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Relevant bibliographies by topics / 2020 protests

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Academic literature on the topic '2020 protests'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "2020 protests"

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Piatakov, Andrei. "Chilean and French Social Protests of 2018‒2020: A Comparative Analysis." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (2020): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020119128.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the Chilean protests, which began in 2019 and the Yellow Vests actions, which had started a year earlier. In the 2019 global protest wave, the Chilean and French social crises have some unique characteristics, which include the sustainability of protest activity and the advancement of fundamental demands going beyond the current problems. The author analyzes both protests’ interaction and their impact on each other. Several similarities of both protests revealed: lack of political leadership; the horizontal format of movements built upon the network principle; their remoteness from leading political parties, that is, the non-partisan nature of protests; all-national scale, etc. Chilean rallies were more radical in its nature involving a higher number of participants with a broader social base. The author explains difference in the protests’ political orientation: the left agenda dominated in Chile, while in France the movement was meta-ideological (neither right nor left). The author concludes that in Chile the protest was more mature and managed to achieve more significant results such as the constitutional reform.

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Artiukh, Volodymyr. "The Anatomy of Impatience: Exploring Factors behind 2020 Labor Unrest in Belarus." Slavic Review 80, no. 1 (2021): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.26.

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The wave of labor unrest that accompanied Belarusian post-election protests had no precedents in the country's independent history or recent post-Soviet political protest mobilizations. These protests challenge the prevalent trend in the current literature on the post-Soviet working class to stress its weakness in terms of organization, as well as structural and material resources. This article relies on a database of workplace-related protest events (August 10–September 30) and a selection of statements, interviews, and social media discussions among participants of the protests, in order to explain this unexpected activation of the seemingly passive Belarusian working class. The author hypothesizes that it was the vagueness of the Belarusian opposition's ideology and workers’ participation in the broader protest movement that helped them overcome the challenges of suppressed voice, bureaucratic despotism, and atomization. These mobilizing factors, however, limit the further development of autonomous labor organizations and their democratizing impact.

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Brodovskaya, E., E. Nikulin, and M. Davydova. "Mass political protests in the Republic of Belarus in summer-autumn 2020: causes, social base, digital infrastructure." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 1 (2021): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-1-23-35.

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The article presents the results of a study of the causes, social base and digital infrastructures of mass political protest in the Republic of Belarus in the summer-autumn of 2020. When implementing the study, the authors relied on two key methods: automated social and media analysis and cognitive mapping. Internet content was uploaded via the IQBuzz automated social media monitoring service. As a result, a dataset was compiled, including 700 thousand messages from 30 major social media. Within the framework of the study, a social and media analysis was carried out in three areas: the pro-government agenda, the opposition agenda – elections and the opposition agenda. In the case under consideration, the growth of interest and the inclusion of a female audience in information flows on protest topics in social media is recorded. This can be directly linked to the inclusion in the list of triggers of mass protest: victimhood, violence, and women's participation, which elicits an emotional response based on feelings of solidarity and empathy. In addition, the authors note that mass protests in the Republic of Belarus are characterized by an adult social-media and offline audience. The experience of Belarus has demonstrated the transit in the context of protest moderators: from public opinion leaders to social networks that allow not only to broadcast information about the protests, but also to form specific instructions with an action plan for the protesters. Informal opinion leaders become a tool for attracting attention, but the protest is moderated by social networks. All these trends demonstrate a change in approaches to the organization and management of protest actions, which affects their stability and the degree of manageability. Hence, this work allows us to establish a new reality of political and civil protests, which will show why traditional methods of neutralizing protest activity do not work in the current reality, which later becomes one of the reasons for revising the classic tools in leveling protest actions and the effects that they create.

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Fomicheva, Elena A. "Reasons and Typological Features of Public Protests in Thailand in 2020." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (48) (2020): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-3-3-48-156-166.

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The author sets the task to try to understand the causes and specifics of mass and prolonged student street anti-government demonstrations in Thailand in 2020. The paper attempts to identify the actors and goals of the protests, examines the organizational features of the movement and the evolution of the students’ demands. The author also seeks to understand what the behind-the-scenes engines of the protest movement can be and what forces can benefit from them.

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Zhang, Zhiran, Dexuan Sha, Beidi Dong, et al. "Spatiotemporal Patterns and Driving Factors on Crime Changing During Black Lives Matter Protests." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 9, no. 11 (2020): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi9110640.

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The death of George Floyd has brought a new wave of 2020 Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests into U.S. cities. Protests happened in a few cities accompanied by reports of violence over the first few days. The protests appear to be related to rising crime. This study uses newly collected crime data in 50 U.S. cities/counties to explore the spatiotemporal crime changes under BLM protests and to estimate the driving factors of burglary induced by the BLM protest. Four spatial and statistic models were used, including the Average Nearest Neighbor (ANN), Hotspot Analysis, Least Absolute Shrinkage, and Selection Operator (LASSO), and Binary Logistic Regression. The results show that (1) crime, especially burglary, has risen sharply in a few cities/counties, yet heterogeneity exists across cities/counties; (2) the volume and spatial distribution of certain crime types changed under BLM protest, the activity of burglary clustered in certain regions during protests period; (3) education, race, demographic, and crime rate in 2019 are related with burglary changes during BLM protests. The findings from this study can provide valuable information for ensuring the capabilities of the police and governmental agencies to deal with the evolving crisis.

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Astakhova, S. "Belarus: Political Situation around the Presidential Election – 2020." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2020): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2020-3-9-24.

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The elections of the President of Belarus were held on August 9, 2020. According to official reports the current President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko won them in the first round of voting. The election campaign was extremely tense. Throughout it, protest moods were growing in the Belarusian society. The reason for the mass protests was distrust of the electoral system of the Republic. The harsh actions of law enforcement agencies to disperse demonstrators caused an outraged reaction in the Belarusian society, which led to an increase in protest activity. After Lukashenko's appeal on August 17, 2020 to workers at enterprises that went on strike, civil society activity declined – the transfer of power did not take place. The development of the situation in the future largely depends on the position that the newly elected President Lukashenko will take.

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Ockey, James. "Thailand in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (2021): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.115.

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In 2020, attention in Thailand focused on the pandemic and on political protest. After some early missteps Thailand managed the pandemic well, eliminating community transmission with a strong curfew, essentially a lockdown, and effective tracking and tracing. Yet the economic impact on Thailand’s tourism-dependent economy will continue into 2021. The pandemic interrupted student-led protests against a regime they considered undemocratic, in the wake of the dissolution of the opposition Future Forward Party. After the pandemic was brought under control, the demonstrations resumed, with students demanding constitutional amendments (already under consideration by the parliament), the resignation of the prime minister, and the dissolution of parliament. They added unprecedented calls for reform of Thailand’s monarchy. Students argued that reforms designed to fully remove the monarchy from politics would increase respect for the institution. But there were concerns that violence between students and royalists or security forces might ensue.

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Butorov, Aleksei Sergeevich, and Viktor Vyacheslavovich Bulkin. "Youth participation in socio-political life of the U.S. in 2020." Мировая политика, no. 1 (January 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.1.35166.

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The object of the research is the participation of American youth in socio-political life of the country in 2020. The authors consider the main prerequisites and processes of youth participation in protests. The article contains the review and analysis of the most significant reasons of youth participation in protests. The authors study the growth of protest sentiment in the U.S. as a result of the recent escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural conflicts strengthened by the range of political, ethnic, and race factors and the COVID-19 pandemic. Special attention is given to the analysis of the role and importance of youth participation in the presidential election campaign in 2020, and the peculiarities of the influence of social media on the involvement of youth into the election process and protest movement. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that the role of youth is socio-political life in the U.S. in the context of the escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural processes, aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic, hasn&rsquo;t been studied sufficiently enough in Russian academic discourse. The main conclusion of the research is as follows: the growth of protest sentiment in the U.S. is the result of the recent escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural conflicts aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is obvious that the role of youth in the modern political life in the U.S. will keep steadily growing. &nbsp;

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Nagornyak, Kirill Ivanovich. "Activity of Opposition Telegram Channels and Behavioral Factor of Google Users as a Research Method for Analyzing the Protests in Belarus in 2020." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (2021): 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-1-60-77.

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The protests in the Republic of Belarus in August-November 2020 have been studied in article on the basis of data from Telegram Analytics and Google Trends, based on structural and functional analysis and a network approach, have been studied. A method of determining the cycles of protest activity is proposed, according to which Belarusian events can be divided into weekly periods. Specified protests are denoted as a network revolution - a state coup technology based on the concept of isolating the pillars of support for the political regime - he consistent paralysis of the states protection and management bodies, as well as the use of Internet resources for the mobilization, communication and coordination of protesters. The organizers of the network revolution have planned two options for the development of the state coup. The first one is the creation of a permanent hotbed of protests in the center of the capital and the gradual isolation of the pillars of support of the regime. The second one is holding a series of decentralized actions followed by consolidation and formation of a permanent hotbed of protests in the center of the capital and major cities. The experience of the events in Belarus showed that if the pillars of support for the regime are maintained, namely the bodies of state management and the institutions of internal protection of the Interior Ministry, the KGB, protests subside on the second week of protests.

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Kochel, Tammy Rinehart. "Protest policing by black police officers: double marginality and collateral consequences." Policing: An International Journal 43, no. 4 (2020): 659–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-02-2020-0031.

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PurposeDrawing from representative bureaucracy theory, hiring minority police officers has been a perpetual reform recommendation for improving tense police-community relationships with minority communities since the 1960s. The expectation is that minority officers will provide active/symbolic representation, but little is known about minority officers' experiences during racially tense situations. This paper examines whether black officers experienced double marginality in the context of prolonged protests against police in Ferguson, MO in 2014 and compares black vs. nonblack officers' self-assessments about their preparedness to handle the crisis, procedural justice during the crisis and mental and emotional effects on officers following protest policing.Design/methodology/approachIn-depth interviews with 45 police personnel who policed the Ferguson protests provide a rich description of the context and experiences through the lens of police officers. Surveys of 218 officers who conducted protest policing in Ferguson are used to compare the impact on black vs. non-black officers.FindingsThe results provide a detailed portrayal of the double marginality experienced by black officers while policing the Ferguson protests, but also demonstrate that black officers were resilient to the effects of that experience, showing significantly more favorable outcomes than their nonblack peers.Originality/valueThis is the only study to utilize a mixed methods approach with police officers who conducted protest policing to understand officers' experiences in the midst of a racially inflamed context. The findings provide support for policymakers interested in advocating and supporting hiring more minorities in policing.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "2020 protests"

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Parker, Maxwell. "The Narrative of Regime Change: Pro-Kremlin Narratives Implicating Foreign Interference in the 2020–2021 Belarusian Protests." The Ohio State University, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1619153176164935.

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Kukstaite, Karolina. "Triadic Relationship Between Social Movement,News Media, and Geopolitics : Government affiliated transnational media and its’ coverage of 2020-2021 Belarusian Protests." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196219.

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As the media followed the turn of events in Belarus, increasing arrests and the violence that followed brought tens of thousands of Belarusians into the streets to demand change, end police brutality, and display how far human rights abuses have come in Lukashenko's regime. This thesis argues that in the cases like this, foreign media comes forward to either further protester's voices or shut them down, which, drawing on the previous research, is considered dependent on the geopolitical relations of the countries involved. Departing from the normative knowledge that media, politics, and protests are interrelated, this thesis bridges theories of all three of the latter fields to craft an interdisciplinary theoretical framework for the research. Building on political and media opportunity structures and indexing theories, this thesis addresses questions of how independent from authorities is the media and how a geopolitical position might influence the coverage of the conflict. The framing analysis of LRT English, Deutsche Welle, RT, and Daily Sabah coverage during the 22 weeks is conducted to identify the coverage's patterns, developments, and changes in the coverage. The results have shown that the amount of coverage is related to the authorities position announcement. Democratic and protest supportive countries cover the protest extensively even before the authorities react; meanwhile, less democratic countries show that the coverage significantly increases as soon as the government reaction is publicised. Furthermore, the framing of the protesters differs as well. On the one hand, protesters and violence are depicted differently, on the other, frames employed in opposition supportive countries' media outlets are more diverse and explorative than in the media of Lukashenko's allies.

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Bernö, Linnea. "“You have to fight for it” The Hong Kong Protests 2019 – 2020 and the Power of Social Movements on Democratization." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412221.

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In the last decade, social movements have demonstrated their power of bringing change to societies, often in terms of democratization. At the same time, the level of democracy in the world has been established as decreasing. It is therefore interesting to study whether the increase of social movements is related to the decline of democracy. The aim of this thesis was thus to explore the perception of democracy amongst activists in a social movement calling for democratization. This was done by conducting semi-structured interviews with activists of varying degrees of participation in the Hong Kong protests 2019 – 2020. The results of the study indicated that a majority of the activists regarded democracy from the perspective of liberal democracy, stressing the importance of elections and protection of human rights through a well-grounded constitution. Nevertheless, some of the respondents sought more than a fundamental description of democracy, incorporating elements of deliberation and participation as well. The Hong Kong protests 2019 – 2020 have not seen the end yet. Likewise, the existence of social movements will forever remain through variations of repertoires. The significance of what conception of democracy motivates activists to organise themselves through civil society movements remains to be academically covered in full. Thus, future studies of democratization should continue to shed light on the role of the civil society in democratization processes.

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Larsson, Jessika. "Hong Kong in Transition : The Hong Kong identity and value change in relation to the pro-democracy protests of 2003-2020." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432441.

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The importance of protecting democracy and free speech in the world has never been moreparamount than in a time like now, when pro-democracy and independence movements areon the rise and democracy is declining. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the potentialstrengthening of the local identity in Hong Kong in relation to the 21st centurypro-democratic protests and the postmaterialist generation. This will be put in contrast toChina’s more totalitarian way of governing and resistance to democracy. Of which the globalcity of Hong Kong has been a special administrative region (SAR) within the one countrytwo systems design since the 1997. The investigation of the local identity is based on theWorld Value Survey's data set from 2005, 2014 and 2018. The survey data is analysed withstatistical tools of regression analysis, correlation and comparison over time. This study findssome correlation between the postmaterialist values and identity but no correlation betweenthe Hong Kong local identity and the pro-democracy movement. The results further suggest amoderate strengthening of the Hong Kong identity in the form of an increase in inherentpride, which this thesis contends may be induced by the clash of the values imposed bymainland China. This possibility requires further research as the identity of an autonomouspart of a nation, for example Hong Kong, is of importance for civic participation anddemocracy as a whole.

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Rammelt, Henry. "La mobilisation sociale en Europe de l'Est depuis la crise financière de 2008 : une analyse comparative de l’évolution des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2168/document.

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La crise financière a démystifié le système capitaliste aux yeux de larges segments de la population d’Europe de l'Est, exacerbant le décalage entre les attentes suscitées par le processus de démocratisation et la situation, souvent difficile, d’un nombre important de citoyens. Dans ce contexte, l'indignation que certains d’entre eux expriment s'est dirigée contre la classe politique, donnant naissance à de nouvelles formes de mobilisation. Cette thèse analyse ces mobilisations dans un cadre comparatif incluant des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie, sur la période 2008 - 2014. Quelles sont les caractéristiques des récentes vagues de protestations ? Ces protestations s’inscrivent-elles dans la continuité de répertoires d’action plus anciens ? Si la Roumanie et la Hongrie sont « en transition », quelles sont les mutations qui affectent les conditions de mobilisation ? Comment expliquer les différences de dynamiques que l’on observe dans les deux pays ? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons essayé de bâtir des passerelles entre deux champs de recherche, celui de la transition démocratique et celui des mouvements sociaux. En Roumanie comme en Hongrie, la prise en compte des transformations systémiques induites par la transition semble en effet essentielle à la compréhension des phénomènes de mobilisation récents. L'analyse détaillée des processus d'accumulation de capital social relationnel et cognitif qui en résulte - à l’origine de l’émergence de nouvelles générations d’activistes – constitue l’apport principal de notre travail. La démarche diachronique que nous avons adoptée nous a par ailleurs permis d’identifier et de caractériser les influences qu’un réseau militant peut avoir sur un autre et l’impact d’une protestation sur la suivante. Soucieux de produire des informations précises et circonstanciées sur l’environnement politique, économique et culturel dans lequel naissent les mobilisations étudiées, nous avons interrogé, à partir d’un sondage en ligne, des spécialistes de la société civile, des médias et de la vie politique des deux pays. Parallèlement, nous avons réalisé 26 entretiens approfondis avec des activistes en Hongrie et en Roumanie pour parvenir à définir les processus de mobilisation des ressources, les canaux de mobilisation utilisées, les caractéristiques des réseaux et des organisations en présence, mais aussi l’identité des activistes et, subséquemment, leur perception du contexte d’action dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. En prenant en compte l’ensemble de ces éléments, nous avons pu montrer comment l'accumulation d’expériences de mobilisations nourrissait les mouvements suivants, plus nombreux et plus visibles au fil du temps. Dans cette dynamique, les réseaux sociaux en ligne jouent un rôle essentiel. La socialisation politique sur Facebook a notamment contribué au développement d’une identité commune et à la transformation de l'indignation personnelle en engagement collectif. La multiplication des interactions sociales, une certaine similitude de goûts et de visions du monde, ainsi qu’un effort de réseautage ont permis à l'activisme en ligne de se transformer en activisme de rue. La nature et l’intensité de cet engagement diffèrent selon les deux pays. En Roumanie, « un militantisme récréationnel » puisant ses racines dans la simultanéité de la consommation culturelle et de l'implication civique est observable. A l’inverse, en Hongrie l’enthousiasme civique semble s’essouffler. Confrontés à un pouvoir politique stable, soutenu par la majorité de la population et capable de s'opposer fermement aux initiatives de la société civile, les mouvements de contestation hongrois n’ont pas réussi à déstabiliser le pouvoir en place. Cet exemple montre qu’une culture de protestation relativement vivace ne débouche pas automatiquement sur un fort niveau de mobilisation citoyenne. Par contraste, le cas de la Roumanie<br>In Eastern Europe the financial crisis of 2008 highlighted the gap between expectations concerning the new configuration of liberal and capitalist states on the one hand, and the social realities on the other. Waves of contention followed, which were provoked especially by austerity measures implemented by the respective governments. These were in their majority directed against the post-communist elites, which were held responsible for the perceived slow progress regarding economic performance and the democratization process in the years before. With the purpose of analyzing new forms of collective action and protests that appeared following this crisis, this dissertation is dedicated to study, in a comparative manner, activist networks in Hungary and Romania between 2008 and 2014.The following questions are in the center of the study: Are those recent waves of mobilization different from forms of protests prior to the crisis or can we observe a continuation of repertoires of contention? If Romania and Hungary are considered to be countries still located in the transition process, without having reached the “goal” of consolidated democracies, are the conditions and forms of collective action also undergoing profound transformations? If so, how can we explain the different dynamics in those two countries?Given the fact, that the analysis of social movements is becoming a multicentric subfield of social sciences, the present study draws on a diversity of analytical angles, not only stemming from approaches to investigate social movements and regime change, but also including additional theoretical avenues, in order to answer these main questions. Taking into account the transformation background of Romania and Hungary seems the appropriate perspective to understand recent mobilizations. For this purpose, this study analyzes processes of the accumulation of cognitive and relational social capital, shaping a new generation of activists. By doing so, the emphasis could be put on observing the effects of protests on subsequent mobilizations and the spillover/ interaction between activist networks over time. In a first step, I gathered comparable data on the political, economic and social environment, in which these networks arose, by carrying out expert on-line surveys in both countries. For a better understanding of mechanisms of resource mobilization, mobilization channels, network characteristics and organizational features, I conducted 26 in-depth interviews with activists from both countries. As a result, I was able to highlight the significance of protest-specific experiences for future mobilizations. Online social networks appear to play a key role in this dynamic in contemporary social movements, mainly through their capacity of generating a collective identity and transforming personal indignation into collective action. The nature and the intensity of this dynamic vary in the two countries. While I observed a growth of, what I called “recreational activism” in Romania, resulting from the concomitance of patterns of cultural consumption and civic involvement, a certain protest fatigue can be attested for the first years after the crisis in Hungary. Confronted with stable political configurations and a government that is widely supported by the electorate, movements contesting the power of Fidesz were not able to destabilize existing power structures in Hungary. Hence, this study shows that a longstanding culture of protest and of civic engagement does not necessarily lead, in different circumstances, to high levels of political activism of challengers to political power. Furthermore, the Romanian case suggests that rather the absence of such a culture, combined with a lack of precedent and experiences for both, engaged citizens and authorities can open spaces for renegotiating rules and provoke (lasting) political and cultural changes

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Kuriyama, Rafael Kenji. "As ideologias do protesto popular no MST sob o governo Lula (2002-2010)." Universidade Estadual de Londrina. Centro de Letras e Ciências Humanas. Departamento de Ciências Sociais. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Sociais, 2011. http://www.bibliotecadigital.uel.br/document/?code=vtls000165206.

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O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é promover um aprofundamento teórico na compreensão dos movimentos sociais contemporâneos, que na América Latina promovem o enfrentamento às classes dominantes. Pretendemos apreender alguns aspectos político-ideológicos das lutas sociais empreendidas pelo MST, movimento social de composição heterogênea que em suas lutas levanta bandeiras e ideais, que, embora historicamente tenham emergido de outras classes sociais, apontam para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária. Neste sentido, nosso trabalho constituir-se-á num esforço teórico de definição dos movimentos sociais de base popular, demonstrando as diversas ideologias inerentes e derivadas que compõem o protesto popular, que longe do imobilismo implícito no discurso de "fim das ideologias", renova-se criando e recriando utopias, mantendo acesa a perspectiva revolucionária no século XXI.<br>The objective of this research is to promote a theoretical comprehension of contemporary social movements, which in Latin America promote confrontation with the dominant classes. We intend to seize some political and ideological aspects of social struggles undertaken by MST, a social movement of heterogeneous composition that raises flags and ideals in their struggles, which although, historically they have emerged from other social classes, aim to build a more just and egalitarian society . In this sense, our work will provide a theoretical effort to define the grassroots social movements, demonstrating the different inherent and derived ideologies that make up the popular protest, they drifted away from the stasis implicit in the discourse of "end of ideologies", renews themselves creating and recreating utopias, keeping alive the revolutionary perspective in the XXI century.

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Majed, Rima. "The shifting salience of sectarianism in Lebanon, 2000-2010." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b8ce8330-d51b-4c3a-8675-efd45374cdc8.

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This thesis addresses the question of the shift in the sectarian framing of political conflict and violence in Lebanon by focusing on the period between 2000 and 2010. Lebanon represents an interesting case where the saliencies of sectarian dichotomies have been drastically remodelled in only a few years following the Hariri assassination in 2005. Whereas most studies focus on long-term ethnic and sectarian conflicts, few have addressed the issue of fast remodelling of sectarian divisions in times of political turmoil. How do sectarian schisms shift in a short period of time? Why do some political changes affect sectarian dichotomies and not others? What factors can push some people to take part in clashes framed as sectarian violence? In short, how does political closure happen along sectarian lines? In order to answer these questions, this thesis uses a triangulation of qualitative and quantitative methods to disentangle the relationship between political change and sectarianism. Building on the social movement literature, it argues that street mobilisations, understood as peaceful or violent collective action, are important mechanisms through which political conflict can assume sectarian overtones. It relies on a compiled dataset of protest events that occurred in Beirut between 2000 and 2010, and applies network analysis techniques in order to study coalition formations and shifts in alliances. This analysis is combined with semi-structured interviews with a sample of 29 residents of Beirut neighbourhoods that witnessed violent clashes in 2007/8. The analysis of my data suggests that the Hariri assassination marked a turning point in the dynamics of contentious politics in Lebanon, and acted as a catalyst for the emergence and consolidation of new coalitions and sectarian dichotomies. The study argues that sectarian political parties are the main channels through which political and sectarian depictions become interchangeable. It suggests that in order for a political shift to be understood in sectarian terms, two main factors need to be taken into account: (i) the competing political parties should represent sectarian communities that are able to compete demographically (in terms of size), and (ii) the competing parties should be able to represent the majority of their sectarian communities (intra-sectarian homogeneity). The analysis of my qualitative data explores the mechanisms at work during periods of collective violence, and shows that drivers such as peer pressure, neighbourhood-level networks, material grievances, pleasure in agency, ideology and previous fighting experience seem to explain individual decisions to participate in collective violence more than sectarian hatred. In fact, rather than being the primary cause of the violence, sectarian cleavages seem to have been crystallised by the 2007/8 episodes of violence. Consequently, this thesis concludes that whereas the conflict in Lebanon today is often understood and framed in sectarian terms, a closer analysis suggests that the conflict at a macro level is essentially political and its implications at the micro level can best be understood beyond the notion of sectarianism.

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Cruz, Rodríguez Edwin. "The disagreement between protests and elections in Colombia (2010-2015)." Politai, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92467.

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Between 2010 and 2015, the most important protest cycle in the history of Colombia takes place, organized by leftist social organizations. At the same time, the Polo Democrático Alternativo, the main leftist party, experiences an electoral decline and the fragmentation of its internal tendencies. Consequently, the Colombian left fails to translate the discontent of social protest into electoral results. This article analyzes the disagreement between protests and elections, arguing that it is a result, on the one hand, of structural constraints characteristic of a political system in which electoral politics is not separated from violence and, on the other hand, the inability of the left to generate frameworks of collective action capable of challenging voters beyond the identities that exclude their different tendencies.<br>Entre 2010 y 2015 tiene lugar el ciclo de protestas más importante en la historia reciente de Colombia, agenciado por organizaciones sociales de izquierda. Al mismo tiempo, el Polo Democrático Alternativo, el principal partido de izquierda, experimenta un declive electoral y la fragmentación entre sus tendencias internas. Por consiguiente, la izquierda colombiana no consigue traducir el descontento de la protesta social en resultados electorales. Este artículo analiza el desencuentro entre protestas y elecciones, planteando que es resultado, por una parte, de constricciones estructurales propias de un sistema político en donde la política electoral no está desligada de la violencia y, por otra, de la incapacidad de la izquierda para generar marcos de acción colectiva capaces de interpelar votantes más allá de las identidades excluyentes de sus distintas tendencias.

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Eberle-Blaylock, Mariana. "Political and economic news during the Argentine crisis of 2000-2002 an agenda-setting analysis of major newspaper coverage /." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001049.

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Ruiz, Maria José Ferreira. "Lutas populares e democratização da escola pública no Estado do Paraná (1983 a 2010) /." Marília, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/104844.

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Orientador: Candido Giraldez Vieitez<br>Banca: Ileizi Luciana Fiorelli Silva<br>Banca: Tais Moura Tavares<br>Banca: Neusa Maria Dal Ri<br>Banca: Tânia Suely Antonelli Marcelino Brabo<br>Resumo: O objeto do estudo são as lutas populares pela escola pública e gratuita e pela gestão democrática. Para analisar estas lutas abordamos dois segmentos de trabalhadores: os trabalhadores professores e os trabalhadores pobres moradores de bairros periféricos das cidades. A década de 1980 foi um marco nas lutas populares pela redemocratização do país. Estas lutas se desdobraram, na sequência, em diferentes áreas. Em relação às lutas pela educação, encontramos indícios de que, mesmo em condições profissionais e sociais diferentes, a luta dos trabalhadores da educação e dos trabalhadores moradores de bairros confluiu para a mesma proposição: a defesa persistente da escola pública e gratuita. A luta dos docentes desdobrou-se, ainda, na luta pela conquista da gestão democrática e contra a hierarquia e a burocracia nas escolas. O estudo abordou as seguintes problemáticas: O que impulsionou trabalhadores tão distintos a chegarem a formulações tão semelhantes para a educação? Quais as especificidades e as confluências nas lutas pela educação encetadas por esses trabalhadores? Houve unidade nas lutas destes trabalhadores distintos, ao menos, uma movimentação minimamente equivalente, ou a luta dos professores ocorreu à margem da luta dos trabalhadores moradores de bairros? Quais encaminhamentos foram utilizados nestas lutas? O estudo teve por objetivo geral analisar as lutas dos trabalhadores pela escola pública e gratuita e pela gestão democrática, entre os anos de 1983 a 2010, no Estado do Paraná. Buscamos, em relação aos objetivos específicos: analisar os processos de luta pela educação dos docentes e dos trabalhadores moradores de bairros pobres, no Estado do Paraná; verificar a conjuntura política no processo da luta pela instauração da eleição direta para diretores escolares no Paraná; analisar o processo de implementação dos conselhos... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)<br>Abstract: The object of the study is the popular struggles for free public schools and its democratic management. To analyze these struggles we have addressed two segments of workers: the teachers and the poor workers living in the suburbs. The 1980s was a boundary in popular struggles for redemocratization of the country. Then these struggles have taken different paths in different areas. In relation to the struggles for education, we found evidence that, even in different social and professional, the struggle of education workers and workers living in the suburbs came together for the same proposition: a persistent defense of free public schools. The teachers' struggle was still in favor of the conquest of the democratic management and against hierarchy and bureaucracy in schools. The study addressed the following issues: What drove such unlike workers to reach such similar formulations for education? What are the specificities and convergences in the struggle for education undertaken by these workers? Was there unity in the struggles of these different workers, at least a minimum equivalency movement, or the struggle of teachers ran outside the suburban workers' struggle? What referrals were used in these struggles? The study aimed at analyzing the struggles of workers for public and free school and for democratic management, between 1983 and 2010, in the State of Paraná, Brazil. We sought, concerning to the specific objectives: to analyze the processes of struggle for education of teachers and poor suburban workers in the state of Paraná; to check the political process in the struggle for establishment of direct election for school directors in Paraná; to analyze the implementation process of the school councils in Parana public schools; and, finally, to examine the workers' struggle for conquest, for access and improvements in public schools in a particular... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)<br>Doutor

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Books on the topic "2020 protests"

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Müge, Dolun, and Energy and Environmental Programme (Royal Institute of International Affairs), eds. The fuel tax protests in Europe, 2000-2001. Royal Institute of International Affairs Energy and Environment Programme, 2001.

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Lambeth (London, England). Social Services. Lambeth Quality Protects Management Plan 2002-2003. London Borough of Lambeth, 2002.

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Singh, Bal Ram, ed. Infrared Analysis of Peptides and Proteins. American Chemical Society, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/bk-2000-0750.

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Manifester à Paris: 1880-2010. Champ Vallon, 2010.

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Thawrāt bi-lā thuwwār. Riyāḍ al-Rayyis lil-Kutub wa-al-Nashr, 2014.

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Rabīʻ al-mughaffalīn: Al-nihāyah al-mumanhajah lil-ʻArab fī (jiyū-stirātījīyah) ḥukūmat al-ʻālam al-jadīd. Shams lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 2014.

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Barba, Rocío Durán. Mayo de 1968 y el año 2000. Editorial El Conejo, 1998.

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Bouckaert, Peter. Descent into chaos: Thailand's 2010 Red Shirt protests and the government crackdown. Human Rights Watch, 2011.

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¿Democratizando la democracia?: De la Primavera Árabe a los indignados. Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, 2014.

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Direniş günleri: "Gezi'den Tahrir'e". Kırmızı Kedi Yayınevi, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "2020 protests"

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Grimm, Linda. "Lebanese Prime Minister and Cabinet on Protests, Port Explosion, and Resignations : January 21, August 5, and August 10, 2020." In Historic Documents of 2020. CQ Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781071839034.n6.

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Grimm, Linda. "Government and Free Youth Movement Respond to Protests in Thailand : July 18, October 15, October 18, and October 19, 2020." In Historic Documents of 2020. CQ Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781071839034.n34.

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Kerrigan, Heather. "President Trump, State and Federal Officials, and the United Nations on U.S. Nationwide Protests : June 1, June 2, June 5, June 26, and July 29, 2020." In Historic Documents of 2020. CQ Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781071839034.n22.

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Fai, Lio Chi, and Meng U. Ieong. "Labor protests in Macau (2000–2017)." In Macau 20 Years after the Handover. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429323157-8.

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van der Linden, Marcel. "European Social Protest, 1000–2000." In The History of Social Movements in Global Perspective. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-30427-8_7.

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Sanborn, Barbara M., Kimberly L. Dodge, Chun-Ying Ku, and Caiping Yue. "Relaxin and scaffolding proteins in signalling crosstalk." In Relaxin 2000. Springer Netherlands, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2877-5_47.

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Pulver, Elsbeth. "Von der Protest- zur Eventkultur (1970–2000)." In Schweizer Literaturgeschichte. J.B. Metzler, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05243-8_7.

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Dima, Ruxandra I., and George Stan. "Computational Studies of Mechanical Remodeling of Substrate Proteins by AAA+ Biological Nanomachines." In ACS Symposium Series. American Chemical Society, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/bk-2020-1356.ch008.

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Albrecht, Martin R., Jorge Blasco, Rikke Bjerg Jensen, and Lenka Mareková. "Mesh Messaging in Large-Scale Protests: Breaking Bridgefy." In Topics in Cryptology – CT-RSA 2021. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75539-3_16.

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Gibbons, I. R., and Gabor Mocz. "Vanadate Sensitized Photocleavage of Proteins." In Vanadium in Biological Systems. Springer Netherlands, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-2023-1_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "2020 protests"

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Vinichuk, Natalia Vladimirovna. "Psychosemantic Analysis Of Young People’s Attitudes Towards Political Protests." In AmurCon 2020: International Scientific Conference. European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.06.03.150.

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Petukhov, Alexandr, and Dmitry Kaminchenko. "Modelling Social Protests in the Republic of Belarus in 2020 based on Diffusion Equations." In 11th International Conference on Simulation and Modeling Methodologies, Technologies and Applications. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010612104450452.

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Mfenguza, Wandisa, and Khulumani Sibanda. "Support Vector Machine Prediction Model: Students' Protests in South Africa." In 2020 2nd International Multidisciplinary Information Technology and Engineering Conference (IMITEC). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/imitec50163.2020.9334074.

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Amos, Karen Kuhlman, Chris J. Kuhlman, and S. S. Ravi. "Despotic Regimes Instilling Fear in Citizens to Suppress Protests." In 2020 IEEE/ACM International Conference on Advances in Social Networks Analysis and Mining (ASONAM). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/asonam49781.2020.9381455.

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Wang, JiaHao. "The Dissolution and Reconstruction of the Government’s Coping Strategies by the Social Protests in the Internet Era." In International Conference on Modern Educational Technology and Innovation and Entrepreneurship (ICMETIE 2020). Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200306.144.

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RAYA, Katia, Nicole D'ALMEIDA, and Maroun CHAMOUN. "Social big data: A Twitter text mining approach to the communication of universities during the Lebanese protests." In 2020 International Conference on Cyber Security and Protection of Digital Services (Cyber Security). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cybersecurity49315.2020.9138876.

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Sokolov, Alexander, Aleksey Belyakov, and Svetlana Mironova. "Methods and Mechanisms for Mobilizing Users of Social Networks: The Example of Environmental Protests in 2019." In 5th International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities - Philosophy of Being Human as the Core of Interdisciplinary Research (ICCESSH 2020). Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200901.025.

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Morreira, Shannon. "Pandemic Pedagogy: Assessing the Online Implementation of a Decolonial Curriculum." In Seventh International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head21.2021.12861.

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The student protests in South Africa (2015–2017) triggered shifts in pedagogical practices, such that by 2020 many South African higher education institutions had begun to make some concrete moves towards more socially just pedagogies within teaching and learning (Quinn, 2019; Jansen, 2019). In March 2020, however, South Africa went into lockdown as a result of Covid-19, and all higher education teaching became remote and non-synchronous. This paper reports on the effects of the move to remote teaching on the implementation of a new decolonial ‘emplaced’ pedagogy at one South African university. The idea of emplacement draws on the careful incorporation of social space as a teaching tool within the social sciences, such that students can situate themselves as reflexive, embodied persons within concrete spaces and communities which carry particular social, economic and political histories. This paper draws on data from course evaluations and student assignments, as well as a description of course design, to argue that many of the benefits of careful emplacement in historical and contemporary context can happen even where students are never in the same physical spaces as one another or their lecturers. This relies, however, on students’ having access to both the necessary technology and to an environment conducive to learning.

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Burak, Begüm. "Social Media as a Public Space for Political Activism: The Use of Twitter During Gezi Park Protests." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctc.2021/ctc21.001.

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Political polarization in Turkey has not only been visible during electoral processes but it has also been evident in non-electoral processes in online and offline protests. Gezi Park protests in 2013 denote to such processes. This study analyzes the use of Twitter during Gezi Park protests that had sparked mass protests and a big polarization. The role of Twitter had been influential in mobilizing the masses in the protests. During Gezi protests as seen in the Arab Spring, Twitter was used by the protesters in a dense way in the polarized political environment. Using the “mediated populism” as the theoretical framework, this study argues that social media has paved the way for the emergence of a citizen-centered public space in times of crisis and polarization during Gezi protests. The data that will be under analysis consist of the tweets posted on Twitter during the peak of Gezi protests. The date between May 25 and June 16, 2013 is taken as the time span that refers to the peak time of protests. By detecting top-mentioned tweets, this study aims to analyze how political activism had been expressed by the protesters. To achieve this aim, the randomly selected tweets posted in this time span were examined by conducting content analysis methodology.

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Zaytsev, Pavel. "Modernism, Publicness, Zombification: Gestalt of "Worker" by E. Junger, And Phenomena of Contemporary Exploitative Culture." In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-17.

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The need for researching into ideological sources of contemporary exploitative culture is necessitated by both the outer edge of its interaction with other triggers of modernity, and the inner edge consisting in the answer to the following question: ‘what is an exploitative culture?’. The modernism era gave rise not only to global mass culture, but diverse oppositions of ‘privacy’ and ‘publicity’ categories in their key anthropological images. It seems to us to be no coincidence that exploitative culture is presented by researchers primarily in the anthropological dimension of race and sex. While considering the heroic characters proposed to be scaled for the era of modernism, it is necessary to account for the invariative content, which was reflected in gestalt of the ‘worker’ by E. Junger, and its particular historical variations. We pay our attention to the pedagogical system suggested by A. Makarenko, and the system of fostering actors of the future by V. Meyerhold as projects of the taylorisation of school and theater. The contemporary culture which, as a result of racial protests in the USA, has tended to be attributed with the predicate ‘exploitative’ reveals the exploitative meanings of the worker’s gestalt in the image of the zombie and the phenomenon of zombification associated with it. As a result of this study, conclusions were drawn regarding the continuity of the anonymous image of the ‘worker’ E. Junger and the film image of the zombie as one of modern culture’s most demanded anonymous generalised characters of the masses. Their affinity is as follows: the ‘worker’ of E. Junger is not a social, much less an economic category, it is the most common anthropological metaphore of ‘generic attributes’ to characterise the modernism era, like a zombie character in contemporary mass culture. However, if gestalt of ‘worker’ by E. Junger means the totality of creation of a new world, then the zombie character in contemporary mass culture is associated with the totality of devastation.

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Reports on the topic "2020 protests"

1

Terzyan, Aram. Belarus in the Wake of a Revolution: Domestic and International Factors. Eurasia Institutes, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-3-2020.

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This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.

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McRoberts, Heidi. Protect and Restore Mill Creek Watershed; Annual Report 2002-2003. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/891981.

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McRoberts, Heidi. Protect and Restore Lolo Creek Watershed, 2002-2003 Annual Report. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/885186.

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Baxter, Jeremy, and James S. Baxter. Monitor and Protect Wigwam River Bull Trout for Koocanusa Reservoir : Summary of the Skookumchuck Creek Bull Trout Enumeration Project Final Report 2000-2002. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/812659.

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Vigg, Steven, and John Johnson. Protect Anadromous Salmonids in the Mainstem Corridor; Monitoring and Evaluation, 2001-2002 Annual Report. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/961910.

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Yatsymirska, Mariya. KEY IMPRESSIONS OF 2020 IN JOURNALISTIC TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11107.

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The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.

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Vigg, Steven, and John Johnson. Protect Anadromous Salmonids in the Mainstem Corridor, Monitoring and Evaluation, Annual Report 200-2001. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/961886.

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Baxter, James S., and Jeremy Baxter. Monitor and Protect Wigwam River Bull Trout for Koocanusa Reservoir : Summary of the Skookumchuck Creek Bull Trout Enumeration Project, Annual Report 2000. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/783953.

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Cope, R. Monitor and Protect Wigwam River Bull Trout for Koocanusa Reservoir; Skookumchuck Creek Juvenile Bull Trout and Fish Habitat Monitoring Program, Annual Report 2002. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/963011.

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Maeresera, Eleanor, and Adrian Chikowore. Will the Cure Bankrupt Us? Official Development Assistance and the COVID-19 Response in Southern African Countries. Oxfam, AFRODAD, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.7130.

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Confirmed coronavirus cases in Africa in early November 2020 exceeded 1.8 million, with 45% occurring in Southern Africa (SAF). Most SAF countries lack the capacity to adequately protect lives and livelihoods. High indebtedness means underfunded essential services, and most countries had just emerged from a severe food crisis and the effects of Cyclone Idai. Donors must go beyond temporary debt service suspension and provide new aid grants. SAF governments must not use the pandemic to restrict civil society advocacy on behalf of the most vulnerable people.

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