Dissertations / Theses on the topic '1993-2006'

Táto práca sa zaoberá analýzou hospodárskeho vývoja Slovenska v období rokov 1993 ? 2006. Snahou je charakterizovať a analyzovať jednotlivé etapy vývoja slovenského hospodárstva v závislosti na politickej moci od vzniku samostatného štátu až po jeho súčasnosť. Práve toto vzájomné prepojenie politiky a ekonomiky veľmi výrazne ovplyvnilo ďalší vývoj a smerovanie krajiny a preto cieľom práce nie charakterizovať vývoj čisto len z hľadiska ekonomického, ale skôr z hľadiska politicko-ekonomického. Zachycuje podrobný chronologický vývoj od rozpadu federácie, cez vznik samostatného štátu a 90.roky, až do súčasnosti. Mapuje jednotlivé vlády a ich vývoj v oblasti tvorby hospodárskej politiky, poukazuje na špecifiká a podmienky jednotlivých období. Práca sa nesnaží poskytovať odborné rady v oblasti hospodárskej politiky a analyzovať účinky prípadných alternatívnych opatrení, ale naopak snaží sa objasniť pravidlá a obmedzenia, v ktorých politickí činitelia jednajú.

Nezamestnanosť slovenskú ekonomiku postihovala už od počiatku 90.tych rokov a v jej priebehu sa zvýšila o 17,3 percentuálneho bodu. Nízka rozmanitosť socialistického hospodárstva a potrebná transformácia po roku 1989 boli hlavné dôvody prudkého nárastu počtu nezamestnaných. Od roku 2001 sa zvýšila podpora aktívnej politiky zamestnanosti aj vďaka ktorej došlo k zníženiu miery nezamestnanosti na súčastných 8,3%.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Doutorado Adilson.pdf: 9141875 bytes, checksum: ba272effd55f09c456f0cf5c263cc818 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-11<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>In this study I analyze the expansion, diversification and experience of the neopentecostalism process in Rondonópolis, Mato Grosso, from the trajectory of the believers and former-believers of two neopentecostals denominations - the Universal do Reino de Deus Church , established in the city since 1993, and of Sal da Terra Church , a denomination locally established, in 1995. Searching for setting relations with ampler processes lived in the scope of the contemporary culture, I try to realize by means of the neopentecostals narratives the complex processes of adhesion and religious transits that occur in the city. As integrant and active part of the culture, the religious experiences lived by neopentecostals are shared in the intercrossing of memories, traditions and in the directions and meanings that keep attributing the belief. These experiences interact and strains with cultural mediations that emerge of the narratives, as the previous religious traditions, personal and familiar yearnings and expectations, TV programs that spread the belief and the deriving demands that arise from the speeches and practical rituals. I dialogue with the narratives produced for believers and former- believers, from the procedures used for Oral History. I also use a set of other sources, as literature produced by the church, TV programs, speeches, and comments undertaken in cults, the objects and rituals realized in these cults, with the intention of understanding how the belief keeps on being lived and reworked. For this reason, I also dialogue with concepts as social experience, selective tradition, appropriation and cultural mediation, discussed by authors linked to the Cultural Studies Group, problem making interlocutions as necessary to the interpretative exercise. As religious and social process in formation, the action of the neopentecostals churches does not occur in a neutral and harmonic manner. It interacts and strains with other ways of believing and living faith, having an increasing space in media and politics, as well as disputing places for past and present meanings in the city<br>Neste trabalho analiso o processo de expansão, diversificação e vivência do neopentecostalismo em Rondonópolis, Mato Grosso, a partir da trajetória dos fiéis e ex-fiéis de duas denominações neopentecostais a Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, presente na cidade desde 1993, e da Igreja Sal da Terra, denominação fundada localmente, em 1995. Buscando estabelecer relações com processos mais amplos vividos no âmbito da cultura contemporânea, procuro perceber por meio das narrativas de neopentecostais, os complexos processos de adesão e trânsitos religiosos que ocorrem na cidade. Como parte integrante e ativa da cultura, as experiências religiosas vividas por neopentecostais são compartilhadas nos entrecruzamentos das memórias, tradições e nos sentidos e significados que vão atribuindo a crença. Estas experiências interagem e tensionam com mediações culturais que emergem das narrativas, como as tradições religiosas anteriores, os anseios e expectativas pessoais e familiares, os programas televisivos que disseminam a crença e, as demandas oriundas das pregações e práticas rituais. Dialogo com as narrativas produzidas por fiéis e ex-fiéis, a partir dos procedimentos utilizados pela História Oral. Utilizo também um conjunto de outras fontes, como a literatura produzida pela igreja, os programas televisivos, as pregações, as observações empreendidas nos cultos, os objetos e rituais realizados nestes cultos, no intuito de compreender como a crença vai sendo vivida e reelaborada. Para tanto dialogo também com noções como experiência social, tradição seletiva, apropriação e mediação cultural, discutidas por autores ligados ao Grupo dos Estudos Culturais, como interlocuções problematizadoras necessárias ao exercício interpretativo. Como processo religioso e social em formação, a ação das igrejas neopentecostais, não ocorre de forma neutra e harmônica. Interage e tensiona com outros modos de crer e de viver a fé, ocupando crescente espaço na mídia, na política e disputando lugares por significações do passado e do presente na cidade

The EU’s notable transformation over the past five decades is obviously an event of modern state concepts. However, the EU’s matter of concern has placed too much emphasis on economic and trade issues, while its capability and power have achieved remarkable growth with far-reaching ramifications in both economic and political affairs. This also means that studies of the EU foreign policy have hardly reached North East Asia because of geographical limit between them, the EU’s weak institutional capacity and vestige of the Cold War. Therefore the EU and the Korean Peninsula did not have chance to build a critical relationship. This time could be defined as ‘standstill’ between Europe and the Korean Peninsula or ‘quiet diplomacy’. 1993 marked a turning-point in relations between the EU and the Korean Peninsula. Firstly, European countries have launched the Maastricht Treaty since they had signed in 1992. The Treaty implies the EU’s more strengthened international role in the political and economic area in accordance with its increased capability and reinforced power. Secondly, North Korea announced its intention to withdraw from the NPT on 12 March 1993 and then the Korean Peninsula was compelled to face a political crisis. Since the EU took unofficial Humanitarian Aids for North Korea in 1994-1995, KEDO and the EU in 1997 agreed to the terms and conditions of the accession to KEDO of its nuclear regulatory body. This was the first challenge of the EU political engagement of the Korean Peninsula question. In the context, this research seeks to answer the question of “What are the EU priorities in its strategy for Korean Peninsula?” that includes broadly the EU’s regional strategy for North East Asia in line with its foreign policy agenda. To tell the conclusion, the EU’s intervention to North Korea was firstly encouraged in dimension of economic interests through vitalization of international trade after the Korean Peninsula would be reunified. The EU considered that Asian nuclear market is an important factor in order to build nuclear technical standard as well as to obtain commercial interests although the European nuclear firms did not obtain chance enough to construct for North Korea nuclear facilities construction. The EU’s political incentives for political change-seeking in North East Asia must also be considered. Actually, the EU diplomatically opened the door of Pyongyang and led the isolated regime to a channel that communicates with international community although the EU did not take a seat at Six-Party Talks to engage itself in the Korean Peninsula question. As a result, the EU could increase the image of a ‘peaceful mediator’ or an ‘honest blocker’ in the term of ‘reputation’ through engagement continued for the Korean Peninsula Crisis. The EU’s foreign policy has been partly successful in context that Europe succeeds in promoting its existence as a global actor. Therefore, its foreign policy would gradually be reinforced to bolster the EU’s credibility and influence in the Korean Peninsula. The EU’s role is surely reduced in the Korean Peninsula issues with the termination of the KEDO project. However, the EU’s role is expected to be performed in different ways under its confidence and capability. The EU’s next engagement depends on where its new incentives will be, and then its question will be how to realize them in accordance with its institutional conditions and actual capacity.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis evaluates the effectiveness of Ghana's anticorruption system between 1993 and 2006, the first 14 years after the return to democratic rule in the Fourth Republic. It focuses on how the key anticorruption agencies (ACAs) - the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, Serious Fraud Office, Public Accounts Committee of Parliament and Auditor-General - have addressed issues of accountability vis-a-vis incumbent governments. The thesis first outlines Ghana's anticorruption history, prior to 1993, in order to determine the failings of past accountability attempts. Next, the mandate, independence and enforcement capabilities of Ghana's ACAs are examined. A case study approach is adopted to analyze how corruption has been tackled in two areas - local government and state enterprises. With the local government case, measures to address fraud in the award of contracts, procurement and revenue collection are assessed. The state enterprise case study, Ghana Airways, is used to explore obstacles to anticorruption. In addition, accountability in the process of privatization, a key element of liberalization reforms, which were also intended as a remedy for mismanagement and fraud in state enterprises, is evaluated. The findings suggest that, despite the elaborate anticorruption system, there is limited incumbent accountability. This is, firstly, due to a lack of political commitment to anticorruption, by government, in spite of protestations to the contrary. The evidence indicates both the National Democratic Congress and New Patriotic Party were reluctant to prosecute or enforce anticorruption recommendations involving ruling elites within their own parties. ACAs have statutory independence, yet incumbents exercise significant control by retaining authority in areas such as criminal prosecution and resource allocation. Secondly, weak internal controls were found to undermine anticorruption efforts through the opportunities made available for exploiting public resources. These limitations, particularly with reference to incumbents, have instead left government elites open to prosecution for corruption only after they have relinquished power. Therefore, it is concluded that, despite their elaborate design, Ghana's ACAs have made only a modest contribution to accountability within the democratic regime.

This thesis addresses a perceived limitation of Ole Wrever's securitisation theory resulting from the undertheorised nature of the effects of securitisation and desecuritisation. This thesis challenges this minimalism and proposes a coherent set of systematic tools by which the effects of either can be analysed. The key here is the idea that not all securitisations are the same, but rather that they differ in terms of who is benefited by a given securitisation or, in other words, securitisation for whom. Starting from the idea that it matters who benefits from a given securitisation, this thesis develops with agency-benefiting securitisation and with problem-benefiting securitisation two types of securitisation. In tandem with this, the thesis develops two types of desecuritisation namely, 'desecuritisation as politicisation' and 'desecuritisation as depoliticisation'. For the environmental sector of security this thesis further develops normative conceptualisations of positive and negative securitisation and desecuritisation, whereby positive and negative are derived from what in moral philosophy is known as a consequentialist ethic, whereby the moral rightness (or wrongness) of an action is evaluated in terms of its consequences. This thesis finds that in the environmental security sector positive and negative securitisation/desecuritisation correspond to the categories of problem- and agency- benefiting securitisation, and desecuritisation as politicisation/depoliticisation respectively. The theoretical framework is applied to the case of U.S. environmental security from 1993 - 2006. This application affimls the existence and the merits of types of securitisation and desecuritisation, it further affirms the logic and intrinsic worth of a consequentialist evaluation ofsecurity and it offers valuable insights into the theory and practice of environmental security.

Selectivity of trawl and experimental gill nets was determined for yellow perch taken from southern Lake Michigan in 1993 to 2006. Gill nets were comprised of 51-, 64-and 76-mm size mesh and showed female modal lengths of 205-, 245-, and 295-mm, respectively, while values for males were 200-, 230-, and 267-mm. Differences between females and males increased with mesh size and was significant. Comparison of nine anterior morphometric features of female and male fish indicated no differences in shape were identified that would cause the disparity in selectivity. Rather, differences in male and female selectivity were more likely due the variant population size structure of the local population sampled, with females the larger sex. A new method to estimate trawl selectivity was developed using a modified catch-curve analysis, which showed a maximum selectivity length value (1.0) of 190-mm for females and 170-mm for males. However, trawls fail to capture larger yellow perch when compared to gill nets using based on length-frequency distributions. Revealing such gear biases may lead to more efficient capture methods, resulting in improved sampling and quantitative assessment of fish populations.<br>Department of Biology

Na základě analýzy vývoje státních rozpočtů České a Slovenské republiky v uplynulých 14 letech, sumarizuje tato práce zkušenosti, které v tomto období učinily oba státy s politickým cyklem. Podrobným rozborem deficitní rozpočtové politiky, která je pro oba státy charakteristická po většinu sledovaného období, vyvstávají dvě důležité skutečnosti, které negativním způsobem ovlivňují fiskální politiku České a Slovenské republiky. Jedná se o fenomén politického cyklu a dále o ?konflikt rolí? demokratického politika.

Trata-se de investigação histórica sobre as lutas contra à fome e à miséria em São Paulo na região leste da cidade. O trabalho busca estabelecer uma relação entre a produção de Josué de Castro sobre a questão da fome e o trabalho desenvolvido pela Ação da Cidadania, tendo como seu principal articulador o sociólogo Hebert de Souza, o Betinho. Procura, ainda, analisar de forma retrospectiva os papéis desempenhados pelos diferentes agentes históricos no período de 1993 a 2006, que compreende o processo de consolidação democrática no Brasil, marcado pela ampla mobilização social contra à fome e à miséria, ao momento hodierno com a implantação de políticas públicas voltadas à promoção do direito humano à alimentação e promulgação da Lei Orgânica de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional.<br>It concerns a historic investigation about the struggles against hunger and poverty on the east side of the city of São Paulo. This paper aims to establish a relationship between the work of Josué de Castro on hunger and the work developed by Ação da Cidadania that has its main articulator the sociologist Herbert de Souza, also known as Betinho. In addition, it aims to analyze retrospectively the roles of the different historic agents from 1993 to 2006, a period that comprehends the process of consolidation of the democracy in Brazil, marked by a wide social mobilization against hunger and poverty, to the actual time, with the implementation of public policies addressing the promotion of human rights, nourishment and the promulgation of the Brazilian Nutritional and Food Security Organic Act (LOSAN).

During the period 1993-2006 the Central Bank of Jordan (CBJ) undertook a series of measures to deregulate its banking system. Key procedures included the removal of restrictions on interest rates, expansion of scope of banks' products and services, lifting of restrictions on foreign exchange transactions and the reduction of barriers to entry of foreign investors and foreign banks. The main aims of deregulation were to promote a diversified, efficient and competitive banking system in order to improve resource allocation, financial viability and operational flexibility. A data set from the CBJ comprising all the Jordanian banks, covering the time period 1993-2006 was used to examine whether the efficiency of Jordanian banks has improved (or changed) over this time period. To this end, a parametric approach, stochastic frontier analysis (SFA), and a nonparametric approach, data envelopment analysis (DEA), was used to measure the efficiency scores of Jordanian banks over the period 1993-2006.

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier les dynamiques à l’œuvre dans la société palestinienne durant la période postérieure à la signature des Accords d’Oslo (1993-1994), en organisant la réflexion autour de la construction de l’Autorité Palestinienne (AP), pensée dans la continuité du parcours de l’Organisation de Libération de la Palestine (OLP), et de ce qu’elle révèle des évolutions des rapports et dispositifs de pouvoir au sein de la société palestinienne. En d’autres termes, ce travail est un exercice de sociologie politique qui a pour objectif de cerner et d’analyser les relations appareil d’État-société dans les territoires palestiniens, en examinant notamment les reconfigurations des modalités d’exercice du pouvoir et la réorganisation des rapports de forces politiques et sociaux en Cisjordanie et à Gaza et, en dernière analyse, les raisons de l’échec de la construction d’une structure politico-administrative légitime et stable dans les territoires palestiniens<br>This thesis aims at studying the dynamics at work in Palestinian society in the period that followed the signature of the Oslo Accords (1993-1994). It examines how the Palestinian Authority (PA) was built in continuity with the previous trajectory of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and what its building reveals with regard to the evolution of power relations and apparatuses within Palestinian society. The thesis is rooted in political sociology and attempts to identify and analyse the relations between the State apparatus and society in the Palestinian territories by exploring the shifts that occurred in the modes of exercise of power and in the balance of political and social forces in the West Bank and Gaza. This leads to an assessment of the reasons for which the building of a legitimate and stable political-administrative structure failed in the Palestinian territories

Le présent travail vise à restituer le rôle politique joué par les factions de gauche de l’Organisation de Libération de la Palestine (OLP), de la signature de la Déclaration de Principes (DoP) en septembre 1993, connue sous le nom des accords d’Oslo, aux élections législatives de janvier 2006. Il permet de rendre compte plus fidèlement du paysage politique palestinien après Oslo en apportant un complément aux recherches nombreuses sur la politique menée par la direction palestinienne – incarnée par la négociation intérimaire – d’une part, et sur l’islamisme, principale force contestataire durant cette période, d’autre part.Par une documentation renouvelée, ce travail sur les factions de gauche a permis d’enrichir les études déjà existantes sur le champ politique palestinien à travers notamment trois axes qui traversent la période et qui ont été très peu, voire pas étudiés : la restitution des discussions du dialogue national palestinien, la reconstitution des initiatives d’unification des factions de gauche et, de manière transversale, le suivi du débat sur la réforme de l’OLP. Cette recherche a par ailleurs permis de restituer les activités de ces factions confrontées à une situation politique radicalement nouvelle que les accords d’Oslo ont permis de mettre en place. La création d’une Autorité Palestinienne, venue concurrencer le rôle de représentation joué par l’OLP, a notamment bouleversé les logiques politiques, l’architecture du pouvoir et les objectifs nationalistes fixés par le mouvement national oscillant désormais entre libération et construction de l’État. Entre opposition farouche aux accords d’Oslo et à leurs conséquences, et adaptation à une réalité politique devenue incontournable, les factions de gauche ont tenté d’apporter une réponse politique qui permette de se distinguer de celle du Fatah et de celle des mouvements islamistes.Entre 1993 et 2006, les factions de gauche tentent plusieurs initiatives politiques– unification, coalition et plateforme politique notamment – qui toutes échouent en raison principalement de l’hégémonie du Fatah, de la concurrence du Hamas et d’une faiblesse de leurs structures partisanes et de leurs programmes politiques. La victoire du Hamas aux élections législatives de janvier 2006 consacre leur échec à proposer une troisième voie et à incarner un recours. Le paysage politique palestinien se polarise confirmant la marginalisation politique de ces factions<br>The present work analyses the political role played by the leftist factions of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), from the signing of the Declaration of Principles (DoP) in September 1993 – more commonly known as the Oslo accords –, to the legislative elections of January 2006. By focusing on the heretofore neglected political left, this study contributes to a more complete political history of the period. It complements an existing literature on the Palestinian leadership, embodied by the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations on the one hand, and the Islamist opposition movements on the other.Drawing on fresh documentary evidence, this work on the leftist factions expands our understanding of Palestinian politics by examining three key issues that have been little – if at all – explored: the discussions of the Palestinian National Dialogue; the unification initiatives of the leftist factions and the PLO’s reform debate. This research work also reconstructs the activities of these factions as they grappled with the radically new political situation produced by the Oslo accords. The creation of a Palestinian Authority, which competed with the representative role played by the PLO, has notably upset the political logic, the power architecture and the nationalist objectives set by the national movement, which now oscillates between liberation and state-building. Between staunch opposition to the agreements and their consequences, and adaptation to a political reality that had become unavoidable, the leftist factions tried to provide a political response that would distinguish them both from Fatah and from the Islamist movements.Between 1993 and 2006, the leftist factions tried several political initiatives, including unification, coalition and creation of political platforms. However, due to the hegemony of Fatah, competition from Hamas and weakness in their own party structures and political programs, the leftist factions were ultimately unable to propose a third way. The victory of Hamas in the 2006 legislative elections evinced this failure and made the political landscape increasingly polarized, confirming the political marginalization of leftist factions

91 f.<br>Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-05-07T18:18:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Vamberto Miranda.pdf: 341090 bytes, checksum: 134d0ddef2a19af18e7e7a88a96359ba (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Maria Auxiliadora Lopes(silopes@ufba.br) on 2013-06-11T17:01:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Vamberto Miranda.pdf: 341090 bytes, checksum: 134d0ddef2a19af18e7e7a88a96359ba (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-11T17:01:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Vamberto Miranda.pdf: 341090 bytes, checksum: 134d0ddef2a19af18e7e7a88a96359ba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008<br>Esta pesquisa buscou analisar três teses do Departamento de Educação III - FACED/UFBA que têm como objeto de estudo a capoeira e discutir algumas implicações para a prática pedagógica no campo da educação física. O referencial teórico utilizado aproximou-se de pressupostos das epistemologias popperiana e kuhniana, mas, sobretudo da epistemologia habermasiana. A metodologia do estudo foi de natureza qualitativa, identificando elementos da lógica diferenciada e perspectivas no âmbito da história e da educação que orientaram as teses analisadas. Os resultados apontaram indicadores duma possível (re) orientação teórico-epistemológica no campo da educação física no estado da Bahia, a partir das necessidades do contexto sócio-cultural da sociedade contemporânea, sobretudo dos povos afro-descendentes; e, o reconhecimento de fundamentos e possibilidades de intervenção no campo educacional através das formas de manifestação da cultura destes povos, especificamente da capoeira.<br>Salvador

This thesis studies the discursive behaviour of Canadian federal political parties with regards to immigration and integration issues. It seeks to test the empirical acuity offered by brokerage and issue ownership theories to explain the parties' electoral strategies in these domains. It examines the evolution of partisan discourse in relation to these themes over time, with special attention paid to the merger of right parties. It also studies the impact of certain real-world events, such as the referendum on Quebec secession in 1995 and the terrorist attacks of September 2001, on party positions. It thus proposes a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of five major parties' discourse, focusing on the various positions held by each of them on the issues of immigration and integration in their respective 1993, 1997, 2000, and 2004 election platforms.

Cette thèse s’intéressée à l’évolution de la politique étrangère du Canada envers les droits de la personne en Chine sur une période de trente ans, entre 1984 et 2014. Plus précisément elle analyse l’impact du décideur en tant qu’agent de changement. En s’inspirant de la littérature en psychologie politique qui traite de l’importance des décideurs sur la politique étrangère, cette thèse vérifie l’influence des codes opératoires et des traits de la personnalité des premiers ministres sur la politique étrangère du Canada à l’égard des droits de la personne en Chine. Cinq changements distincts ont été identifiés dans la façon dont le Canada a géré la question des droits de la personne en Chine. Si cette thèse ne confirme pas l’hypothèse de l’influence des codes opératoires et des traits de personnalité sur la comportement du Canada à l’égard de la Chine, elle vient toutefois confirmer l’importance de considérer l’impact du premier ministre et illustre que la seule considération des pressions domestiques et internationales, telles que traditionnellement considérées dans l’étude de la politique étrangère du Canada, n’est pas suffisante pour comprendre le comportement international du Canada. Cette thèse illustre que les caractéristiques personnelles des premiers ministres peuvent avoir un impact sur la politique étrangère du Canada lorsqu’une « fenêtre d’opportunité » est ouverte. Ces « fenêtres d’opportunité » s’ouvrent lorsque les contextes interne et externe permettent un changement de politique. Cette thèse a également apporté une contribution aux connaissances portant sur les relations entre le Canada et la Chine. La recension historique des relations sino-canadiennes effectuée dans cette thèse est plus détaillée que ce qui a été réalisé jusqu’à présent et cette étude a fait ressortir différents éléments des relations sino-canadiennes jusqu’ici méconnus. Par exemple, au contraire de ce qui a souvent été affirmée à propos de la politique du Canada à l’égard de la Chine, cette thèse a démontré que les droits de la personne ont été intégrés dans la politique du Canada en 1986 et non seulement à partir de 1989.

La concession des services d'eau et assainissement gérée par l'entreprise privée Aguas Argentinas S. A. entre 1993 et 2006 a fait l’objet de nombreuses études et recherches qui ont mis l'accent sur la dynamique des privatisations menées en Argentine dans les années quatre-vingt-dix. Cependant, bien qu’il s'agisse d'une période de changements dans la gestion des services urbains, la concession a mis en lumière certaines constantes qui structurent la relation entre les réseaux métropolitains et l'action publique locale. Cette recherche est basée sur les interactions entre les réseaux techniques et les territoires. L’analyse met tout particulièrement l’accent sur les continuités et les ruptures des opérations du concessionnaire dans l'aire métropolitaine de Buenos Aires. L’objectif de cette thèse est de répondre à ce questionnement à travers une analyse comparée des scénarios d'interaction entre la gestion centralisée des réseaux et l'action publique locale dans trois communes en aval du bassin du fleuve Reconquista: General San Martín, San Fernando et Tigre. Ces études de cas mettent en évidence, dans des contextes hétérogènes, la versatilité d'Aguas Argentinas face aux capacités de l'action publique locale pour mettre en œuvre la concession avec un certain degré d'autonomie. Une lecture transversale de ces spécificités locales révèle également la construction de processus de regroupement d'intérêts communs entre les différentes communes. Ce double mouvement d'autonomie et d'association, permet de mieux éclairer les oscillations entre le public et le privé, le sectoriel et le territorial, ainsi qu’entre le local et le central qui se développent selon un processus de territorialisation croissante dans l'accès aux services des eaux et assainissement<br>The concession of water and sewerage, operated by the private company Aguas Argentinas between 1993 and 2006, was subject of numerous researches which emphasized the dynamics of privatization led in Argentina, in the nineties. However, although this was a turning point in the management of urban services, the concession revealed some constants that structured the relationship between metropolitan networks and local public action.This research examines the interactions between the technical networks and the territories. The analysis focuses on the continuities and ruptures of the operation of the concessionaire in the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires. In order to answer that enquiry, this thesis develops an analysis compared by the interaction scenarios between centralized network management and local public action in three municipalities -General San Martin, San Fernando and Tigre- that form part of the lower basin of the Reconquista River.These cases studies highlight the versatility of Aguas Argentinas, in very heterogeneous contexts against different capabilities from the local public action to implement the concession with some degree of autonomy. Also, a cross reading of these local variations reveals the construction of the strategies of aggregation of interests between municipalities. This double movement, of autonomy and association, allows to illuminate the oscillations between the public and the private, the sectorial and the territorial, the local and the central (national and global), which take place in a process of increasing territorialization of access to water services and sewerage<br>El ciclo de la concesión de los servicios de agua y desagüe cloacal, operada por la empresa privada Aguas Argentinas entre 1993 y 2006, fue objeto de numerosos estudios que la asociaron con la dinámica de las privatizaciones, propias de la década del noventa en Argentina. No obstante, si bien se trató de un momento de cambio en la gestión de los servicios urbanos, la concesión fue al mismo tiempo reveladora de algunas regularidades que estructuraban la relación entre las redes metropolitanas y la acción política local. Esta tesis se propone examinar las relaciones de mutua transformación que se establecen entre las redes técnicas y los territorios, centrando el análisis en las continuidades y rupturas que resultan de la formas de operar de la empresa concesionaria en el área metropolitana de Buenos Aires. Para dar cuenta de esa problemática, se efectúa un análisis comparado de los escenarios de interacción que se dirimen entre la gestión centralizada de las redes y la acción pública local en tres municipios -General San Martín, San Fernando y Tigre- que forman parte de la cuenca baja del río Reconquista. Los casos de estudio ponen en evidencia, en contextos heterogéneos, la versatilidad de la actuación de Aguas Argentinas frente a las capacidades de la acción pública local para implementar la concesión con cierto grado de autonomía. Una lectura transversal de esas variaciones locales revela asimismo, la construcción de procesos de agregación de intereses entre los municipios. Este doble movimiento, de autonomía y asociación, permite iluminar las oscilaciones entre lo público y lo privado, lo sectorial y lo territorial, lo local y lo central que se juegan en la creciente territorialización del acceso a los servicios de agua y desagüe cloacal

RésuméCette thèse s’intéresse à l’impact du genre, de l’âge et de l’ethnicité des chef·fes de partis au Canada sur la réception de leur candidature par les électeur·rices. La perception sociale est intrinsèquement relationnelle et met autant en scène l’identité du/de la candidat·e que de l’électeur·rice. Par conséquent, cette thèse s’attarde à la fois au profil sociodémographique des chef·fes de partis et des électeur·ices qui sont appelé·es à les évaluer. Ce faisant, elle contribue aux champs des études électorales et de la psychologie politique.Trois méthodes complémentaires sont employées. La première partie de la thèse s’appuie sur une analyse quantitative de données électorales fédérales (1988-2015) ainsi que dans trois provinces canadiennes (Québec (2012-2014), Alberta (2012) et Colombie Britannique (2013)). Elle s’intéresse à l’évaluation des chef·fes de partis ainsi qu’aux intentions de vote en fonction du profil sociodémographique des leaders politiques et des électeur·rices en ancrant fermement l’analyse dans le contexte social et politique canadien. Pour finir, un dernier chapitre présentant une analyse quantitative de démocraties occidentales (l’Allemagne (2017), la Nouvelle-Zélande (2017), la France (2017) et les États-Unis (2016)) permet de mettre les conclusionstirées au sujet du Canada en perspective. La seconde partie de cette thèse présente deux expériences, l’une réalisée en laboratoire à l’Université Laval et l’autre en ligne. Basées surdes élections fictives mettant en scène des candidat·es varié·es en termes de genre, d’âge etd’ethnicité, ces expériences s’attardent à la teneur de la relation causale entre l’apparencede candidats et le comportement politique des électeur·rices. La dernière partie de la thèse consiste, quant à elle, en l’analyse de données qualitatives recueillies lors de six groupes de discussion ayant eu lieu entre 2018 et 2019 à l’Université Laval. Trois d’entre eux ont été réalisés avec des personnes ayant participé à l’expérience en laboratoire, et trois autres suites à un appel de volontaires. L’étude de ces discussions met en lumière le mécanisme causal à l’étude en identifiant la teneur des stéréotypes politiques basés sur le genre, l’âge et l’ethnicité au Québec ainsi que la façon dont des stéréotypes sont employés, réprimés, pensés et remis en question par l’électorat. En particulier, cette section de la thèse s’attarde à la possibilité d’inférence de valeurs et d’idées politiques en fonction du profil et de l’apparence d’un·e candidat·e. La principale conclusion de cet ouvrage est le caractère conditionnel, mais bien réel, des comportements politiques pouvant être qualifiés d’affinitaires (liés a l’appui politique de candidat·es partageant des caractéristiques sociodémographiques avec des électeur·ices) au Canada et basés sur l’apparence des candidat·es politique. En d’autres mots, les électeurs sont bel et bien au courant des narratifs sociaux entourant la présence de personnes issues de groupes historiquement marginalisés dans l’arène politique, et ils emploient et questionnent les notions préconçues liées à certains groupes sociaux à différents degrés. Bien que les stéréotypes associés à l’"outsider" politique s’avère parfois nettement divergents du profil du politicien dittypique, cette déviation face à la norme politique n’est pas systématiquement sanctionnée.Dépendant du profil de l’électeur, des idéologies qu’il porte et de l’offre politique en place àun moment donné, cette marginalité peut être activement recherchée, car associée à la per-formance de "la politique autrement" ou encore à une meilleure représentation politique d’ungroupe social auquel l’électeur peut s’identifier. Un survol de l’état de la question dans d’autresdémocraties occidentales soulève cependant la question des règles du jeu politique. Il révèleque ces comportements politiques au Canada en contexte électoral ressemblent davantage auxphénomènes observés lors d’élections présidentielles que lorsqu’il est question d’autres régimesparlementaires s’appuyant quant à eu sur un mode de scrutin proportionnel mixte.<br>RésuméCette thèse s’intéresse à l’impact du genre, de l’âge et de l’ethnicité des chef·fes de partis au Canada sur la réception de leur candidature par les électeur·rices. La perception sociale est intrinsèquement relationnelle et met autant en scène l’identité du/de la candidat·e que de l’électeur·rice. Par conséquent, cette thèse s’attarde à la fois au profil sociodémographique des chef·fes de partis et des électeur·ices qui sont appelé·es à les évaluer. Ce faisant, elle contribue aux champs des études électorales et de la psychologie politique.Trois méthodes complémentaires sont employées. La première partie de la thèse s’appuie sur une analyse quantitative de données électorales fédérales (1988-2015) ainsi que dans trois provinces canadiennes (Québec (2012-2014), Alberta (2012) et Colombie Britannique (2013)). Elle s’intéresse à l’évaluation des chef·fes de partis ainsi qu’aux intentions de vote en fonction du profil sociodémographique des leaders politiques et des électeur·rices en ancrant fermement l’analyse dans le contexte social et politique canadien. Pour finir, un dernier chapitre présentant une analyse quantitative de démocraties occidentales (l’Allemagne (2017), la Nouvelle-Zélande (2017), la France (2017) et les États-Unis (2016)) permet de mettre les conclusionstirées au sujet du Canada en perspective. La seconde partie de cette thèse présente deux expériences, l’une réalisée en laboratoire à l’Université Laval et l’autre en ligne. Basées surdes élections fictives mettant en scène des candidat·es varié·es en termes de genre, d’âge etd’ethnicité, ces expériences s’attardent à la teneur de la relation causale entre l’apparencede candidats et le comportement politique des électeur·rices. La dernière partie de la thèse consiste, quant à elle, en l’analyse de données qualitatives recueillies lors de six groupes de discussion ayant eu lieu entre 2018 et 2019 à l’Université Laval. Trois d’entre eux ont été réalisés avec des personnes ayant participé à l’expérience en laboratoire, et trois autres suites à un appel de volontaires. L’étude de ces discussions met en lumière le mécanisme causal à l’étude en identifiant la teneur des stéréotypes politiques basés sur le genre, l’âge et l’ethnicité au Québec ainsi que la façon dont des stéréotypes sont employés, réprimés, pensés et remis en question par l’électorat. En particulier, cette section de la thèse s’attarde à la possibilité d’inférence de valeurs et d’idées politiques en fonction du profil et de l’apparence d’un·e candidat·e. La principale conclusion de cet ouvrage est le caractère conditionnel, mais bien réel, des comportements politiques pouvant être qualifiés d’affinitaires (liés a l’appui politique de candidat·es partageant des caractéristiques sociodémographiques avec des électeur·ices) au Canada et basés sur l’apparence des candidat·es politique. En d’autres mots, les électeurs sont bel et bien au courant des narratifs sociaux entourant la présence de personnes issues de groupes historiquement marginalisés dans l’arène politique, et ils emploient et questionnent les notions préconçues liées à certains groupes sociaux à différents degrés. Bien que les stéréotypes associés à l’"outsider" politique s’avère parfois nettement divergents du profil du politicien dittypique, cette déviation face à la norme politique n’est pas systématiquement sanctionnée.Dépendant du profil de l’électeur, des idéologies qu’il porte et de l’offre politique en place àun moment donné, cette marginalité peut être activement recherchée, car associée à la per-formance de "la politique autrement" ou encore à une meilleure représentation politique d’ungroupe social auquel l’électeur peut s’identifier. Un survol de l’état de la question dans d’autresdémocraties occidentales soulève cependant la question des règles du jeu politique. Il révèleque ces comportements politiques au Canada en contexte électoral ressemblent davantage auxphénomènes observés lors d’élections présidentielles que lorsqu’il est question d’autres régimesparlementaires s’appuyant quant à eu sur un mode de scrutin proportionnel mixte.<br>This thesis examines the impact of the gender, age, and ethnicity of party leaders in Canada on the way these candidates are received by electors. Social perception is intrinsically relational and puts as much emphasis on the identity of the candidate as the voter. Consequently, this thesis focuses on both the socio-demographic profile of party leaders and the electors who are called upon to evaluate them. In doing so, she contributes to the fields of electoral studies and political psychology. To do this, three complementary research methods are employed. The first part of the thesis is based on a quantitative analysis of federal electoral data (1988-2015) as well as three Canadian provinces (Quebec (2012-2014), Alberta (2012) and British Columbia (2013)). It looks at the evaluation of party leaders and votes intentions according to the socio-demographic profile of political leaders and voters. The analysis is firmly anchored in the Canadian social and political context. However, a last chapter presenting a quantitative analysis of Western democracies (Germany (2017), New Zealand (2017), France (2017) and the United States (2016)) provides a different perspective on the conclusions drawn in about Canada. The second part of thist hesis presents two experiments, one done in a laboratory at Université Laval and the other online. Based on fictitious elections featuring diverse candidates in terms of gender, age and ethnicity, these experiments focus on the content of the causal relationship between the appearance of candidates and voters’ political behaviour. The last part of the thesis consists in the analysis of qualitative data collected during six discussion groups held between 2018 and 2019 at Université Laval. Three of them were done with people who had participated in the lab experiment, and three others after a call for volunteers. The analysis of these discussions highlights the causal mechanism under study by identifying the content of political stereotypes based on gender, age, and ethnicity in Quebec as well as the way stereotypes are used, repressed, thought out, and questioned by the electorate. In particular, this section of the thesis focuses on the possibility of inferring values and political ideas based on the appearance of a candidate. The main conclusion of this work is the conditional, but very real, occurrence of political be-haviours that can be described as affinity-based (linked to the political support of candidates sharing socio-demographic characteristics with electors) in Canada. In other words, voters are well aware of the social narratives surrounding the presence of people from historically marginalized groups in the political arena, and they use and question preconceived notions related to these groups to different degrees. Although a particular set of characteristics maybe associated with the political "outsider", this deviation from the political norm is not systematically sanctioned. Depending on the profile of voters, the ideologies they carry and the political offer in place at a given moment, this marginality can be actively sought, because associated with the performance of "politics differently" or the better political representation of a social group to which the elector can identify. An overview of the state of affairs in other Western democracies, however, raises the question of the rules of the political game. It reveals that these political behaviours in Canada are more similar to the phenomena observed in pres-idential elections than when we look at other parliamentary systems using mixed proportional voting.<br>This thesis examines the impact of the gender, age, and ethnicity of party leaders in Canada on the way these candidates are received by electors. Social perception is intrinsically relational and puts as much emphasis on the identity of the candidate as the voter. Consequently, this thesis focuses on both the socio-demographic profile of party leaders and the electors who are called upon to evaluate them. In doing so, she contributes to the fields of electoral studies and political psychology. To do this, three complementary research methods are employed. The first part of the thesis is based on a quantitative analysis of federal electoral data (1988-2015) as well as three Canadian provinces (Quebec (2012-2014), Alberta (2012) and British Columbia (2013)). It looks at the evaluation of party leaders and votes intentions according to the socio-demographic profile of political leaders and voters. The analysis is firmly anchored in the Canadian social and political context. However, a last chapter presenting a quantitative analysis of Western democracies (Germany (2017), New Zealand (2017), France (2017) and the United States (2016)) provides a different perspective on the conclusions drawn in about Canada. The second part of thist hesis presents two experiments, one done in a laboratory at Université Laval and the other online. Based on fictitious elections featuring diverse candidates in terms of gender, age and ethnicity, these experiments focus on the content of the causal relationship between the appearance of candidates and voters’ political behaviour. The last part of the thesis consists in the analysis of qualitative data collected during six discussion groups held between 2018 and 2019 at Université Laval. Three of them were done with people who had participated in the lab experiment, and three others after a call for volunteers. The analysis of these discussions highlights the causal mechanism under study by identifying the content of political stereotypes based on gender, age, and ethnicity in Quebec as well as the way stereotypes are used, repressed, thought out, and questioned by the electorate. In particular, this section of the thesis focuses on the possibility of inferring values and political ideas based on the appearance of a candidate. The main conclusion of this work is the conditional, but very real, occurrence of political be-haviours that can be described as affinity-based (linked to the political support of candidates sharing socio-demographic characteristics with electors) in Canada. In other words, voters are well aware of the social narratives surrounding the presence of people from historically marginalized groups in the political arena, and they use and question preconceived notions related to these groups to different degrees. Although a particular set of characteristics maybe associated with the political "outsider", this deviation from the political norm is not systematically sanctioned. Depending on the profile of voters, the ideologies they carry and the political offer in place at a given moment, this marginality can be actively sought, because associated with the performance of "politics differently" or the better political representation of a social group to which the elector can identify. An overview of the state of affairs in other Western democracies, however, raises the question of the rules of the political game. It reveals that these political behaviours in Canada are more similar to the phenomena observed in pres-idential elections than when we look at other parliamentary systems using mixed proportional voting.

Os conceitos básicos para a definição de gestão: o conceito de desenvolvimento sustentável e gestão integrada de recursos hídricos. A gestão integrada de recursos hídricos de acordo com o conceito de bacias hidrográficas. A bacia hidrográfica como uma unidade de gestão, planejamento e análise. As políticas federal e estadual de São Paulo em recursos hídricos implementadas nas bacias hidrográficas dos rios Piracicaba, Capivari e Jundiaí (PCJ) entre 1993 e 2006. O Consórcio dos rios PCJ. O Comitê Estadual das Bacias Hidrográficas dos rios PCJ em São Paulo. O Comitê Federal de Bacia Hidrográfica do rio Piracicaba. A Agência de Bacia dos rios PCJ. Os Comitês de Bacia dos rios PCJ. A cobrança da água. A caracterização da bacia hidrográfica dos rios PCJ. Os principais planos e relatórios elaborados: Plano Nacional Dos Recurso Hídricos (PNRH); Plano Estadual dos Recursos Hídricos (PERH); Plano Integrado de Aproveitamento dos Recursos Hídricos das bacias do Alto Tietê, Piracicaba e Baixada Santista (1993-1997) ? Consórcio Hidroplan; Relatório Zero ? da UGRHI 05 ? CETEC; Plano de Bacia CBH-PCJ (2000-2003) ? COPLAENGE; Relatório HUM da BH-PCJ ( 2002- 2003) ? IRRIGART; Plano de Bacia CBH-PCJ (2004-2007) ? SHS Consultoria. Ações relevantes conduzidas pelos Comitês PCJ, as ações aprovadas pelos Comitês e contidas nas Atas dos comitês entre 1993 e 2006. A classificação das deliberações e dos projetos aprovados nas atas e dos projetos enviados para o FEHIDRO ( Fundo Estadual de recursos Hídricos) pelo comitês. Considerações finais: as ações relevantes dos comitês PCJ são analisadas à luz da gestão integrada de bacias hidrográficas. São indicadas perspectivas e desafios desses comitês.<br>The key concepts for the definition of management: the concept of sustainable development and integrated management of water resources. The integrated management of water resources according to the concept of river basins. The river basin as a management, planning and analysis unit. The federal and the State politics on water resources implemented in the river basins of Piracicaba, Capivari and Jundiai (PCJ) Rivers in São Paulo between 1993 and 2006. The Consortium of PCJ rivers. The State river basin Committee of the PCJ Rivers in São Paulo. The Federal river basin Committee of the Piracicaba river. The Agency of basin of the PCJ Rivers. The PCJ river basins Committees. The charge for water. The PCJ river basin description. The main plans and reports elaborated: The National Plan of River Resources (PNRH); The State Plan of River Resources of São Paulo (PERH); The Integrated Plan of the Use of River Resources in the Alto Tietê, Piracicaba and Baixada Santista river basins (1993-1997) ? HIDROPLAN; The Zero Report of the UGRHI 05 (CETEC); The PCJ River Basin Plan (COPLAENGE); The ONE Report of PCJ River Basin (IRRIGART); The Plan of the PCJ River Basin (SHS CONSULTORIA). Relevant actions led by the PCJ Committees, the actions approved by the Committees and included in the Acts of the Committees between 1993 and 2006, The classification of the deliberations and projects approved in the acts and the projects sent to the FEHIDRO (Fundo Estadual de Recursos Hídricos) by the Committees. Final statements: The relevant actions of the PCJ Committees are analyzed in the light of the integrated management of river basins. Perspectives and challenges of these committees are shown.

Cette thèse est composée de trois articles qui portent sur les promesses électorales au Canada. Dans le premier article, nous illustrons l'importance de tenir compte du temps dans l'étude de la tenue des promesses électorales. Nous ajoutons ainsi un élément important aux discussions académiques en cours sur les facteurs qui influencent la mise en oeuvre des promesses électorales. Contrairement aux études précédentes, qui supposent que la réalisation de promesses est un processus qui se produit de façon uniforme au fil du temps, nous analysons la mise en oeuvre des promesses en utilisant une approche BTSCS (Binary Time-Series Cross-Section) qui met en évidence de nouvelles dynamiques. Plus précisément, nous constatons que si le gouvernement ne tient pas ses engagements électoraux dans la première moitié de son mandat, la probabilité que ceux-ci soient tenus diminue drastiquement. L'approche de modélisation discrète du temps (discrete time model) nous permet également d'étudier de plus près les relations existant entre le solde budgétaire et la réalisation des promesses. Notre recherche étend également l'étude de la mise en oeuvre des promesses à un nouveau cas, la province de Québec, pour la période de 1994 à 2014. Enfin, nous effectuons également des analyses similaires sur les données canadiennes couvrant sept gouvernements successifs de 1993 à 2015. Cette étude analyse un total de 1431 promesses électorales codées manuellement. Dans le second article, nous examinons les évaluations que font les citoyens de la tenue des promesses électorales en utilisant les données de l'Étude électorale canadienne de 2015. Nous observons que l'exactitude de ces évaluations augmente en présence de facteurs liés aux connaissances des citoyens, à savoir les connaissances politiques et l'importance relative de chaque promesse. Par ailleurs, nous constatons que les évaluations des citoyens reposent souvent sur des facteurs non fondés sur les faits, tels que leur identité et des croyances a priori, y compris l'identification partisane et la confiance politique. La présence de ces facteurs n'augmente pas la probabilité de répondre correctement. Nous constatons également, à l’aide d’une expérience par sondage divisé, qu’un changement dans la formulation des questions affecte le ton de l’évaluation des promesses, mais pas leur exactitude. Dans le troisième article, nous étudions la couverture des promesses électorales dans les médias. Plus précisément, cet article cherche à savoir si les médias alertent les citoyens lorsqu'une promesse électorale est rompue. Cette étude porte sur les 244 promesses faites par le Parti conservateur, lors des élections canadiennes de 2008 et de 2011. Notre période d’étude s'étend du déclenchement de l'élection de 2008 (07/09/2008) jusqu’à la fin du mandat de 2011 (08/04/2015). Cet article révèle que les médias alertent les citoyens lorsqu'un engagement est rompu. Nous constatons également que le «modèle d'alarme antivol» (Burglar Alarm), issu du domaine de la communication politique, fournit une description adéquate des dynamiques entourant la couverture médiatique des engagements électoraux.<br>This doctoral dissertation is composed of three articles related to electoral pledges in Canada. In the first article, we highlight the importance of accounting for time in the study of pledge fulfillment, effectively adding a significant element to the ongoing academic discussions of the factors that influence the fulfillment of party promises. Unlike previous analyses in which pledge fulfillment is assumed to be a uniform process occurring over time, we analyze party pledge fulfillment using a discrete time approach: doing so highlights yet unobserved dynamics. More precisely, we find that if the government does not enact pledges within the first half of its mandate, the probability of these pledges ever being fulfilled drops drastically. The discrete time modeling approach also allows us to investigate the relationships existing between the budget balance and pledge fulfillment more thoroughly. Our research also extends the study of pledge fulfillment to a new case, the province of Quebec, for the period of 1994–2014 encompassing six governments. Finally, we also conduct similar analyses on Canadian pledge fulfillment data spanning seven successive governments from 1993 to 2015. This study analyzes a total of 1431 manually coded election pledges. In the second article, we examine citizens’ evaluations of specific campaign pledge fulfillment using data from the 2015 Canadian Election Study. We find that the accuracy of these evaluations increases in the presence of factors related to citizens’ informed judgments, namely political knowledge and the relative importance of each pledge. On the other hand, we find that citizens’ evaluations often turn on factors not based on informed judgments but rather on group identities and a priori beliefs, including partisan identification and political trust. The presence of these factors does not to increase the likelihood of accuracy of pledge evaluations. We also find, through a split ballot experiment, that even though a change in question wording affects the tone of pledge evaluations, it does not affect their accuracy. In the third article, we investigate the portrayal of electoral pledges in the news media. We know very little about the portrayal of electoral pledges in news media which is problematic because we do know the majority of citizens do not read electoral platforms, budgets, bills, etc. and as such obtain the information they need from the media. More precisely, this article investigates whether the media alert citizens when a pledge is broken? This study covers the 244 pledges made by the government party, the Conservative Party, during the 2011 and 2008 Canadian elections. Our period ranges from the 2008 election (07/09/2008) to the end of the 2011 mandate (08/04/2015). This study finds that the news media do alert citizens when a pledge is broken and that what is often described as the “Burglar alarm model” in political communication provides an apt description of the dynamics at play in the coverage of electoral pledges.

Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2008-2009<br>L'objet d'étude que constituent les représentations sociales est de plus en plus utilisé en histoire afin d'étudier des phénomènes, des tendances ou des événements. Dans ce mémoire, les représentations sociales sont employées afin d'appréhender les suites du référendum québécois sur la souveraineté de 1995, un moment clé du conflit de basse intensité opposant le Célnada anglophone et le Québec francophone. Récoltant un taux de participation exceptionnel et un résultat extrêmement serré, le référendum du 30 octobre 1995 confronta les responsables fédéraux à une crise qu'ils se devaient de résorber afin de maintenir l'unité nationale, malmenée dans la tourmente référendaire. Le présent mémoire s'attache donc plus précisément à l'étude des représentations de la stratégie déployée par l'État fédéral afin de gérer la crise post-référendaire. Analysant les représentations présentes dans la presse canadienne, il met notamment en lumière le phénomène de ± mémoires inversées ¿ qui amène les Anglo-canadiens et les Francoquébécois à partager une conception différente des événements qui jalonnent leur trajectoire historique. Il souligne également la place occupée par la rhétorique de la réconciliation nationale dans les initiatives mises en place par le gouvernement de Jean Chrétien, une place qui s'avère bien discrète.

Les cahiers du sud, soucieux de promouvoir la jeune poesie, constituent un espace privilegie pour observer quelques voies ouvertes au poeme apres le bouleversement surrealiste. Dans l'ensemble assez disparate que forment les "poetes des cahiers" se distingue le groupe coherent quoiqu'informel des jeunes "marseillais". Lies d'amitie, engages au sein p. C. F. , ayant contribue a la naissance et au developpement d'action poetique, proches amis de tortel lui-meme marginal dans le comite de redaction des cahiers, ces six poetes, s'ils habitent marseille, n'ont rien de poetes regionaux ni regionalistes. Coherent, le groupe comprend toutefois deux generations. Malrieu, neveu et todrani, venus aux cahiers vers 1950, forment la premiere. Ils recoivent leur premier elan du surrealisme dont leur pratique "sauvage" retien principalement le pouvoir de l'image, l'exaltation de la femme et de l'amour, certitudes fondant la possibilite du chant. Mais ils n'evoluent pas identiquement dans les annees soixante. La mort de neveu paracheve sa legende de "poete maudit". Malrieu s'engage dans une ascese spirituelle et poetique. Todrani elabore une parole "de l'obscur". Contrairement a leurs aines, guglielmi, viton et arseguel, dont la collaboration aux cahiers est posterieure a 1960, se situent a distance du surrealisme. Leur interet commun pour l'avant-garde telquellienne influe sur leur pratique poetique : a partir de 1965, leur poeme, anime d'un mouvement reflexif, interroge son propre fonctionnement; un "materialisme poetique" s'elabore. Parallement, un travail sur les bancs apparait. Apres l'arret des cahiers, en 1966, les "marseillais", desireux d'un espace vraiment leur, fondent manteia. Mais, avant-garde militante a la maniere telquellienne, cette nouvelle revue impose<br>Fondent manteia. Mais, avant-garde militante a la maniere telquellienne, cette nouvelle revue impose the cahiers du sud, interested in encouraging yound poets, set up a specific section where it could present the various poetic tendencies that follawed the disruption caused by surrealism. Within the loose groupe formed by all the "cahiers" poets, there was a more coherent, though informal, group called the yound "marseillais". Close friends, all active in the p. C. F. , they helped create and develop action poetique. Close friends also with tortel, who was relatively marginal on the cahiers editorial committee, the six poets lived in marseilles, but were neither regional nor regionalist poets. This coherent group, however, covered two generatin. Malrieu, neveu and todrani, who joined the cahiers poets around 1950, formed the first. Their major influence was surrealism, but their approach was "sauvage" : they used the power of images, and glorified women and love, as certainties that gave lyrical possibilities. In the 1960's, however, they evolved in different ways : neveu' death brought his "poete maudit" role to its climax; malrieu turned to spiritual asceticism and poetics; todrani developed a personal "obscurantism". By contrast with their elders, gublielmi, viton and arseguel, who collaborated with the cahiers after 1960, kept their distance from surrealism. Their common interest in avantgarde "telquellienne" (as it is warts and all) influenced their poetry. From 1965 on, their poems, animated by an intense reflection on the subject and questionig the function of poetry, resulted in a form of "materialist poectics". They also experimented with the space between words

La transition est le moment de passage d'un regime politique a un autre. L'outil methodologique est celui des espaces de transition, qui couvrent des domaines autonomes regis par leur logique. La transition est le moment ou le travail dans les espaces constitue la principale tache du gouvernement, ce qui permet de dater la transition chilienne du plebiscite perdu par le general pinochet en 1988, a l'election d'eduardo frei en 1993. Elle apparait, non pas suite a une crise terminale du regime militaire, mais alors que se pose la question de l'institutionnalisation politique , apres le succes de l'institutionnalisation du modele de developpement. Le passage a la democratie resulte a la fois de l'echec du regime, et du succes de la strategie adoptee par une opposition qui choisit, non plus de changer de regime, mais de changer le regime. La question institutionnelle constitue un espace de negociation, qui permet de definir les futures regles et l'identite des futurs acteurs dans le jeu democratique. La question du role des forces armees se solde a la fois par la reprofessionnalisation et par l'octroi d'une plus grande autonomie. En revanche, la question des suites a apporter aux violations des droites de l'homme constitue un espace de confrontation, car ni la revelation, ni la punition, ne sont acceptables pour les militaires, alors qu'elles sont indispensables pour la refondation du regime democratique. Le choix, par les forces democratiques, d'une strategie pragmatique, evite les ruptures et permet le succes de la transition<br>The transition from authoritarian regime is defined by the moment in which the tasks pertaining to the + transition arenas ; prevail upon any other policy under a given government. Transition towards democracy in chili starts in 1988, when general pinochet is defeated in the plebiscite election, and ends in 1993, when president eduardo frei is elected. This transition does not result from the terminal crisis of the military regime, but from the failure to succeed in institutionalizing its political model the way it institutionalized its development model. The change in the opposition's strategy enables a negotiated transition. The institutional negotiations form a negotiation arena which defines both the future rules of the game and the identity of the future regime's players. The military question is resolved through bartering an increased autonomy against a new professionalism. However, human rights give birth to a confrontation arena, where no acceptable solution can be found

v českém jazyce není součástí práce. Úryvek z Úvodu: Cílem předkládané práce je specifikovat postoje politických stran k problematice drog v České republice v období 1993 až 2006. Časové ohraničení je zcela logické. Rok 1993 je nejen vznikem samostatné České republiky, ale i počátkem systematické realizace protidrogové politiky. Zároveň se záhy po tomto datu začaly některé politické strany kriticky vyjadřovat k oficiální linii vládní protidrogové politiky. Po celé námi sledované období byly zpochybňovány její cíle i efektivita a vládní protidrogová politika neměla plnou podporu ani v samotné vládě. To vedlo opakovaně k jejímu přehodnocování a hledání určité rovnováhy, které však často bylo doprovázeno vyhrocenou diskuzí na politické úrovni. Ve své diplomové práci si tak kladu především tyto otázky: jaké byly důvody politizace drogové problematiky, jaká témata byla akcentovaná, s jakými požadavky politici přicházeli, jak se tyto požadavky promítly ve vládní protidrogové politice a jak se měnily postoje politiků k tomuto tématu v námi sledovaném období. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

碩士<br>國立臺灣師範大學<br>美術學系在職進修碩士班<br>95<br>Abstract Chinese in the recent 15 years, the artwork auction property is rising and flourishing, auction companies increasingly. In this developing country, this non-living of the people essentials market take the lead others starting and yield unusually brilliant result. This market has annual turnover to exceed in 160 hundred million Renminbi (about 2 Billion 50 million US dollars). When faces the market operation, frequently has makes the price, counterfeits, the froth, the money laundering, the bribe, is congenial, the sham, the blackmarket, the operation, the benefit transportation and so on, and therefore the reverse side phrase appears in the artistic market report article. These situations occurrences, are because of the artificial operation? Perhaps under wealth fast accumulation social phenomenon? Or market policy formulation question? How but also has in the chaotic market, to find the property development the kinetic energy? In the nation’s economy and power are growing rapidly China, the potential for artwork auction market may anticipate. First understood the market distribution the situation, then separates the market attribute area, and according to annual turnover amount data to describe the market development cross section. Before develop integrity market, we must analyzed the reason that question occur and find the prevent method to precluded market chaotic source thorough. Crosses after a congenial unrest, artistic investment, artistic fund entering the arena, could be further to push forward the 2nd waves for the market increase scope. We hope from the artwork auction market growth experience in China can provide to a reflection for artwork auction market in Taiwan. Affiliation by experience mutual study, the artwork auction market in Taiwan will retrieve a new market turning point in the defeat. Keywords ： Refusal , Artistic, Fund, Transaction tax, Auction, Cultural relics preservation law

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the shear-peel bond strengths of orthodontic attachments bonded to enamel surfaces under varying conditions. A light-cured composite adhesive was compared to a cyanoacrylate adhesive and a composite hybrid adhesive. The shear-peel bond strengths in this study are stated as 24 hours vs. 6 months and were as follows: Transbond(tm) XT/dry (10.57 +- 2.83 MPa vs 12.23 +- 3.14 MPa), Assure(tm)/dry (6.93 +- 2.2 MPa vs 8.18 +- 1.39 MPa), Smartbond(R)/dry (3.91 +- 1.17 MPa vs 4.11 +- 1.96 MPa), Transbond(tm) XT/moist (0.14 +- 0.31 MPa vs 0 +- 0 MPa), Assure(tm)/moist (6.03 +- 1.77 MPa vs 6.86 +- 2.81 MPa), and Smartbond(R)/moist (3.22 +- 0.52 MPa vs 2.4 +- 0.96 MPa). There was a statistically significant difference (p < 0.05) between (1) the different adhesives (2) the dry and moist conditions of Transbond(tm) XT. There was no statistically significant difference (p > 0.05) between (1) the dry and moist conditions of Assure(tm) and Smartbond(R) (2) the 24 hour and 6 month time frame for all adhesives. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This qualitative study investigates the evolving role of Divisions of General Practice (Divisions) in linking general practitioners (GPs) and general practice with the wider health sector in Australia. The work draws on boundary role theory within organisations, integration theories, empirical research on service integration involving general practice, and structural interests theory to develop the conceptual framework on which the research was based. The data for the research came from both documentary and interview sources that gave voice to Divisions in the state of Victoria, Australia. The documents used represented the core working documents of Divisions, and the semi-structured interviews involved 30 key informants, these being leaders in all Victorian Divisions.

碩士<br>南台科技大學<br>企業管理系<br>97<br>This study introduces overview of Human Capital Theory, Schooling Model , and focuses on presentation of a mathematical deductive method of Mincer [1974] to produce evidence to Earnings Function to help for quantitative analysis method to individual earnings through regression model. Whereby, Estimating the Rate of Return to Schooling in Vietnam at 2006s. This study also research on the effects of education in Vietnam through descriptive statistical method and based on the data of Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey 2006s (VHLSS_2006) by the General Statistics Office, Vietnam. Almost studies on the world to estimates the return to schooling before are based on the earnings function of Mincer [1974]. And in Vietnam, by the quantitative analysis method and use the earnings function of Mincer, some studies before to estimates the return to schooling in Viet Nam with the results such as: - By the 1993 and 1998 VLSS data, Gallup [2004] estimated the rate of return to schooling in Vietnam is 2.9 percent in 1993 and 5.0 percent in 1998. - By the 2002 VHLSS data, Nguyen Xuan Thanh [2006] estimated the rate of return to schooling in Vietnam is 7.32 percent in 2002. - By the 2004 VHLSS data, Vu Trong Anh [2008] estimated the rate of return to schooling in Vietnam is 7.4 percent in 2004. And this is a continuous study by the 2006 VHLSS data the author [2009] estimated the rate of return to schooling in Vietnam is 7.63 percent in 2006.

The purpose of this dissertation was to address the problem expressed in the following question: "Why have the opposition political parties in Lesotho weakened since 1993?" A qualitative approach was used. The researcher interviewed officials of twelve representative parties out of the total of eighteen parties. The responses of the interviewees are in appendix 5. This work reveals the problems of the opposition parties in Lesotho. Among others, the study addressed the following issues: the reform of the electoral system, political party funding, dominance of the ruling party, prohibitive legislation and party leadership. The potential strengths and weaknesses of the opposition parties have been noted. The MMP electoral model, introduced in 2001 and tested in 2002, created a more inclusive party system, but it is not the sole solution for the weakness of the opposition parties. Patronisation and lack of political party funding appear to be major factors.<br>Political Sciences<br>M. A. (Politics)

碩士<br>大仁科技大學<br>休閒健康管理研究所<br>96<br>Due to the trend of elderly society in Taiwan, the demand of Elderly Housing will increase in near future and become one of the most industries within the elderly society, which attract attentions from Government-Industry-Universities and publics. The Main purpose of this study is to focus on Taiwan’s Master’s Theses of Elderly Housing during 1993 to 2006, to discover the research trend nowadays and to discover the importance by using the method of Content analysis. The conclusion from the research respect: Research Themes-Policy and regulation drives promotion and consumption; The coverage’s of the majors from different colleges and eras-Increasing strength and gatherings of research knowledge’s; Research Opponents-The closeness between elder people and Elderly Housing Units; Research Methods-quantify studies are becoming a trend nowadays; Research Focuses-Almost every Literature Review discusses about future development and trend; however, there is only one article that mentions it. Significant Study Discover age: Provides research of marketing and consuming behaviors-Purchase favors, marketing strategy, market segmentation and service innovation. Study of Policy and Regulation: subsidy policy, pension regime and Real estate securitization. Mental and Behavior Study: Environmental preference, usage behavior, choice behavior and post occupancy Evaluations; Health and Leisure Study: health-care and stress coping and health promotion. Study of Interior Space planning and design: housing pattern design and house space planning; Finance and Asset study: financial analysis, housing development; Study of Developing Trends: development of trends; Management and Operation Study: Feasibility evaluation and Resources-Base Theory of competitive advantage.

碩士<br>國立政治大學<br>外交學系<br>106<br>Asymmetric dependence of small states on big states does not necessarily result in inferior bargaining position; however, if the big state were able to influence commodity and energy flow of the small state, the former would extract political interests from the later through geoeconomic instruments. In accordance with geoeconomic endowment and state control theory, this article finds that Russia has richer geoeconomic endowment over Ukraine in 2005, which leads to concessions of Ukraine in 2006. From perspectives of state control and geoeconomic endowment theory, Russian government has greater control of Gazprom; Gazprom has greater control over gas flow of Ukarine. During Yeltsin’s era, the board of director remains intact after the Ministry of Energy and Industry was transformed into Gazprom; the fisrt director of Gazprom Viktor Chernomyrdin was nominated vice prime minister in 1992 and prime minister half year later. During Putin’s era, by contrast, board of director are mostly close to Putin and are sent by him. According to theories mentioned above, Russia has richer geoeconomic endowment and greater control of Gazprom, so Russia is more capable of extracting concessions from Ukraine by economic sanction.

碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>環境工程學研究所<br>96<br>Abstract The main study is to analyze the change of pollutions from 1993 to 2006, according to the pollutants statistics of 21 air quality monitoring stations in Taichung, Changhua, Nantou, Yunlin, Chiayi, and Tainan. The research can find out the relationship between pollution source and the statistic result of pollutant database. By statistics, it shows there is a tendency that pollutions, except for ozone pollution and PM10, had decreased. Especially in Jushan station, it is very serious in these five years. Otherwise, some regions shows a decreasing trend of PM10. The region of Chiayi, however, has obviously increased. Although the air quality change in a long term is much slower by the observation, the research needs to understand what are vital pollution sources resulting in that change. By comparing with polluted years and the time of building major infrastructures in the central and south region, examining the distribution of wind direction and wind speed, and finally using backward trajectory, the result reveals two reasons why the air quality changes. One is that the weak wind in fall causes the pollution concentration not to disperse easily. Another is sea-land breeze which brows pollutions back to the land. Moreover, the major pollution source is from the central region, such as the Formosa Plastic Group’s Sixth Naphtha Cracking Plant, Taichung fire power plant, Taichung metropolis, Chiayi metropolis, and Maioli fire power plant. To sum up, they are related to the air quality change.

碩士<br>銘傳大學<br>媒體空間設計研究所碩士班<br>95<br>The purpose of this study is to develop a multi-value model through a research of the news reports on a controversial public construction. In order to explore the groups of values behind such controversy, the issue of Losheng Sanatorium is the focus of the analysis in this study. In recent years, there have been many controversies that emerged in relation to executing public construction during their constructing periods. In the controversies, only the extreme pros and cons were emerged and no dialogue was initiated between them regarding controversial issues. Therefore, this study seeks to discuss the multi values behind the issues, to better understand the groups of values inherent in the issue. This study visualizes the abstract values thought makes them concrete utopian worlds to determine the values of different representatives and their relationships relating to the issues. The theories employed in this study are: theory of urban design, theory of mass communications and theory of analysis based on values. The methodologies of issue analysis, statistics and interviewing are also applied. A multi-value model and recognition of controversy model are proposed, and a design method is developed in this study. In this study, there are five groups of values obtained after analysis. After implementing the five groups of values into the design based on the researcher’s interpretation, five utopian worlds are proposed and their correlations are analyzed. The study has come out with two models and one conclusion 1.A Seven-group multi values model on Losheng Sanatorium is developed. In the analysis, there were not only two extremes found but rather seven inherent groups of values were observed in the issue. They are: ecological landscape, historical memories, sanatory spaces, outgoing transportation, efficiency of land development, human right protection and the values constituted in implementing the policy. 2.A model for understanding controversy issue is developed. Controversies resulted from the recognition of different values, and the model indicates that groups of values, due to the values being the same as the actual form of space included, are mixed in the groups. 3.Different groups were emphasized according to different coverage of news reports. The groups of values that news reports give intensive coverage expand, and consequentially, people would pay much less attention to, or even ignore. The groups of values that news reports do not provide more coverage.

Orientação: Maria Teresa Mendes Flores<br>Pode-se afirmar que o Centro Cultural de Belém, que comemorou 20 anos de actividade em 2013, tem vindo a consolidar-se como um dos principais pólos culturais de Lisboa e do país. A evolução desta instituição veio a revelar-se um importante factor no desenvolvimento, em Portugal, de novas políticas de Gestão Cultural e que, portanto, merece ser constituída como objecto de estudo. Esta dissertação propõe-se investigar a sua Programação, nomeadamente na área da Música Erudita e analisar a interacção entre o enquadramento político-económico deste centro polivalente, por um lado, e programadores/gestores culturais, músicos e público, por outro. Recorrendo a um conjunto alargado de fontes – das quais se destacam entrevistas a 10 dos principais gestores/programadores culturais do CCB e uma base de dados dos espectáculos de música entre 2006 e 2011 - obtém-se uma imagem de uma instituição marcada por determinadas contingências estruturais (arquitectura/localização, financiamento, missão) e políticas mas que, por força das circunstâncias e da acção dos programadores, foi terreno privilegiado do desenvolvimento, na área da Música Erudita, dos músicos nacionais e suas estruturas graças a novas estratégias de apresentação e fruição e, também, de novas formas de interacção entre a instituição e os próprios artistas.<br>The Cultural Centre of Belém, that celebrated its 20th anniversary in 2013, is one of Portugal's and Lisbon's main cultural references. The evolution of this institution was an important factor in the development of new cultural management policies in Portugal and, therefore, deserves to be considered as a study field. The present dissertation aims to investigate its performative arts events, namely on the area of Classical Music, and analyse the interaction between this arts centre political and economical framework, on one side, and audiences, musicians and cultural managers, on the other. Gathering on a wide array of sources- specially on interviews of 10 CCB top cultural managers and a database of music shows presented between 2006 and 2011- this study puts forward a portrait of an institution with certain political and structural contingencies (architectural/location, funding, mission) that, due to circumstances and its cultural managers intentional action, managed to play an important role in the development of portuguese classical musicians and their structures. This was done thanks to the use on new presentation and fruition strategies and to new ways of interaction between the institution and the artists.

This study aims to interrogate the representations of forgiveness in post genocide Rwandan fiction. The novels analysed are Inyenzi: A story of Love and Genocide (2007), Left to Tell: Discovering God Amidst the Rwandan Holocaust (2006) and God Sleeps in Rwanda: A Journey of Transformation (2009). Inyenzi: A story of Love and Genocide represents romantic love as the possible beginning of reconciliation between the Tutsi and the Hutus after and the devastations of the genocide. Left to Tell: Discovering God Amidst the Rwandan Holocaust reveals that the individualistic portrayal of forgiveness is important to create communication between antagonistic ethnic groups. God Sleeps in Rwanda: A Journey of Transformation demonstrates that forgiveness and reconciliation have the possibilities of being attainable on a national level through political reforms. The narratives succeed in portraying the representations of forgiveness but due to the subjectivities of the authors, the historicity of the genocide is undermined thereby compromising the foundations for forgiveness. This study suggests that future research on post genocide Rwandan could analyse creative works on forgiveness but focussing on the issue of restorative justice<br>English Studies<br>M. A. (English Studies)