form of conflict resolution from state (or civil society) demands for more extensive (or heavier) criminalization of conducts
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Denicolo, Naiara. "A HOSPEDAGEM EM PIRENOPÓLIS E GOIÂNIA: ESPAÇOS DE PRESERVAÇÃO E DIVULGAÇÃO DO PATRIMÔNIO CULTURAL DE GOIÁS (1989-2006)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás, 2006. http://localhost:8080/tede/handle/tede/2299.
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Previous issue date: 2006-12-20This study is aimed at analyzing, in a comparative perspective, the hosting in a tourist city Pirenópolis and in the capital city of Goiás Goiânia, trying to contextualize the authenticity or the simulacrum of these spaces. The methodological procedures employed for such analysis were bibliographical research and field research, with interviews with the owners of different enterprises, which were three inns in Pirenópolis and a hotel in Goiânia. We proceeded to the analysis of the history of Goiás s culture formation, with the evolution of the various types of hotels, and we also attempted to understand the motivational factors, such as leisure or business, that attract tourists to different spaces spaces that are authentic and, therefore, guardians of an identity, or spaces that simulate some sort of cultural rescue. Such spaces represent either cordiality and hospitality or standardized places that follow international laws or suggest a simulacrum. In this last case, the cultural legacy needf reconstruction. We concluded that the tourism in Pirenópolis is representative of a historic and cultural legacy, whereas in Goiânia the metropolis tourism takes place with the same dynamics as the city, in a frantic way, without giving room to contemplations, meeting the needs of another tourist segment. In sum, the present research does not aim at exhausting the subject; on the contrary, we believe that the study of hosting means reflecting on one of the physiological needs that are innate in human beings.
Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar, numa perspectiva comparativa, a hospedagem em uma cidade turística Pirenópolis e na capital do estado de Goiás Goiânia, procurando contextualizar a autenticidade ou o simulacro desses espaços. Os procedimentos metodológicos por nós utilizados foram a pesquisa bibliográfica e a pesquisa de campo, com entrevistas aos proprietários dos diferentes empreendimentos, sendo três pousadas em Pirenópolis e um hotel em Goiânia. Percorremos uma análise histórica sobre a formação da cultura goiana, com a evolução dos diferentes meios de hospedagem, bem como buscamos entender os fatores motivacionais, tais como o lazer ou os negócios, que atraem os turistas aos diferentes espaços locais que são autênticos e, portanto, guardiões de uma identidade, ou que simulam um resgate cultural. Tais espaços representam a cordialidade e a hospitalidade, ou, ainda, espaços padronizados que seguem uma normatização internacional ou que sugerem um simulacro, necessitando, de uma reconstrução. Concluímos que o turismo em Pirenópolis se faz guardião de um legado históricocultural, ao passo que, em Goiânia, a metrópole, o turismo acontece com a mesma dinâmica da cidade, de forma frenética , sem muito tempo para contemplações, atendendo a outro segmento de turista. Em suma, a pretensão deste trabalho não é esgotar o assunto, ao contrário, acreditamos que estudar a hospedagem significa refletir sobre uma das necessidades fisiológicas inerentes ao ser humano.
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Dionisio, Filho Jorge Lopes [UNESP]. "A temática ambiental nos programas de governo para a Presidência da República do Partido dos Trabalhadores (1989-2006)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/90211.
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Esta pesquisa analisa a inserção da temática ambiental nos Programa de Governo para a Presidência da República do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), os quais foram elaborados como diretrizes políticas e ideológicas, durante suas campanhas nas eleições ocorridas no Brasil nos anos de 1989, 1994, 1998, 2002 e 2006. A pesquisa empreende, portanto, a análise de um recorte determinado: investigar e identificar as concepções relativas á temática ambiental, expressas nos Programas de Governo, de um determinado partido político brasileiro, elaborados no decorrer de vinte sete anos da sua existência como instituição política, atuante e organizada, em diferentes contextos históricos e processos eleitorais. No estudo apresentado, tomamos como “princípio”, que para analisarmos a temática ambiental, sob qualquer perspectiva no tempo presente, faz-se imprescindível um amplo referencial que abarque ao máximo a historicidade das relações entre sociedade e natureza. Assim, a emergência da “crise ambiental” deve ser abordada a partir desta perspectiva. Para análise dos dados, a pesquisa recorre aos referenciais metodológicos da “Análise de Conteúdo”, configurando-se como uma pesquisa qualitativa, cujos resultados e discussões foram elaborados a partir da análise de determinado corpus documental. O trabalho mostra que o fato de o PT ter se configurado historicamente como um partido aglutinador das forças políticas progressistas identificadas com os “novos movimentos sociais”, emergidos no contexto das décadas de 1960 a 1980, influenciou a inserção da temática ambiental nos seus respectivos Programas de Governo. Neste sentido, os temas ambientais “Amazônia e a questão da produção energética na região”, concepções e propostas apresentadas relacionadas aos temas “desenvolvimento sustentável” e “educação ambiental” foram analisados...
This paper analyzes the use of environmental issues in Brazilian government programs of the Workers‟ Party (PT), conceived as political and ideological guidelines during its campaigns in the elections in 1989, 1994, 1998, 2002 and 2006. The research thus analyzes a given topic: investigating and identifying environmental concepts expressed in government programs of a Brazilian political party, drafted in the course of twenty-seven years since its inception as a political, active and organized entity in different historical and electoral processes. In this study we have taken it as our principle that, in order to analyze environmental issues under any perspective in the present time, a vast outlook encompassing to the fullest the historicity of relations between society and nature is essential. The emergence of the environmental crisis must be therefore analyzed under this perspective. For data analysis, the research makes use of methodological references of Content Analysis. It is a quantitative research whose results and discussions were elaborated from the analysis of certain document corpus. The paper shows that the fact that PT has become a party showing progressive political strength identified with new social movements that took place from the 1960s to the 1980s has influenced the introduction of environmental issues in their respective government programs. In this sense, environmental topics such as the Amazon and the issue of energy production in the region, concepts and proposals presented on the topics “sustainable development” and “environmental education” have been analyzed with priority. Results show a clear defense in said sustainable development programs as a developmental model to be implemented in Brazil under PT‟s administration and that the introduction of the topic “Environmental Education in said programs was due to the concepts of environmental... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Dionisio, Filho Jorge Lopes. "A temática ambiental nos programas de governo para a Presidência da República do Partido dos Trabalhadores (1989-2006) /." Rio Claro : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/90211.
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Orientador: Rosa Maria Feiteiro CavalariBanca: Luiz Carlos Santana
Banca: Haydee Torres de Oliveira
Resumo: Esta pesquisa analisa a inserção da temática ambiental nos Programa de Governo para a Presidência da República do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), os quais foram elaborados como diretrizes políticas e ideológicas, durante suas campanhas nas eleições ocorridas no Brasil nos anos de 1989, 1994, 1998, 2002 e 2006. A pesquisa empreende, portanto, a análise de um recorte determinado: investigar e identificar as concepções relativas á temática ambiental, expressas nos Programas de Governo, de um determinado partido político brasileiro, elaborados no decorrer de vinte sete anos da sua existência como instituição política, atuante e organizada, em diferentes contextos históricos e processos eleitorais. No estudo apresentado, tomamos como "princípio", que para analisarmos a temática ambiental, sob qualquer perspectiva no tempo presente, faz-se imprescindível um amplo referencial que abarque ao máximo a historicidade das relações entre sociedade e natureza. Assim, a emergência da "crise ambiental" deve ser abordada a partir desta perspectiva. Para análise dos dados, a pesquisa recorre aos referenciais metodológicos da "Análise de Conteúdo", configurando-se como uma pesquisa qualitativa, cujos resultados e discussões foram elaborados a partir da análise de determinado corpus documental. O trabalho mostra que o fato de o PT ter se configurado historicamente como um partido aglutinador das forças políticas progressistas identificadas com os "novos movimentos sociais", emergidos no contexto das décadas de 1960 a 1980, influenciou a inserção da temática ambiental nos seus respectivos Programas de Governo. Neste sentido, os temas ambientais "Amazônia e a questão da produção energética na região", concepções e propostas apresentadas relacionadas aos temas "desenvolvimento sustentável" e "educação ambiental" foram analisados... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: This paper analyzes the use of environmental issues in Brazilian government programs of the Workers‟ Party (PT), conceived as political and ideological guidelines during its campaigns in the elections in 1989, 1994, 1998, 2002 and 2006. The research thus analyzes a given topic: investigating and identifying environmental concepts expressed in government programs of a Brazilian political party, drafted in the course of twenty-seven years since its inception as a political, active and organized entity in different historical and electoral processes. In this study we have taken it as our principle that, in order to analyze environmental issues under any perspective in the present time, a vast outlook encompassing to the fullest the historicity of relations between society and nature is essential. The emergence of the environmental crisis must be therefore analyzed under this perspective. For data analysis, the research makes use of methodological references of Content Analysis. It is a quantitative research whose results and discussions were elaborated from the analysis of certain document corpus. The paper shows that the fact that PT has become a party showing progressive political strength identified with new social movements that took place from the 1960s to the 1980s has influenced the introduction of environmental issues in their respective government programs. In this sense, environmental topics such as "the Amazon and the issue of energy production in the region", concepts and proposals presented on the topics "sustainable development" and "environmental education" have been analyzed with priority. Results show a clear defense in said "sustainable development" programs as a developmental model to be implemented in Brazil under PT‟s administration and that the introduction of the topic "Environmental Education" in said programs was due to the concepts of environmental... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
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Rasaratnam, Syamarlah. "Analysis of the stock market reaction to the "independent" non-executive director's appointment announcements : the UK evidence 1989-2006." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527947.
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Rochette, Vincent. "Haro sur "l'empire du mal" : l'antiaméricanisme politique des intellectuels français au cours de l'ère post-guerre froide, 1989-2006." Thesis, Université Laval, 2007. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2007/24753/24753.pdf.
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Picchi, Lorenzo [Verfasser]. "The State-Mafia Deal : An analysis of the strategies and patterns of the Sicilian Mafia. 1989-2006. / Lorenzo Picchi." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1237269237/34.
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Diamouangana, Gilles Alain. "Vie et mort des médias au Congo-Brazzaville (1989-2006) : contribution de La Semaine Africaine à l'émergence d'un espace public." Phd thesis, Université Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00988028.
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Les mutations politiques congolaises du début des années 1990 à la suite de mouvements de rejet des régimes à parti unique favorisent la réinstauration du multipartisme, l'apparition d'une nouvelle presse écrite privée et le " réveil " de la doyenne de la presse écrite privée congolaise, La Semaine Africaine, seul titre indépendant du gouvernement appartenant à la Conférence épiscopale du Congo. Fondés pour la plupart par les partis politiques récemment créés, les titres privés, très engagés politiquement, bénéficient d'une liberté de ton sans précédent ; ils critiquent ouvertement le régime en place. Ils demandent l'installation de la démocratie et l'établissement d'un État de droit. Ils participent ainsi à l'émergence d'un nouvel espace public même si le contenu de la grande majorité des organes de presse diffuse essentiellement la propagande des partis politiques qui les financent. Très vite, le processus démocratique s'enraye à cause des velléités de retour de l'autoritarisme des militaires, et des enjeux identitaires très conflictuels opposant les principaux leaders politiques pour la conservation ou la conquête du pouvoir. La faiblesse de la culture politique de la classe dirigeante entraîne de multiples crises politiques avec le non-respect des libertés fondamentales et individuelles. La création illégale, par les partis politiques, de milices privées, favorise, à plusieurs reprises, des violences pendant lesquelles la presse prend, ou non, position en tant qu'acteur social. Dans un environnement marqué par des bouillonnements sociopolitiques, nous tentons d'analyser la contribution de la presse écrite privée en général, et de La Semaine Africaine en particulier, à l'émergence de l'expression des opinions au sein de la société congolaise, à travers les modalités d'instauration réelle du débat public.
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Hauswedell, Tessa. "The formation of a European identity through a transnational public sphere? : the case of three western European cultural journals, 1989-2006 /." St Andrews, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/789.
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Håkansson, Joel, and Fredrik Andersson. "En lärarkår i förändring? : En studie om bildskapandet av läraren i sin yrkesroll i media under åren 1979, 1989 och 2006." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31919.
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In this pilot study, we have investigated what the two biggest newspapers Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter, and the two largest union affiliated journals Lärartidningen/Lärarnastidning and Skolvärlden has written about teachers in their professional roles, and investigated if and whether their reporting has changed over time. In the study, we have also examined what the newspapers and the union affiliated journals emphasize as status enhancing and status lowering factors for the Swedish teaching staff. We have furthermore analyzed our material through Leif Mathiassons theoretical framework in the anthology Uppdrag Lärare –En antologi om status, yrkesskicklighet och framtidsdrömmar, in which he describes the creation of the image of the school as a medial and political construction. To reinforce Mathiassons theoretical framework we have also presented and used the agenda theory, the gestalt theory and the priming theory in our concluding discussion. In our results, we can see that the work environment is the largest and most frequently reported theme in both the newspapers and in the union affiliated journals, in which the work environment acts as a hub where the other themes are interconnected. In conclusion we can see that some patterns have not changed significantly in the debate regarding the school and the teacher in their professional role between 1979 and the first years of the 21th century. Medias focus on subject knowledge, financial resources, increased wages, discipline and enhanced status of the teaching profession remains and are described in similar terms throughout the whole of our studied period, and thus is not a new problem or new feature in the media debate about the Swedish school system.
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Cerqueira, Kleber Chagas. "As propostas de política econômica do PT entre 1989 e 2006 : um exame sob o referencial teórico das coalizões de defesa." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2010. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/17440.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciência Política, 2010.Submitted by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2014-12-29T15:56:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_KleberChagasCerqueira.pdf: 664543 bytes, checksum: 61bd2e14624d9b10ff370e4deab2e1c1 (MD5)
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O objeto deste trabalho são as mudanças programáticas do Partido dos Trabalhadores – PT, entre as eleições presidenciais de 1989 e 2006, no tocante às suas propostas de política econômica, com foco na visão do partido sobre as estratégias para o desenvolvimento do País. Apresenta uma nova possibilidade de abordagem teórica, o Referencial das Coalizões de Defesa – RCD, para interpretar mudanças programáticas em partidos políticos e avaliar em que medida tal abordagem se mostra operacional e promissora para enriquecer esse campo de investigação. O trabalho procura dialogar criticamente com os estudos que interpretam as mudanças programáticas em partidos como resultantes de uma racionalidade instrumental: como adaptações voltadas à melhoria de seus desempenhos eleitorais. E também com aquelas análises que julgam serem essas mudanças fundamentalmente explicadas pelos aspectos sócioeconômicos do contexto de atuação dos partidos, destinando, portanto, pouco ou nenhum papel às ideias e à dinâmica própria do sistema de crenças dos partidos nessas transformações. Avalia-se se a trajetória programática do PT exige, para sua melhor compreensão, uma investigação mais profunda da formação e do desenvolvimento do sistema de crenças petista e, recorrendo ao conceito de mudança decisiva em políticas, do RCD, investiga-se a hipótese de que não houve mudança decisiva nas propostas de desenvolvimento do país que o PT defendeu, no período examinado. Nesse sentido, as alterações programáticas verificadas teriam ocorrido em aspectos secundários, ou apenas em parte do núcleo da política do sistema de crenças petista, e resultado das transformações econômicas do País. Essa trajetória seria resultado de um processo de aprendizado politicamente orientado, apoiado em mudanças da compreensão do partido sobre os problemas do País, e também em sua adaptação a perturbações externas, destacando-se as profundas transformações ocorridas no cenário político e econômico mundial do período. A partir de uma revisão da literatura sobre o debate econômico brasileiro no período entre 1950 e 1980, caracterizado pela hegemonia do pensamento desenvolvimentista, procurou-se identificar as coalizões de defesa aí presentes e como elas influenciaram na formação do sistema de crenças petista sobre política econômica. Em seguida, analisaram-se os principais documentos programáticos do PT para interpretar as propostas de política econômica defendidas nas resoluções partidárias e nos programas eleitorais divulgados durante as campanhas eleitorais à Presidência da República entre 1989 e 2006. A aplicação do referencial teórico e da metodologia das coalizões de defesa permitiu perceber com muito mais clareza o sentido histórico das mudanças programáticas vividas pelo PT, além de situar a construção política e programática desse partido de forma muito mais precisa no contexto histórico do debate econômico brasileiro e das heranças teóricas e políticas do ideário econômico petista. ____________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The object of this work is the programmatic changes of the Workers Party - PT, throughout the presidential elections between 1989 and 2006, with regard to their economic policy proposals, focused on the vision of the Party concerning strategies for the development of the country. It offers a new possibility of theoretical approach, the Advocacy Coalition Framework, to interpret programmatic changes in political parties and assess the extent to which such an approach is operational and useful to enrich this field of research. This work seeks to critically dialogue with studies which interpret partisan programmatic changes as a result of an instrumental rationality: as adjustments aiming to improve their electoral performance. It also seeks to dialogue with those analysis which say that these changes are mainly explained by the socialeconomic aspects of the work context of the parties and which design, therefore, little or no role to the ideas and the dynamics of the beliefs system of the political parties in these transformations. The work assesses whether the trajectory of the Workers Party’s program requires, for its better understanding, a deeper investigation of the formation and the development of the Workers Party’s beliefs system, and using the concept of decisive change in policies of the Advocacy Coalition Framework, it investigates the hypothesis that there was no decisive change in the Workers Party’s proposals for the development of the country, in the period examined. In this sense, the programmatic changes observed would refer to secondary concerns or only to part of the core of the Workers Party’s policy beliefs system, as a result of the economic transformation of the country. This trajectory would be the result of a policy-oriented learning process, supported on changes in the Party's understanding of the problems of the country, and also on its adaptation to external perturbations, considering the profound changes occurring in the political and economic world along the period. From a literature review of the Brazilian economic debate in the period between 1950 and 1980, characterized by the hegemony of the developmentalism thought, the work tries to identify the existing advocacy coalition and how they have influenced the formation of the Workers Party’s beliefs system regarding economic policy. In addition, the work analyzed the main programmatic documents of the Workers Party in order to interpret the economic policy proposals advocated in partisan resolutions and in the electoral programs announced during the election campaign for the presidency between 1989 and 2006. The application of the Advocacy Coalition Framework allowed a clearer perception of the historical meaning of the programmatic changes experienced by the Workers Party, and also placed the policy and the programmatic construction of that party precisely in the historical context of Brazilian economic debate and the theoretical and political legacies of the Workers Party’s economic ideology.
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Sousa, Aline Correia de [UNESP]. "Indústria calçadista brasileira e concorrência internacional: uma análise da qualidade dos produtos exportados e das estratégias adotadas pelas empresas (1989-2006)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89999.
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sousa_ac_me_arafcl.pdf: 582565 bytes, checksum: 37817b3b6248c27deb1d1580569e4196 (MD5)Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
O rápido avanço na internacionalização das grandes empresas, nas últimas décadas, foi possível tanto pelo desenvolvimento dos meios de transporte e de comunicação, como pelas liberalizações e desregulamentações econômicas. O sistema produtivo e o comércio integraram-se, e as nações se especializaram em diferentes ramos da manufatura. A tendência à externalização dos estágios de produção dos setores tradicionais foi uma estratégia adotada para reduzir os custos, sobretudo os salários, pois essas indústrias são bastante intensivas em mão-de-obra. Entre os anos 1970 e 1990, o Brasil, a Coréia do Sul e Taiwan eram os principais produtores e exportadores de calçados do mundo em desenvolvimento. Com o aumento do custo salarial dos países asiáticos, decorrente do avanço de seus processos de industrialização, as vendas externas deles foram superadas pelas exportações de outras economias, tais como: China, Indonésia e Vietnã. A avaliação das variações na qualidade dos calçados brasileiros exportados, bem como das estratégias praticadas pelas empresas nacionais do setor são objetivos deste estudo. A partir da análise da qualidade das vendas externas, medida pelo Valor médio (VM) e pelo Valor médio relativo (VMR), observou-se, sob a ótica da origem, perda da participação das regiões Sul e Sudeste e aumento da participação da região Nordeste, nas exportações de calçados de plástico injetável, de plástico montado e de couro. Mesmo que essa transferência tenha promovido a capacitação das novas empresas instaladas no Nordeste, as funções que agregam mais valor ao produto se mantiveram concentradas no Rio Grande do Sul e em São Paulo. Por sua vez, nos segmentos de matérias têxteis, as exportações dos estados gaúcho e nordestino apresentaram melhoria da qualidade, enquanto os outros calçados ganharam competitividade...
The fast advance in the internationalization of the great companies, in the last few decades, was possible because of the technological revolution verified on the ways of transportation and communication, and also because of the economic deregulations. The productive system and the commerce had been jointed, and the nations had specialized in different manufacture’s branches. The outsourcing of traditional sectors production was adopted to reduce the costs, over all, the wages, therefore these industries are labor-intensive. In the 1960 end, the footwear’s manufacture was transferred to Brazil, South Korea and Taiwan. In the second half of years 1980, the outsourcing of the shoe industry production was guided for other countries in development, such as: China, Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand. After the decade of 1990, the competition in the footwear market had increased. The estimation of the quality of the Brazilian footwear exports, as well as the evaluation of the strategies practiced for the national companies is the purpose of this study. From the analysis of the quality of the external sales, measured by the VM and the VMR, it was observed, under the optics of the origin, loss of the participation of the South and Southeastern, and increase of the participation of the Northeast, in the exportations of plastic footwear and leather shoes. This transference has promoted the qualification of the new companies installed in Northeast, however the functions that add more value to the product are kept in Rio Grande do Sul and in São Paulo. Under the optics of the destination of the exportations, it was verified improvement of the quality of the plastic footwear, the leather shoes and the other footwear sold to the PEDs, the United Kingdom and the ETs, and the PDs, respectively. In relation to the news articles, it was verified that the Brazilian shoe industry entrepreneurs... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Sousa, Aline Correia de. "Indústria calçadista brasileira e concorrência internacional : uma análise da qualidade dos produtos exportados e das estratégias adotadas pelas empresas (1989-2006) /." Araraquara : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89999.
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Orientador: Rogério GomesBanca: Marcelo Silva Pinho
Banca: Renato de Castro Garcia
Resumo: O rápido avanço na internacionalização das grandes empresas, nas últimas décadas, foi possível tanto pelo desenvolvimento dos meios de transporte e de comunicação, como pelas liberalizações e desregulamentações econômicas. O sistema produtivo e o comércio integraram-se, e as nações se especializaram em diferentes ramos da manufatura. A tendência à externalização dos estágios de produção dos setores tradicionais foi uma estratégia adotada para reduzir os custos, sobretudo os salários, pois essas indústrias são bastante intensivas em mão-de-obra. Entre os anos 1970 e 1990, o Brasil, a Coréia do Sul e Taiwan eram os principais produtores e exportadores de calçados do mundo em desenvolvimento. Com o aumento do custo salarial dos países asiáticos, decorrente do avanço de seus processos de industrialização, as vendas externas deles foram superadas pelas exportações de outras economias, tais como: China, Indonésia e Vietnã. A avaliação das variações na qualidade dos calçados brasileiros exportados, bem como das estratégias praticadas pelas empresas nacionais do setor são objetivos deste estudo. A partir da análise da qualidade das vendas externas, medida pelo Valor médio (VM) e pelo Valor médio relativo (VMR), observou-se, sob a ótica da origem, perda da participação das regiões Sul e Sudeste e aumento da participação da região Nordeste, nas exportações de calçados de plástico injetável, de plástico montado e de couro. Mesmo que essa transferência tenha promovido a capacitação das novas empresas instaladas no Nordeste, as funções que agregam mais valor ao produto se mantiveram concentradas no Rio Grande do Sul e em São Paulo. Por sua vez, nos segmentos de matérias têxteis, as exportações dos estados gaúcho e nordestino apresentaram melhoria da qualidade, enquanto os outros calçados ganharam competitividade... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The fast advance in the internationalization of the great companies, in the last few decades, was possible because of the technological revolution verified on the ways of transportation and communication, and also because of the economic deregulations. The productive system and the commerce had been jointed, and the nations had specialized in different manufacture's branches. The outsourcing of traditional sectors production was adopted to reduce the costs, over all, the wages, therefore these industries are labor-intensive. In the 1960 end, the footwear's manufacture was transferred to Brazil, South Korea and Taiwan. In the second half of years 1980, the outsourcing of the shoe industry production was guided for other countries in development, such as: China, Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand. After the decade of 1990, the competition in the footwear market had increased. The estimation of the quality of the Brazilian footwear exports, as well as the evaluation of the strategies practiced for the national companies is the purpose of this study. From the analysis of the quality of the external sales, measured by the VM and the VMR, it was observed, under the optics of the origin, loss of the participation of the South and Southeastern, and increase of the participation of the Northeast, in the exportations of plastic footwear and leather shoes. This transference has promoted the qualification of the new companies installed in Northeast, however the functions that add more value to the product are kept in Rio Grande do Sul and in São Paulo. Under the optics of the destination of the exportations, it was verified improvement of the quality of the plastic footwear, the leather shoes and the other footwear sold to the PEDs, the United Kingdom and the ETs, and the PDs, respectively. In relation to the news articles, it was verified that the Brazilian shoe industry entrepreneurs... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
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Hauswedell, Tessa C. "The formation of a European identity through a transnational public sphere? : the case of three Western European cultural journals, 1989-2006." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/789.
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This thesis analyses processes of discursive European identity formation in three cultural journals: Esprit, from France, the British New Left Review and the German Merkur during the time periods 1989-92, and, a decade later, during 2003-06. The theoretical framework which the thesis brings to bear on this analysis is that of the European Public Sphere. This model builds on Jürgen Habermas’s original model of a “public sphere”, and alleges that a sphere of common debate about issues of European concern can lead to a more defined and integrated sense of a European identity which is widely perceived as vague and inchoate. The relevancy of the public sphere model and its connection to the larger debate about European identity, especially since 1989, are discussed in the first part of the thesis. The second part provides a comparative analysis of the main European debates in the journals during the respective time periods. It outlines the mechanisms by which identity is expressed and assesses when, and to what extent, shared notions of European identity emerge. The analysis finds that identity formation does not occur through a developmental, gradual convergence of views as the European public sphere model envisages. Rather, it is brought about in much more haphazard back-and-forth movements. Moreover, shared notions of European identity between all the journals only arise in moments of perceived crises. Such crises are identified as the most salient factor which galvanizes expressions of a common, shared sense of European identity across national boundaries and ideological cleavages. The thesis concludes that the model of the EPS is too dependent on a partial view of how identity formation occurs and should thus adopt a more nuanced understanding about the complex factors that are at play in these processes. For the principled attempt to circumscribe identity formation as the outcome of communicative processes alone is likely to be thwarted by external events.
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Cicero, Pedro Henrique de Moraes 1984. "Revolução Bolivariana e lutas sociais = o confronto político nos primeiros anos do governo Hugo Chávez Frías." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281656.
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Orientador: Andréia GalvãoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A presente dissertação objetiva analisar as principais lutas sociais na Venezuela durante os dois primeiros mandatos do governo comandado por Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). Para tanto, três eixos conceituais permearão o trabalho: as idéias de neoliberalismo, de lutas sociais e a de confronto político. A partir delas serão expostas as conexões entre a vitória conquistada por Hugo Chávez nas eleições de 1998 e duas variáveis: o aumento na quantidade e intensidade dos conflitos sociais durante a década de 1990 (não obstante a debilidade dos movimentos sociais venezuelanos) e os desastrosos resultados obtidos pela investida neoliberal no país. Uma vez eleito, porém, o governo bolivariano pouco avançou no sentido de enfrentar o principal entrave para o contínuo e sustentável desenvolvimento da referida nação: a estrutural dependência de sua economia frente aos proventos advindos do comércio petroleiro. As relações de produção na Venezuela mantiveram-se, pois, eminentemente capitalistas. Houve, entretanto, a partir das transformações impostas pela administração bolivariana, a solidificação um novo "bloco no poder". A atual correlação de forças sociais é reflexo direto do embate entre duas estratégias bastante distintas no seio do chavismo: de um lado a perspectiva hegemônica que estrutura suas ações políticas em práticas partidaristas, hierarquizadas e orientadas "de cima para baixo"; de outro, uma vertente de oposição pautada por esforços no sentido de incentivar a construção de um cenário político no qual os movimentos sociais atuem como forças políticas capazes de comandar a Revolução Bolivariana "de baixo para cima". A alternância entre estas estratégias são uma constante no desenrolar do processo político liderado por Hugo Chávez. Tal dinâmica mostra-se extremamente importante para as análises que buscam entendê-lo em sua totalidade
Abstract: This dissertation aims to explore the major political actions and popular struggles waged in Venezuela during the first two terms of the administration led by Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). To this end, three central bases permeate the debate: the concepts of neoliberalism, social struggles and political confrontation. They all are necessary to express the clear interface between the victory by Hugo Chávez in the 1998 election and two variables: despite the weakness of the Venezuelan social movements, the increase in the quantity and intensity of social conflicts and, also, the disastrous results obtained by the neoliberal onslaught during the 1990s. However, once elected, the Chávez government has advanced little in order to confront the main obstacle to the continued and sustainable development of the country: its economy structurally depends on the proceeds from the oil market. In this sense, it is clear that the relations of production in Venezuela remained essentially capitalists. Yet, there was, since the transformations imposed by the Bolivarian administration, the solidification of a new "bloc in power". The current power correlation of social forces is a direct reflection of the clash between two very different strategies within the chavismo: in one side, the hegemonic perspective "top down", whose actions are structured in partisan and hierarchically oriented orders from the political party; on the another side, the view "bottom up": a strand of opposition guided by efforts to encourage the construction of a reality on which social movements end up acting as political forces capable of commanding the Bolivarian revolution "from below". The alternations between these strategies are constant in the course of the experience led by Hugo Chávez and, for that mean, are extremely important to analyze its entirety
Mestrado
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Rollet, Aymeric. "Place et fonction des référents spatiaux et temporels dans les théâtres de Josep M. Benet i Jornet et de Sergi Belbel (1989-2006)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040157/document.
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Depuis une quarantaine d’années, la nature et le degré de présence des référents spatiaux et temporels diffèrent considérablement dans le théâtre catalan, au moins selon les périodes, mais sans doute aussi selon les auteurs. À partir du milieu des années 1980, l’écriture dramatique tend en grande partie à refuser tout ancrage de l’action dramatique dans une géographie et un moment historique précis et, en particulier, à éluder les représentations de Barcelone et/ou de la Catalogne. Cette thèse se propose d’examiner le traitement des référents en question dans les pièces écrites par Josep M. Benet i Jornet et Sergi Belbel au cours d’une période où la dramaturgie catalane semble souvent se détourner du monde « réel » comme univers immédiat de référence. Depuis le niveau macrocosmique de l’univers jusqu’aux microcosmes domestiques et intimes, Benet et Belbel creusent le réel selon des modes et avec des moyens dramaturgiques variés, donnant ainsi lieu à des constructions spatiotemporelles assez diverses, et l’on peut alors observer différents effets de la présence et/ou de l’absence du réel : effacement des marqueurs identitaires, ou au contraire, omniprésence des références géographiques et historiques ; sentiment de dilution du monde ; effet paradoxal de la lisibilité de la réalité historique malgré son invisibilité manifeste ; etc. À partir d’un corpus de huit œuvres – Desig, El gos del tinent, Olors et Salamandra de Benet, Elsa Schneider, Tàlem, El temps de Planck et Forasters de Belbel –, l’analyse des référents spatiaux et temporels vise à saisir les « territoires dramaturgiques » privilégiés de deux figures majeures de la dramaturgie catalane contemporaineThe nature and level of presence of the spatial and temporal referents have considerably differed in the Catalan theatre for the last forty years or so, at least from one period to another but certainly also from one author to another. Since the mid-1980s, playwriting has largely tended to refuse any dramatic action that would have been rooted in any geographic location or any exact point in history and, in particular, to avoid the representations of Barcelona and/or Catalonia. This thesis proposes a study of the treatment of the referents in question through some plays written by Josep M. Benet i Jornet and Sergi Belbel at a time when the Catalan dramaturgy often seems to turn away from the « real » world which has ceased to be a direct universe of reference. Benet and Belbel explore reality from the macrocosmic scale of the universe to the domestic and intimate microcosms, thanks to varied modes and dramatic principles, thereby giving rise to quite varied space-time structures. One may then observe different results of the presence and/or absence of reality: the erasing of identity markers or, on the contrary, the omnipresence of geographic and historical references, the feeling of the dilution of the world, the paradoxical effect of the legibility of historical reality despite its obvious invisibility, etc. Through a selection of eight plays – Desig, El gos del tinent, Olors and Salamandra by Benet, Elsa Schneider, Tàlem, El temps de Planck and Forasters by Belbel –, the analysis of spatial and temporal referents aims to grasp the « dramaturgic fields » emphasized by two major figures of contemporary Catalan drama
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Bourdin, Juliette. "Les Relations sino-américaines de Tiananmen à la présidence de George W. Bush (1989-2006) : une analyse des enjeux économiques et stratégiques à la lumière de l’Histoire." Paris 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA030088.
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Avec la montée en puissance de la Chine face à la suprématie des États-Unis depuis la fin de la guerre froide, les relations sino-américaines sont devenues l’un des facteurs qui pèsent à la fois sur les enjeux économiques et sur les évolutions stratégiques présentes et à venir. L’objet de cette étude est d’analyser les relations sino-américaines depuis la répression de Tiananmen en 1989 jusqu’à la présidence de George W. Bush : quels sont les acteurs qui pèsent sur les relations entre Pékin et Washington ? Quels sont les objectifs et les enjeux des deux pays et les principaux obstacles au dialogue ? Peut-on discerner des invariants ou des « tendances lourdes » dans l’histoire des relations sino-américaines ? Pourquoi la Chine provoque-t-elle tant de critiques et de débats passionnés aux États-Unis ? Quels changements la mondialisation a-t-elle suscités ? Existe-t-il véritablement des risques de confrontation à plus ou moins long terme comme certains observateurs semblent déjà l’annoncer ? Cette étude considère les relations sino-américaines dans la perspective du temps long afin d’essayer de mieux répondre aux questions complexes qu’elles soulèvent pour la période contemporaine. Structurée en deux parties, la thèse propose tout d’abord un historique permettant de mettre en lumière les tendances lourdes des relations entre la Chine et les États-Unis, puis une analyse thématique des principaux enjeux d’ordres économique et stratégiqueSince the end of the Cold War, the rise of China has challenged the superpower of the United States, and U. S. -China relations have become one of the factors likely to determine both economic issues and current and future strategic issues. This study analyzes Sino-American relations from the Tiananmen crackdown to George W. Bush’s presidency, and addresses the following questions: who are the actors weighing on the relationship? What are the main objectives and issues for the two countries? What are the obstacles to their dialogue? Is it possible to discern invariants or “heavy trends” in the history of Sino-American relations? Why has China given rise to so much criticism and such heated debates in the United States? Are there really short- or long-term risks of a confrontation between the two countries as is sometimes foretold? This study explores Sino-American relations in a historical perspective in order to try and answer the complex and often interrelated questions they raise for the present-day era. It is structured into two parts and gives first a historical background that highlights the “heavy trends” in U. S. -China relations, and then offers a thematic analysis of the main economic and strategic issues
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Oliveira, Augusto Neftali Corte de. "Os partidos nas eleições e no governo : um estudo comparado sobre mudanças partidárias com foco na política social : Partido dos Trabalhadores (Brasil) e Partido Socialista (Chile), 1989-2006." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/18356.
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A dissertação realiza uma pesquisa sobre o Partido dos Trabalhadores (Brasil) e o Partido Socialista (Chile) com o objetivo de analisar o impacto dos partidos nas políticas sociais dos governos Lula (2003-2006) e Lagos (2000-2006) e o reflexo da experiência de governo sobre os partidos. Como elementos teóricos, a dissertação apresenta revisão da literatura comparada sobre partidos políticos (análise funcional, organizacional e mudança partidária) e políticas sociais (análises society-centered e state-centered). A dissertação aborda o desenvolvimento das agremiações após a redemocratização brasileira e chilena, em especial as transformações das políticas sociais propostas nos programas de governo para as eleições, nos documentos partidários internos e as políticas implementadas durante os referidos governos (mudança programática). Analisa também a mudança organizacional dos partidos e as relações entre forças internas após a conquista do governo. A pesquisa recorre à revisão e análise de trabalhos acadêmicos, programas de governo, documentos internos dos partidos, relatórios e dados estatísticos publicados pelos governos e outras instituições, matérias em periódicos e dados obtidos junto aos órgãos eleitorais e aos próprios partidos. Conclui-se que a mudança organizacional reforçou a ligação entre os partidos e seus governos e favoreceu a mudança nas idéias sobre políticas sociais. Contudo, a transformação observada é coerente com as tendências estabelecidas antes da chegada ao poder. As políticas sociais implementadas pelos governos são mais próximas aos programas de governo do que das idéias dos partidos.The thesis realizes a research about Workers Party (Brazil) and Socialist Party (Chile) and it objectives to analyze social policies' impact in Lula (2003-2006) and Lagos' (2000-2006) governments and governmental experience's reflex on the parties. As theoretical elements, the thesis presents a comparative literature revision about political parties (functional and organizational analysis, party changing) and social policies (society-centered and state-centered analysis). The thesis describes groups' development after Brazil and Chile's redemocratization, especially social policies transformations proponed on governmental programs to elections, in party's intern documents and policies implemented during the governments (program changing). It also analyzes organizational changing in the parties and its relationship between intern groups after government achievement. The research uses revision and academic paper analysis, governmental programs, party's intern documents, reports and statistic data published by government and other institutions, articles in magazines (periodicals) and data from electoral organs and parties. It concludes that organizational changing reinforced the bridge between parties and its governments and also it benefited ideas changing about social policies. However, the transformation in analysis is coherent with tendencies established before power achievement. Social policies implemented by governments are closer of governmental programs than parties' ideas.
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Cáceres, Fernández Nora. "Les relations de l’Eglise catholique avec le gouvernement pendant les quinze dernières années de la dictature de Stroessner, au Paraguay (1974--1989)." Rennes 2, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007REN20005.
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Si, tout au début (1954) de la dictature du général Stroessner, au Paraguay, les relations entre l’Eglise catholique et le gouvernement ont été paisibles, elles se sont peu à peu dégradées, jusqu’à devenir vraiment mauvaises à partir du milieu des années 1970. L’Eglise a choisi de venir en aide aux plus pauvres (indigènes et paysans sans terres, en particulier). Elle dénonce violemment la corruption régnant au sein du gouvernement et du parti Colorado qui le soutient, les atteintes à la liberté de la presse, les abus de pouvoir, les emprisonnements arbitraires, les tortures, les morts suspectes… Elle appelle à un « Dialogue National » et puise une énergie nouvelle dans la visite du Pape Jean-Paul II en 1988. Elle subit, de plein fouet, surtout en 1986-1987, la répression gouvernementale : le matraquage de réunions et de manifestations pacifiques, la censure d’émissions radiophoniques, les violentes critiques à propos de la « Théologie de la Libération », l’expulsion de prêtres accusés d’être des communistes. .If, at the very beginning (1954) of the dictatorship of general Stroessner, in Paraguay, the relations between the Roman Catholic Church and the government were peaceful, they became really bad from the middle of the seventies. The Church chose to help the poorest sections of the population (natives and landless countrymen, in particular). It violently denounces: the corruption prevailing within the government and the ruling “Colorado” party, the attacks against the freedom of the press, the abuse of power, the arbitrary imprisonments, the tortures, the suspect deaths. . . It appeals to a “National Dialogue” and draws a new energy from the visit of Pope John-Paul the Second, in 1988. It suffers, head-on, particularly in 1986-87, the government repression: the beating up of peaceful meetings and demonstrations, the censorship of radio programmes, the violent criticisms on the subject of the “Theology of the Liberation”, the expulsions of priests accused of being communists. .
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Lagos, Preller Teobaldo. "Entre-espacios: Apropiaciones del espacio público de Berlín en proyectos de artistas desde América Latina tras la Caída del Muro de Berlín hasta el desmontaje del Palast der Republik (1989-2009)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671475.
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La presente tesis doctoral se ocupa de revisar y analizar de forma ensayística y por hitos históricos desde los estudios culturales, postcoloniales y la historia del arte casos de proyectos de artistas latinoamericanos en el Berlín post-Caída del Muro y hasta el desmontaje del Palast der Republik, identificando a ambos hitos como cruciales en una etapa de transformación de la ciudad tras el fin de la Guerra Fría. El abordaje se inscribe en el giro espacial – tanto epistemológico como de prácticas artísticas – y entendiendo a las prácticas desde el arte como sociales y por ende generadoras y transformadoras de espacios y experiencias de vida en la ciudad. Esto es logrado a partir de estrategias desde una identidad y diferencia para llegar a la contemporaneidad como eje y lograr así espacios liminales y zonas de contacto para la negociación de conflictos, narrativas y discursos del pasado y presente, así como de tiempos-espacios diferentes en el contexto global.This doctoral thesis is an approach from a perspective from the cultural, postcolonial studies and art history, reviewing and analyzing historical milestones and projects of Latin American artists in the Berlin post-Fall of the Wall until the dismantling of the Palast der Republik. It considers both historical moments as crucial in a stage of transformation of the city after the end of the Cold War. The approach is framed in the spatial turn – considering both epistemological and practical dimensions of it - and understanding art practices as social, and therefore generating and transforming spaces and life experiences in the city. This is achieved from strategies from identity and difference, arriving at the contemporaneity as an axis. The projects analyzed produce liminal spaces and contact zones for the negotiation of conflicts, narratives, and discourses of the past and present, as well as of different time-spaces in the global context.
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Ivan, Ruxandra. "La politique étrangère roumaine, 1990-2006: acteurs, processus et résultats." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210728.
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Cette thèse se propose de répondre à la question suivante: quels sont les facteurs qui influencent les décisions stratégiques de la politique étrangère roumaine? Il y a trois séries de facteurs qui ont été considérées. La première concerne les facteurs liées aux héritages historiques, qui sont examinés sous le double aspect des évènements concrets et des mentalités. La deuxième série de facteurs se réfère aux influences internes sur la prise des décisions: architecture institutionnelle et légale, partage des compétences, relations informelles entre les détenteurs des fonctions relevantes pour la politique étrangère roumaine, partis politiques et opinion publique. Finalement, la troisième série de variables concerne les facteurs externes au système politique. Deux dimensions sont ici examinées: une dimension géopolitique, qui vise la distribution de la puissance, et une dimension institutionnelle, qui détermine le poids des organisations internationales et régionales dans la prise des décisions.Doctorat en sciences politiques
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Timofejeva, Ina. "Lietuvos gyventojų amžiaus struktūros kaita 1989- 2005 metais." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2006. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20060614_195457-75271.
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The population is one of the most important elements of any territory. As it changes, not one
decennary interests a different profile of researchers. Work of the master on a theme "Changes of
age structure population of Lithuania for 1989-2005" has chosen because for this period there were
obvious changes. The structure age the population is important for employment of the population,
also for the analysis of a reproduction. It is one of the main sources, making different type forecasts
(birth rate, death rate). The purpose of this work is to analyse change of age structure population of
Lithuania for the given period, the great attention is devoted to the process of ageing of the
population and to specify the reasons of such change. For the reason of this purpose, the main
problems were brought forward:
1. Analysing of changes of age structure of population during the different periods: 1989-
2005; 2001-2005;
2. To estimate changes of age structure urban population;
3. To analyse features of age structure the rural population in a territorial division;
4. To consider dynamics of a level and an index of ageing. Work of the master has been
written basing on the statistical data. Considering of a huge number of database in this work, the
main conclusions are devoted to age structure the population in 1989-2001 and 2001-2005. There
are different age structure the population in cities and villages too. Process of ageing is more active
in large cities than in small towns or in... [to full text]
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Holtmann, Dieter. "Modelle der Sozialstruktur : (angewendet einerseits für die alte Bundesrepublik, andererseits für die Bundesrepublik nach 1989/90)." Universität Potsdam, 1995. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/1061/.
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Inhalt:1) Klassische Modelle gesellschaftlicher Handlungsressourcen
2) Drei Typen von industriellen Dienstleistungsgesellschaften - Die Bundesrepublik im internationalen Vergleich
3) Überprüfung eines Berufsstrukturmodells - als Bündelung gesellschaftlicher Handlungsressourcen - in der alten Bundesrepublik (d.h. vor 1989/90)
4) Entwicklungstendenzen in der Sozialstruktur der Bundesrepublik nach dem Umbruch von 1989/90
5) Berufsstrukturmodell für die alten und neuen Bundesländer - Ungleichheit und Angleichung
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Frazier, Javan David. "Atomic aparthied [sic] United States-South African nuclear relations from Truman to Reagan, 1945-1989 /." Auburn, Ala., 2006. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/2006%20Spring/doctoral/FRAZIER_JAVAN_24.pdf.
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Soukup, Sara. "La normalisation de l'art et ses limites : le cas de l'estampe originale en Tchécoslovaquie de 1948 à 1989." Lyon 2, 2006. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2006/soukup_s.
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La politique artistique du régime totalitaire, en Tchécoslovaquie de 1948 à 1989, mit en oeuvre une normalisation de la vie artistique. Elle dirigea la création artistique, définissant l'étendue des possibles et contrôlant la production, avec une rigueur variable suivant les périodes. Ce contexte de contraintes peut être défini historiquement à partir des discours politiques ou des sources publiées au sujet de l'actualité de la scène d'exposition. Un écart apparaît entre la planification et l'application effective des directives et révèle un rapport de pouvoirs entre la ligne imposée et des déviances et résistances. Entre clandestinité et semi-légalité, exista une communauté artistique marginale et sans cohésion, formée de destins individuels. L'estampe fut pour les artistes marginaux un médium d'expression capable de contourner les limitations d'accès au public, ouvrant sur une sensibilité existentielle, introvertie et introspective et offrant une vaste étendue de possibilités créatives originales. Cette voie permit à des artistes très différents, tels que Jirí Balcar, Vladimír Boudník, Jozef Jankovic, Oldrich Kulhánek, Eduard Ovcacek, Bohuslav Reynek et Adriena Šimotová, de retrouver une forme de liberté, dépassant leur sentiment d'isolement, et d'affirmer et de porter jusqu'à la reconnaissance leurs normes esthétiques et morales. Le réalisme, le conditionnement, l'ironie et la compassion sont parmi les thèmes fondamentaux de l'art de ces artistesThe artistic policy of the totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia from 1948 to 1989 brougt about a normalization of artistic life. It supervised artistic creation, defining the extent of possibilities and controlling production with more or less severity according to the period. This context of constraint can be historically defined from political speeches or sources published about the topicality of the exhibition-scene. A discrepancy emerges between the planning and the actual implementation of instructions, and reveals a power-struggle between the imposed line of conduct on the one hand, and deviancy and resistance on the other. Between clandestinity and semi-legality existed a marginal uncoordinated artistic community composed of individual destinies. For marginal artists the print was a means of expression capable of getting round the limitations of access to the public, opening onto an introspective, introverted and existentiel sensitivity, and offering a vast range of original creative possibilies. This directions allowed very different artists such as Jirí Balcar, Vladimír Boudník, Jozef Jankovic, Oldrich Kulhánek, Eduard Ovcácek, Bohuslav Reynek and Adriena Šimotová to discover a form of liberty going beyond their feeling of isolation, and to affirm and bring to recognition their moral and aesthetic norms. Realism, conditioning, irony and compassion are to be found amongst the fundamental themes of these artists' expression
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Soukup, Sara Fossier François. "La normalisation de l'art et ses limites le cas de l'estampe originale en Tchécoslovaquie de 1948 à 1989 /." Lyon : Université Lumière Lyon 2, 2006. http://demeter.univ-lyon2.fr:8080/sdx/theses/lyon2/2006/soukup_s.
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Doh, Jong Yoon. "The EU Foreign policy towards the korean peninsula crisis, 1993-2006." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209801.
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The EU’s notable transformation over the past five decades is obviously an event of modern state concepts. However, the EU’s matter of concern has placed too much emphasis on economic and trade issues, while its capability and power have achieved remarkable growth with far-reaching ramifications in both economic and political affairs. This also means that studies of the EU foreign policy have hardly reached North East Asia because of geographical limit between them, the EU’s weak institutional capacity and vestige of the Cold War. Therefore the EU and the Korean Peninsula did not have chance to build a critical relationship. This time could be defined as ‘standstill’ between Europe and the Korean Peninsula or ‘quiet diplomacy’. 1993 marked a turning-point in relations between the EU and the Korean Peninsula. Firstly, European countries have launched the Maastricht Treaty since they had signed in 1992. The Treaty implies the EU’s more strengthened international role in the political and economic area in accordance with its increased capability and reinforced power. Secondly, North Korea announced its intention to withdraw from the NPT on 12 March 1993 and then the Korean Peninsula was compelled to face a political crisis. Since the EU took unofficial Humanitarian Aids for North Korea in 1994-1995, KEDO and the EU in 1997 agreed to the terms and conditions of the accession to KEDO of its nuclear regulatory body. This was the first challenge of the EU political engagement of the Korean Peninsula question. In the context, this research seeks to answer the question of “What are the EU priorities in its strategy for Korean Peninsula?” that includes broadly the EU’s regional strategy for North East Asia in line with its foreign policy agenda. To tell the conclusion, the EU’s intervention to North Korea was firstly encouraged in dimension of economic interests through vitalization of international trade after the Korean Peninsula would be reunified. The EU considered that Asian nuclear market is an important factor in order to build nuclear technical standard as well as to obtain commercial interests although the European nuclear firms did not obtain chance enough to construct for North Korea nuclear facilities construction. The EU’s political incentives for political change-seeking in North East Asia must also be considered. Actually, the EU diplomatically opened the door of Pyongyang and led the isolated regime to a channel that communicates with international community although the EU did not take a seat at Six-Party Talks to engage itself in the Korean Peninsula question. As a result, the EU could increase the image of a ‘peaceful mediator’ or an ‘honest blocker’ in the term of ‘reputation’ through engagement continued for the Korean Peninsula Crisis. The EU’s foreign policy has been partly successful in context that Europe succeeds in promoting its existence as a global actor. Therefore, its foreign policy would gradually be reinforced to bolster the EU’s credibility and influence in the Korean Peninsula. The EU’s role is surely reduced in the Korean Peninsula issues with the termination of the KEDO project. However, the EU’s role is expected to be performed in different ways under its confidence and capability. The EU’s next engagement depends on where its new incentives will be, and then its question will be how to realize them in accordance with its institutional conditions and actual capacity.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Bolduc, Amélie. "Non à Maastricht, oui à l'Europe des Patries : transition post-communiste et discours anti-européen du Front National, 1989-1994." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/18144.
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Ndiaye, El Hadji Malick. "Arts contemporains africains et enjeux du débat critique postcolonial : cartographies artistiques et discursives entre Paris et Dakar (1966-2006)." Rennes 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011REN20018.
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Une histoire culturelle partielle des modernités artistiques africaines permet de dresser une facette non iconoclaste de leur caractère. Les spécificités qui se dégagent de l’histoire des objets (chronotope du territoire, frontières spatio-temporelles, décontextualisation, aura, etc. ) indiquent les latitudes d’une géopolitique de l’iconographie. Cependant, la densité historique des années 1990 témoigne d’un changement de paradigme introduit par l’exposition Magiciens de la Terre (1989), les politiques culturelles et par l’histoire intense des biennales et festivals. Les rapports artistiques entre un Centre et une Périphérie (modèle de Samir Amin) glissent d’un internationalisme asymétrique vers un cosmopolitisme traduit par l’exposition Africa Remix (2005). La corrélation entre aires culturelles et limites géographiques perd toute pertinence, elle est progressivement remplacée par les réseaux dans une hétérogénéité spatiale. Au sein de cette nouvelle géopolitique culturelle, l’importance et la démultiplication des rôles du commissaire d’exposition sont concomitantes à la traversée des frontières par l’oeuvre d’art et par l’artiste contemporain. Il en résulte que le commissaire est un agent de transfert et de transmutation dont l’action semble de plus en plus oeuvrer entre les cultures plutôt qu’entre les canons, comme en témoigne la pratique curatoriale d’Okwui Enwezor. C’est à ce niveau qu’il importe de marquer la rupture et l’affinité qui existent entre cette génération d’acteurs culturels de la diaspora africaine, où le militantisme critique passe essentiellement par une écriture avec l’objet, et la génération senghorienne où il passait par une écriture sur l’objet. Les changements constatés au sein des cartographies artistiques et discursives permettent alors de mieux cerner l’écologie de l’oeuvre d’art dans les jeux du display. En partant de l’iconographie, cette évolution autorise l’appréhension des différents rapports entre modernité, « nationalisme » et épistémologie, tout en s’accordant avec Georges Matoré sur le fait que « l’image se souvient. Elle est à la fois potentialité et nostalgie»A partial cultural history of African artistic modernities allows to show that they are not iconoclastic. The specificities engendered by an history which is object-based to define the hierarchy established between the images produced within and without the Western cultural space. The history of art of the 1990s saw a paradigmatic change taking place with the groundbreaking exhibition Magiciens de la Terre (1989), developments in cultural politics and the intense sequence of biennales and other mega-events. The artistic relationship between Center and Periphery shifted from an asymmetric internationalism towards the cosmopolitanism represented by the exhibition Africa Remix (2005). The relationship between cultural spaces and geographic borders progressively lost its significance, and was replaced by networks of artists from different geographic backgrounds. At the center of these new cultural geopolitics, the importance and the possible roles of the curator are paralleled by the border-crossing process of artists and artworks, resulting in the figure of a curator who is an agent of transfer and transmutation, and whose actions operate within cultures more than within canons, as demonstrated by the practice of Okwui Enwezor. At this moment it is important to mark both the break and the affinity created between a generation of cultural actors of the African diaspora, for whom critical militancy is embodied by curatorial practice, and the senghorian generation for whom this critical militancy is embodied by art criticism. The changes taking place within the artistic and discursive geopolitics allow to reveal the artwork’s evolution through the variations of its display. From an iconographical standpoint, it is important to explore the relationships created between modernity, nationalism and knowledge which, as suggested by Georges Matoré, will allow to emphasize the role of the image as an agent of memory and nostalgia
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Clara, Christine. "La mise en pièces de l'héritage surréaliste après 1945." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCA058.
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À son retour en France en 1946, André Breton reçoit avec enthousiasme des pièces de théâtre qui parviennent à renouveler les pratiques dramatiques de l'époque. Ionesco, Schehadé, Gracq, mais aussi Adamov, Arrabal, Audiberti, Limbour, Obaldia, Vian et Weingarten, créent entre 1945 et la fin des années soixante des pièces audacieuses qui ont tout pour séduire le chef de file du surréalisme.Même si la plupart des auteurs n'entretiennent qu'un lien tenu voire inexistant avec le mouvement surréaliste, ils héritent de certaines préoccupations du premier surréalisme par le truchement de dramaturges et théoriciens de théâtre (tels que Artaud et Jarry), de penseurs (philosophes ou psychanalystes) mais aussi de metteurs en scènes. Les vingt pièces étudiées ici questionnent l'existence humaine en analysant tantôt la perception de l'absurdité du monde, l'incapacité à communiquer, tantôt la perte des valeurs et de repères, poussant les personnages à s'interroger sur leur identité, leurs souvenirs et leurs désirs.Au-delà de ces réflexions caractéristiques de la production dramatique de l'après-guerre, les dramaturges de notre corpus explorent de nouvelles voies dramatiques. Les uns proposent un travail linguistique qui vise à retrouver la poésie au sein des conversations quotidiennes. D'autres interrogent les certitudes établies par le biais de l'humour et de l'ironie. Enfin, d'autres encore se tournent vers l'exploration de l'inconscient, des rêves et de la folie. Ces trois démarches nées d'initiatives individuelles des dramaturges s'inscrivent dans une esthétique surréaliste, mais il n'est pas sûr qu'elles suffisent à résumer la diversité des entreprises dramatiques ni à définir a posteriori une nouvelle conception du théâtre surréalisteWhen André Breton comes back to France in 1946, he's thrilled with theatre plays which manage to renew the dramatic practices of the time. Between 1945 and the late sixties, Ionesco, Schehadé, Gracq, and also Adamov, Arrabal, Audiberti, Limbour, Obaldia, Vian and Weingarten create daring plays which have everything to allure the leader of surrealism.Even if most authors only have a tenuous or even non-existent link with the surrealist movement, they inherit certain notions of first surrealism through playwrights and theatre theorists - such as Artaud and Jarry-, thinkers -philosophers or psychoanalysts- but also stage directors.The twenty plays studied here question human existence by either analyzing the perception of the nonsense of the world and the incapacity to communicate, or the loss of values and reference markers, leading the characters to wonder about their identities, their memories and their desires. Beyond these reflections characteristic of the dramatic production of the post-war period, the playwrights of our corpus explore new dramatic paths. Some propose a linguistic work which aims at finding poetry within daily conversations. Others question what we take for granted through humour and irony. Finally, others turn to the exploration of one’s unconscious, dreams and madness.These three approaches born of individual initiatives of the playwrights get close to a surrealist aesthetics, but they may not by themselves summarize the diversity of dramatic attempts nor define a posteriori a new idea of surrealist theatre
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Mouhib, Leila. "Les politiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie: une analyse des rôles du Parlement et de la Commission dans les cas tunisien et marocain, 2006-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209503.
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Partant du constat de la constitution de la promotion de la démocratie comme enjeu des relations internationales et de politique étrangère, la présente recherche s’interroge sur les politiques menées en la matière par l’Union européenne dans le cadre des relations avec ses voisins méditerranéens, particulièrement le Maroc et la Tunisie. L’analyse se concentre sur l’Instrument européen pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme, sur la période 2007-2012.L’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Commission (DG Relex/SEAE, DG Devco, délégations) et du Parlement (sous-commission DROI).
La position défendue est la suivante :les pratiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie au Maroc et en Tunisie sont fonction de l’identité des groupes institutionnels qui les mettent en œuvre. Pour chaque groupe institutionnel, peuvent être mis en évidence des normes, intérêts et ressources qui contribuent à défendre et renforcer l’identité institutionnelle. Dès lors, des pratiques qui peuvent paraître incohérentes au premier abord (pourquoi agir au Maroc et pas en Tunisie ?pourquoi créer l’IEDDH et, parallèlement, évincer l’objectif de promotion de la démocratie de la coopération bilatérale avec la Tunisie ?) prennent tout leur sens lorsqu’on parvient à restituer la fonction sociale qu’elles assurent.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Markova, Jekaterina. "Europos Bendrijų Teisingumo teismo vaidmuo įtvirtinant darbo teises." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20090908_192048-39670.
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Europos Bendrija buvo įsteigta grynai ekonominiais tikslais, siekiant sukurti bendrą rinką. Tad Europos Bendrijos įsteigimo metu bet kokios socialinės garantijos buvo teikiamos vien tik konkurencijos išsaugojimo tikslais, bet ne kaip socialinės Bendrijos politikos pasekmė. Todėl nenuostabu, kad net ir dabartiniu metu pačioje Europos Bendrijos steigimo sutartyje mes galime rasti nedaug nuostatų, įtvirtinančių darbo teises, kurias privalo gerbti Bendrijos institucijos ir valstybės narės, vykdydamos savo funkcijas. Būtent Europos Bendrijų teisingumo teismo aktyvios veiklos dėka Bendrija pamažu tapo organizacija, garantuojančia ir gerbiančia darbo teises. Jau 1969 m. Teismas savo jurisprudencijoje pareiškė, kad pagrindinės žmogaus teisės sudaro bendrąjį Bendrijos teisės principą, kurio apsaugą užtikrina Teismas. Ilgainiui Teismas pripažino ir kai kurias darbo teises pagrindinėmis žmogaus teisėmis. Tačiau Europos Bendrijų teisingumo teismas neapsiribojo vien atskirų darbo teisių pripažinimu. Teismas pradėjo aiškinti ir detalizuoti atskiras darbo teises. Tai ypač pasakytina apie vienodo darbo užmokesčio už vienodą darbą arba vienodos vertės darbą principą, migruojančių darbuotojų socialines ir darbo garantijas, asociacijų laisvę bei įsidarbinimo ir darbo vietos pasirinkimo laisvę. Tokiu būdu šio darbo tikslas yra pateikti gausią ir labai reikšmingą Europos Bendrijų teisingumo teismo praktiką atskirų darbo teisių pripažinimo ir įtvirtinimo Bendrijos mastu srityje. Teismas ne tik... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The European Communiy was, and still is, to a large extent, concerned with the economic aim of creating a common market. At the time of the establishment of the Community, any social benefit was merely an advantageous consequence of the desire to avoid distortions of competition. Therefore it is not surprising that the Treaty of the European Community itself hardly contains any genuine fundamental labour right which the Community institutions and Mamber States should respect when exercising their powers. The fact that the Community has gradually transformed itself into an organization that has labour rights high on its agenda is for a major part due to the proactive stance of the Court of Justice. Ever since 1969 it has been clear from the Courts’ case-law that fundamental human rights in general are part of the general principles of Community law and protected by the Court. The Court has also recognized certain labour rights as fundamental human rights. In certain cases the Court of Justice went further than merely recognizing fundmental labour rights as a “touchstone”. Sometimes the Court engages in the creation of detailed actively enforceable labour rights. The Court has often provided detailed guidelines for a genuine enforcement of certain labour rights. I recall, for instance, the principle of equal pay for equal work and work of equal value, the rights to a wide range of social benefits for migrant workers, the freedom of associations and the freedom to choose an... [to full text]
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Chen, Kuo, and 陳果. "The Influence on Relation between Oil Security and PLA Navy Strategy(1989-2006)." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/88272825955640902339.
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碩士淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士班
95
Petrol in modern world becomes more and more important. In the area of international policy, economics, and military affairs, petrol always plays the vital role. We could get such a lessons from the first petrol crisis in 1973. In the 21st century, we may foresee that, petrol would go to the day of exhaustion, so the national security policy of petrol directly influences the national security. Due to the fast economical development of China, the requirement of great quantity of petrol grows to the summit. Since 1993, China became the import, even in 2004, becoming the second great petrol consumer. China’s previous national petroleum policy was relatively vulnerable, and the requirement of petrol is great, China’s Strategy of national development will be influenced by the weak national petrol policy. So in 2004, the authority of Chinese communist party made a statement for it future petrol policy in 21st century which had two points, “multiple” and “going out”. First of all, China have to build up a mighty navy fleet. From the view of Geo-strategy, China stands on the position which sits on the edge of continent and face the ocean. It provides good opportunities for China to be either landpower or seapower. The China scholars had searched out several geo-strategic theories: “The Three Rings” and “The Three Lines”. Both theories emphasized that China must go onto the ocean and use it. China has to develop herself as the seapower. The so-called “petroleum geo-strategy” of China made China should pay much more attention to the sea. Unfortunately, in East China Sea and South China Sea, there are strong disputes among China and other nations. China’s most important petroleum sea transport line from middle east, must go through the strait of Malacca, which is easier to be cut off by any other hostile nations. Under the guide of Mao’s People’s War, The PLA navy contained itself on the coast and the brown sea for several decades. In the Time of Teng Shaou-Pin, in order to keep the economical development of China in Steadiness and firmness, PLA Admiral Liu Hua-Chin intended to reform the PLA navy from coastal into “blue water navy”. The classical sea power theory, which draws close the ties between strong naval forces and the benefit of economical interests closely, make the PLA navy’s development go on the road of the traditional seapower. In 21st century, PLA navy’s mission focuses on the issues of energy security, it becomes the good reason for China to develop her sea power.
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Chen, Li-fang, and 陳儷方. "The Consumption and Application of Disney Classical Animation betwwn 1989 and 2006 in Taiwan." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/42035252313046348739.
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碩士國立成功大學
藝術研究所
95
Walt Disney studio was established at 1922. At very first period Walt Disney studio was almost bankrupt, fortunately they work very hard on their technology of animate so that they survive. And make great influence for the world. Before 1989 in Taiwan people watched Disney movie just through the video tapes. After 1989 audiences has the chance to enjoy the Disney movie in Movie Theater. Beside the movies television programs also shows on TV in Taiwan since 1995. This thesis is going to study for the influence that Disney brings to Taiwan.
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Rochette, Vincent. "Haro sur "l'empire du mal" : l'antiaméricanisme politique des intellectuels français au cours de l'ère post-guerre froide, 1989-2006 /." 2007. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2007/24753/24753.pdf.
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Jobst, Maria [Verfasser]. "Die Zystekomie als Therapie des fortgeschrittenen primären Urothelkarzinoms am Caritas-Krankenhaus St. Josef in Regensburg zwischen 1989 - 2006 / vorgelegt von Maria Jobst." 2008. http://d-nb.info/991835263/34.
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Esteve, i. del Valle Marc. "L'effet de l'entente entre le Grupo Carso et le gouvernement mexicain sur les télécommunications mexicaines et latino-américaines (1989-2006) : du monopole d'état à la «main invisible» du marché." Mémoire, 2007. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/1170/1/M10147.pdf.
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À partir des années 80, le régime international des télécommunications a subi un grand bouleversement. Le contrôle que les États exerçaient sur les télécommunications a été redéfini avec la privatisation des monopoles publics et la dérégulation des monopoles privés dans ce secteur. Le néolibéralisme, qui plaide pour un réaménagement du rôle du secteur privé par rapport au secteur public, a affecté de manière importante les télécommunications mondiales. Une nouvelle structure du régime international des télécommunications est apparue, ce qui s'est répercuté sur l'ensemble des pays de l'économie mondiale. Cependant, les processus de changements dans le secteur des télécommunications diffèrent d'un pays à l'autre, même s'iIs convergent vers l'acception de principes et de règles similaires. À ce titre, il est intéressant d'analyser le processus de changements des
télécommunications mexicaines afin d'analyser le processus d'ajustement de l'économie nationale en
liaison avec le nouveau régime des télécommunications. Ce mémoire examinera ainsi les transformations des télécommunications mexicaines (1989-2006) afin de comprendre les facteurs qui ont été déterminants dans les changements des télécommunications mexicaines et qui, aujourd'hui, structurent le fonctionnement actuel du marché des télécommunications du pays. Avant de procéder à notre analyse, nous situerons le choix de notre approche, notre cadre théorique ainsi que notre méthodologie (chapitre 1). En premier lieu, pour comprendre l'origine des réformes des télécommunications mexicaines, nous étudierons la privatisation de Telmex durant la période 1989-90 (chapitre II). Nous analyserons le rôle joué par la nouvelle entente que ce gouvernement a établie avec le secteur privé en montrant qu'elle a été le moteur du processus de privatisation de Telmex. En effet, cette entente a été le facteur déterminant du processus de privatisation. En second lieu, pour comprendre l'évolution des télécommunications mexicaines, ce mémoire analysera la libéralisation des télécommunications (chapitre III). Nous étudierons le comportement néo-mercantiliste du gouvernement mexicain dans le secteur de télécommunications en analysant l'ïnterrelation entre les politiques adoptées par le gouvernement mexicain dans la régulation des télécommunications et la croissance économique du Grupo Carso. Nous examinerons notamment l'impact du comportement first-mover de Telmex et des barrières à l'entrée érigées par le gouvernement mexicain sur la nouvelle structure des télécommunications mexicaines. Cette analyse nous permettra d'observer la consolidation de l'entente entre le Grupo Carso et le gouvernement mexicain et d'évaluer son impact sur le marché mexicain des télécommunications, voire son impact sur l'internationalisation de Telmex et son expansion vers les marchés d'Amérique latine. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Télécommunications, Mexique, Libéralisation, Entente.
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Celis, Gonzalez Leila Iliana. "La Colombie 1970-2006 : violence et modèle de développement." Mémoire, 2008. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/1491/1/M10542.pdf.
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Au départ phénomènes indépendants, le narcotrafic et le paramilitarisme ont convergé à partir des années 1980 dans des structures politico-militaires qui ont, depuis lors, marqué profondément la réalité colombienne. Le narco-paramilitarisme a rallié les objectifs antisubversifs de la classe dominante et a brouillé le spectre social du conflit. De plus, il a permis l'apparition d'une classe émergente au service des groupes dominants qui, en s'enrichissant, a obtenu le droit d'entrer dans le cercle exclusif du pouvoir: peu après les élections législatives de 2002, les paramilitaires déclaraient avoir pris le contrôle de 35% du Congrès, alors qu'ils contrôlaient déjà une grande partie du territoire national. Ceci est une illustration de la reconfiguration politique qui s'est encore consolidée par la récente démobilisation de 41 000 paramilitaires (2002 -2006). L'objectif de la présente recherche est de comprendre le modèle violent de développement économique de la Colombie, de caractériser son économie actuelle et d'identifier les rapports sociaux de production prédominants. Afin de dépasser la superficialité et la fragmentation des études conjoncturelles et des récits de la violence, nous étudions comment se forment historiquement les conditions favorables à ce phénomène mafieux. Nous nous pencherons sur la logique sociale qui est à son origine, notamment le contexte de la guerre froide et certains aspects de l'héritage colonial. En nous basant sur l'approche du matérialisme historique et de la sociologie historique, particulièrement sur les concepts de rapports sociaux de production (RSP) et d'accumulation extra-économique, nous analysons l'essor du narco-paramilitarisme et la complexité du conflit dans le modèle de développement colombien. Cette recherche démontre que le mode de production existant en Colombie est imprégné des mécanismes d'accumulation extra-économiques par une articulation des modes de production qui n'est pas temporaire mais stable. Ces mécanismes extra-économiques prennent aujourd'hui la forme de l'économie criminelle, étroitement liée à l'économie capitaliste. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Colombie, Histoire, Économie, Violence, Relations sociales de production et de domination.
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Khoury, Elsaifi Salam. "La FINUL et les conflits israélo-libanais (1978-2010) : enjeux et leçons d'une opération de maintien de la paix de l'Organisation des Nations Unies." Mémoire, 2013. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/5648/1/M12963.pdf.
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Ce mémoire de maitrise porte sur la Force intérimaire des Nations Unies au Liban (FINUL). Nous nous intéressons à la période qui va de 1978 à 2010. Cependant, nous ne pourrons négliger certains éléments importants relatifs à notre objet d'étude qui remontent aux années 1920. La FINUL est l'une des plus « anciennes » Opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP). Son mandat est défi ni par les résolutions 425 et 426 (en 1978) et redéfini par la résolution 1701 (en 2006) du Conseil de sécurité de l'Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU). Elle fut conçue initialement comme une OMP traditionnelle, reposant sur la « doctrine classique » des Nations Unies. La guerre qui opposa les forces israéliennes et le Hezbollah en juillet 2006, força l'ONU à repenser son action et à mettre en place la FINUL renforcée (FINUL II), témoignant ainsi de la volonté des Nations Unies de définir de nouvelles conditions d'engagement. Compte tenu de l'enchevêtrement des dimensions multiples de cette situation aux plans national, régional et international, nous ne pouvons étudier la FINUL uniquement en référence à son mandat au Liban-Sud. Aussi, nous nous sommes intéressés aux dimensions diverses de la crise, notamment aux rapports israélo-libanais, et israélo-arabes, dimensions centrales et importantes de la crise. Avec en toile de fond des questions touchant à la crédibilité des Nations Unies en matière de maintien de la paix.
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MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : FINUL, FINUL II, Israël, Liban, OMP, ONU.