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Parker, Maxwell. "The Narrative of Regime Change: Pro-Kremlin Narratives Implicating Foreign Interference in the 2020–2021 Belarusian Protests." The Ohio State University, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1619153176164935.
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Kukstaite, Karolina. "Triadic Relationship Between Social Movement,News Media, and Geopolitics : Government affiliated transnational media and its’ coverage of 2020-2021 Belarusian Protests." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196219.
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As the media followed the turn of events in Belarus, increasing arrests and the violence that followed brought tens of thousands of Belarusians into the streets to demand change, end police brutality, and display how far human rights abuses have come in Lukashenko's regime. This thesis argues that in the cases like this, foreign media comes forward to either further protester's voices or shut them down, which, drawing on the previous research, is considered dependent on the geopolitical relations of the countries involved. Departing from the normative knowledge that media, politics, and protests are interrelated, this thesis bridges theories of all three of the latter fields to craft an interdisciplinary theoretical framework for the research. Building on political and media opportunity structures and indexing theories, this thesis addresses questions of how independent from authorities is the media and how a geopolitical position might influence the coverage of the conflict. The framing analysis of LRT English, Deutsche Welle, RT, and Daily Sabah coverage during the 22 weeks is conducted to identify the coverage's patterns, developments, and changes in the coverage. The results have shown that the amount of coverage is related to the authorities position announcement. Democratic and protest supportive countries cover the protest extensively even before the authorities react; meanwhile, less democratic countries show that the coverage significantly increases as soon as the government reaction is publicised. Furthermore, the framing of the protesters differs as well. On the one hand, protesters and violence are depicted differently, on the other, frames employed in opposition supportive countries' media outlets are more diverse and explorative than in the media of Lukashenko's allies.
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Bernö, Linnea. "“You have to fight for it” The Hong Kong Protests 2019 – 2020 and the Power of Social Movements on Democratization." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412221.
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In the last decade, social movements have demonstrated their power of bringing change to societies, often in terms of democratization. At the same time, the level of democracy in the world has been established as decreasing. It is therefore interesting to study whether the increase of social movements is related to the decline of democracy. The aim of this thesis was thus to explore the perception of democracy amongst activists in a social movement calling for democratization. This was done by conducting semi-structured interviews with activists of varying degrees of participation in the Hong Kong protests 2019 – 2020. The results of the study indicated that a majority of the activists regarded democracy from the perspective of liberal democracy, stressing the importance of elections and protection of human rights through a well-grounded constitution. Nevertheless, some of the respondents sought more than a fundamental description of democracy, incorporating elements of deliberation and participation as well. The Hong Kong protests 2019 – 2020 have not seen the end yet. Likewise, the existence of social movements will forever remain through variations of repertoires. The significance of what conception of democracy motivates activists to organise themselves through civil society movements remains to be academically covered in full. Thus, future studies of democratization should continue to shed light on the role of the civil society in democratization processes.
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Larsson, Jessika. "Hong Kong in Transition : The Hong Kong identity and value change in relation to the pro-democracy protests of 2003-2020." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432441.
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The importance of protecting democracy and free speech in the world has never been moreparamount than in a time like now, when pro-democracy and independence movements areon the rise and democracy is declining. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the potentialstrengthening of the local identity in Hong Kong in relation to the 21st centurypro-democratic protests and the postmaterialist generation. This will be put in contrast toChina’s more totalitarian way of governing and resistance to democracy. Of which the globalcity of Hong Kong has been a special administrative region (SAR) within the one countrytwo systems design since the 1997. The investigation of the local identity is based on theWorld Value Survey's data set from 2005, 2014 and 2018. The survey data is analysed withstatistical tools of regression analysis, correlation and comparison over time. This study findssome correlation between the postmaterialist values and identity but no correlation betweenthe Hong Kong local identity and the pro-democracy movement. The results further suggest amoderate strengthening of the Hong Kong identity in the form of an increase in inherentpride, which this thesis contends may be induced by the clash of the values imposed bymainland China. This possibility requires further research as the identity of an autonomouspart of a nation, for example Hong Kong, is of importance for civic participation anddemocracy as a whole.
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Rammelt, Henry. "La mobilisation sociale en Europe de l'Est depuis la crise financière de 2008 : une analyse comparative de l’évolution des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2168/document.
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La crise financière a démystifié le système capitaliste aux yeux de larges segments de la population d’Europe de l'Est, exacerbant le décalage entre les attentes suscitées par le processus de démocratisation et la situation, souvent difficile, d’un nombre important de citoyens. Dans ce contexte, l'indignation que certains d’entre eux expriment s'est dirigée contre la classe politique, donnant naissance à de nouvelles formes de mobilisation. Cette thèse analyse ces mobilisations dans un cadre comparatif incluant des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie, sur la période 2008 - 2014. Quelles sont les caractéristiques des récentes vagues de protestations ? Ces protestations s’inscrivent-elles dans la continuité de répertoires d’action plus anciens ? Si la Roumanie et la Hongrie sont « en transition », quelles sont les mutations qui affectent les conditions de mobilisation ? Comment expliquer les différences de dynamiques que l’on observe dans les deux pays ? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons essayé de bâtir des passerelles entre deux champs de recherche, celui de la transition démocratique et celui des mouvements sociaux. En Roumanie comme en Hongrie, la prise en compte des transformations systémiques induites par la transition semble en effet essentielle à la compréhension des phénomènes de mobilisation récents. L'analyse détaillée des processus d'accumulation de capital social relationnel et cognitif qui en résulte - à l’origine de l’émergence de nouvelles générations d’activistes – constitue l’apport principal de notre travail. La démarche diachronique que nous avons adoptée nous a par ailleurs permis d’identifier et de caractériser les influences qu’un réseau militant peut avoir sur un autre et l’impact d’une protestation sur la suivante. Soucieux de produire des informations précises et circonstanciées sur l’environnement politique, économique et culturel dans lequel naissent les mobilisations étudiées, nous avons interrogé, à partir d’un sondage en ligne, des spécialistes de la société civile, des médias et de la vie politique des deux pays. Parallèlement, nous avons réalisé 26 entretiens approfondis avec des activistes en Hongrie et en Roumanie pour parvenir à définir les processus de mobilisation des ressources, les canaux de mobilisation utilisées, les caractéristiques des réseaux et des organisations en présence, mais aussi l’identité des activistes et, subséquemment, leur perception du contexte d’action dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. En prenant en compte l’ensemble de ces éléments, nous avons pu montrer comment l'accumulation d’expériences de mobilisations nourrissait les mouvements suivants, plus nombreux et plus visibles au fil du temps. Dans cette dynamique, les réseaux sociaux en ligne jouent un rôle essentiel. La socialisation politique sur Facebook a notamment contribué au développement d’une identité commune et à la transformation de l'indignation personnelle en engagement collectif. La multiplication des interactions sociales, une certaine similitude de goûts et de visions du monde, ainsi qu’un effort de réseautage ont permis à l'activisme en ligne de se transformer en activisme de rue. La nature et l’intensité de cet engagement diffèrent selon les deux pays. En Roumanie, « un militantisme récréationnel » puisant ses racines dans la simultanéité de la consommation culturelle et de l'implication civique est observable. A l’inverse, en Hongrie l’enthousiasme civique semble s’essouffler. Confrontés à un pouvoir politique stable, soutenu par la majorité de la population et capable de s'opposer fermement aux initiatives de la société civile, les mouvements de contestation hongrois n’ont pas réussi à déstabiliser le pouvoir en place. Cet exemple montre qu’une culture de protestation relativement vivace ne débouche pas automatiquement sur un fort niveau de mobilisation citoyenne. Par contraste, le cas de la Roumanie<br>In Eastern Europe the financial crisis of 2008 highlighted the gap between expectations concerning the new configuration of liberal and capitalist states on the one hand, and the social realities on the other. Waves of contention followed, which were provoked especially by austerity measures implemented by the respective governments. These were in their majority directed against the post-communist elites, which were held responsible for the perceived slow progress regarding economic performance and the democratization process in the years before. With the purpose of analyzing new forms of collective action and protests that appeared following this crisis, this dissertation is dedicated to study, in a comparative manner, activist networks in Hungary and Romania between 2008 and 2014.The following questions are in the center of the study: Are those recent waves of mobilization different from forms of protests prior to the crisis or can we observe a continuation of repertoires of contention? If Romania and Hungary are considered to be countries still located in the transition process, without having reached the “goal” of consolidated democracies, are the conditions and forms of collective action also undergoing profound transformations? If so, how can we explain the different dynamics in those two countries?Given the fact, that the analysis of social movements is becoming a multicentric subfield of social sciences, the present study draws on a diversity of analytical angles, not only stemming from approaches to investigate social movements and regime change, but also including additional theoretical avenues, in order to answer these main questions. Taking into account the transformation background of Romania and Hungary seems the appropriate perspective to understand recent mobilizations. For this purpose, this study analyzes processes of the accumulation of cognitive and relational social capital, shaping a new generation of activists. By doing so, the emphasis could be put on observing the effects of protests on subsequent mobilizations and the spillover/ interaction between activist networks over time. In a first step, I gathered comparable data on the political, economic and social environment, in which these networks arose, by carrying out expert on-line surveys in both countries. For a better understanding of mechanisms of resource mobilization, mobilization channels, network characteristics and organizational features, I conducted 26 in-depth interviews with activists from both countries. As a result, I was able to highlight the significance of protest-specific experiences for future mobilizations. Online social networks appear to play a key role in this dynamic in contemporary social movements, mainly through their capacity of generating a collective identity and transforming personal indignation into collective action. The nature and the intensity of this dynamic vary in the two countries. While I observed a growth of, what I called “recreational activism” in Romania, resulting from the concomitance of patterns of cultural consumption and civic involvement, a certain protest fatigue can be attested for the first years after the crisis in Hungary. Confronted with stable political configurations and a government that is widely supported by the electorate, movements contesting the power of Fidesz were not able to destabilize existing power structures in Hungary. Hence, this study shows that a longstanding culture of protest and of civic engagement does not necessarily lead, in different circumstances, to high levels of political activism of challengers to political power. Furthermore, the Romanian case suggests that rather the absence of such a culture, combined with a lack of precedent and experiences for both, engaged citizens and authorities can open spaces for renegotiating rules and provoke (lasting) political and cultural changes
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Kuriyama, Rafael Kenji. "As ideologias do protesto popular no MST sob o governo Lula (2002-2010)." Universidade Estadual de Londrina. Centro de Letras e Ciências Humanas. Departamento de Ciências Sociais. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Sociais, 2011. http://www.bibliotecadigital.uel.br/document/?code=vtls000165206.
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O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é promover um aprofundamento teórico na compreensão dos movimentos sociais contemporâneos, que na América Latina promovem o enfrentamento às classes dominantes. Pretendemos apreender alguns aspectos político-ideológicos das lutas sociais empreendidas pelo MST, movimento social de composição heterogênea que em suas lutas levanta bandeiras e ideais, que, embora historicamente tenham emergido de outras classes sociais, apontam para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária. Neste sentido, nosso trabalho constituir-se-á num esforço teórico de definição dos movimentos sociais de base popular, demonstrando as diversas ideologias inerentes e derivadas que compõem o protesto popular, que longe do imobilismo implícito no discurso de "fim das ideologias", renova-se criando e recriando utopias, mantendo acesa a perspectiva revolucionária no século XXI.<br>The objective of this research is to promote a theoretical comprehension of contemporary social movements, which in Latin America promote confrontation with the dominant classes. We intend to seize some political and ideological aspects of social struggles undertaken by MST, a social movement of heterogeneous composition that raises flags and ideals in their struggles, which although, historically they have emerged from other social classes, aim to build a more just and egalitarian society . In this sense, our work will provide a theoretical effort to define the grassroots social movements, demonstrating the different inherent and derived ideologies that make up the popular protest, they drifted away from the stasis implicit in the discourse of "end of ideologies", renews themselves creating and recreating utopias, keeping alive the revolutionary perspective in the XXI century.
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Majed, Rima. "The shifting salience of sectarianism in Lebanon, 2000-2010." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b8ce8330-d51b-4c3a-8675-efd45374cdc8.
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This thesis addresses the question of the shift in the sectarian framing of political conflict and violence in Lebanon by focusing on the period between 2000 and 2010. Lebanon represents an interesting case where the saliencies of sectarian dichotomies have been drastically remodelled in only a few years following the Hariri assassination in 2005. Whereas most studies focus on long-term ethnic and sectarian conflicts, few have addressed the issue of fast remodelling of sectarian divisions in times of political turmoil. How do sectarian schisms shift in a short period of time? Why do some political changes affect sectarian dichotomies and not others? What factors can push some people to take part in clashes framed as sectarian violence? In short, how does political closure happen along sectarian lines? In order to answer these questions, this thesis uses a triangulation of qualitative and quantitative methods to disentangle the relationship between political change and sectarianism. Building on the social movement literature, it argues that street mobilisations, understood as peaceful or violent collective action, are important mechanisms through which political conflict can assume sectarian overtones. It relies on a compiled dataset of protest events that occurred in Beirut between 2000 and 2010, and applies network analysis techniques in order to study coalition formations and shifts in alliances. This analysis is combined with semi-structured interviews with a sample of 29 residents of Beirut neighbourhoods that witnessed violent clashes in 2007/8. The analysis of my data suggests that the Hariri assassination marked a turning point in the dynamics of contentious politics in Lebanon, and acted as a catalyst for the emergence and consolidation of new coalitions and sectarian dichotomies. The study argues that sectarian political parties are the main channels through which political and sectarian depictions become interchangeable. It suggests that in order for a political shift to be understood in sectarian terms, two main factors need to be taken into account: (i) the competing political parties should represent sectarian communities that are able to compete demographically (in terms of size), and (ii) the competing parties should be able to represent the majority of their sectarian communities (intra-sectarian homogeneity). The analysis of my qualitative data explores the mechanisms at work during periods of collective violence, and shows that drivers such as peer pressure, neighbourhood-level networks, material grievances, pleasure in agency, ideology and previous fighting experience seem to explain individual decisions to participate in collective violence more than sectarian hatred. In fact, rather than being the primary cause of the violence, sectarian cleavages seem to have been crystallised by the 2007/8 episodes of violence. Consequently, this thesis concludes that whereas the conflict in Lebanon today is often understood and framed in sectarian terms, a closer analysis suggests that the conflict at a macro level is essentially political and its implications at the micro level can best be understood beyond the notion of sectarianism.
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Cruz, Rodríguez Edwin. "The disagreement between protests and elections in Colombia (2010-2015)." Politai, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92467.
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Between 2010 and 2015, the most important protest cycle in the history of Colombia takes place, organized by leftist social organizations. At the same time, the Polo Democrático Alternativo, the main leftist party, experiences an electoral decline and the fragmentation of its internal tendencies. Consequently, the Colombian left fails to translate the discontent of social protest into electoral results. This article analyzes the disagreement between protests and elections, arguing that it is a result, on the one hand, of structural constraints characteristic of a political system in which electoral politics is not separated from violence and, on the other hand, the inability of the left to generate frameworks of collective action capable of challenging voters beyond the identities that exclude their different tendencies.<br>Entre 2010 y 2015 tiene lugar el ciclo de protestas más importante en la historia reciente de Colombia, agenciado por organizaciones sociales de izquierda. Al mismo tiempo, el Polo Democrático Alternativo, el principal partido de izquierda, experimenta un declive electoral y la fragmentación entre sus tendencias internas. Por consiguiente, la izquierda colombiana no consigue traducir el descontento de la protesta social en resultados electorales. Este artículo analiza el desencuentro entre protestas y elecciones, planteando que es resultado, por una parte, de constricciones estructurales propias de un sistema político en donde la política electoral no está desligada de la violencia y, por otra, de la incapacidad de la izquierda para generar marcos de acción colectiva capaces de interpelar votantes más allá de las identidades excluyentes de sus distintas tendencias.
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Eberle-Blaylock, Mariana. "Political and economic news during the Argentine crisis of 2000-2002 an agenda-setting analysis of major newspaper coverage /." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001049.
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Ruiz, Maria José Ferreira. "Lutas populares e democratização da escola pública no Estado do Paraná (1983 a 2010) /." Marília, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/104844.
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Orientador: Candido Giraldez Vieitez<br>Banca: Ileizi Luciana Fiorelli Silva<br>Banca: Tais Moura Tavares<br>Banca: Neusa Maria Dal Ri<br>Banca: Tânia Suely Antonelli Marcelino Brabo<br>Resumo: O objeto do estudo são as lutas populares pela escola pública e gratuita e pela gestão democrática. Para analisar estas lutas abordamos dois segmentos de trabalhadores: os trabalhadores professores e os trabalhadores pobres moradores de bairros periféricos das cidades. A década de 1980 foi um marco nas lutas populares pela redemocratização do país. Estas lutas se desdobraram, na sequência, em diferentes áreas. Em relação às lutas pela educação, encontramos indícios de que, mesmo em condições profissionais e sociais diferentes, a luta dos trabalhadores da educação e dos trabalhadores moradores de bairros confluiu para a mesma proposição: a defesa persistente da escola pública e gratuita. A luta dos docentes desdobrou-se, ainda, na luta pela conquista da gestão democrática e contra a hierarquia e a burocracia nas escolas. O estudo abordou as seguintes problemáticas: O que impulsionou trabalhadores tão distintos a chegarem a formulações tão semelhantes para a educação? Quais as especificidades e as confluências nas lutas pela educação encetadas por esses trabalhadores? Houve unidade nas lutas destes trabalhadores distintos, ao menos, uma movimentação minimamente equivalente, ou a luta dos professores ocorreu à margem da luta dos trabalhadores moradores de bairros? Quais encaminhamentos foram utilizados nestas lutas? O estudo teve por objetivo geral analisar as lutas dos trabalhadores pela escola pública e gratuita e pela gestão democrática, entre os anos de 1983 a 2010, no Estado do Paraná. Buscamos, em relação aos objetivos específicos: analisar os processos de luta pela educação dos docentes e dos trabalhadores moradores de bairros pobres, no Estado do Paraná; verificar a conjuntura política no processo da luta pela instauração da eleição direta para diretores escolares no Paraná; analisar o processo de implementação dos conselhos... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)<br>Abstract: The object of the study is the popular struggles for free public schools and its democratic management. To analyze these struggles we have addressed two segments of workers: the teachers and the poor workers living in the suburbs. The 1980s was a boundary in popular struggles for redemocratization of the country. Then these struggles have taken different paths in different areas. In relation to the struggles for education, we found evidence that, even in different social and professional, the struggle of education workers and workers living in the suburbs came together for the same proposition: a persistent defense of free public schools. The teachers' struggle was still in favor of the conquest of the democratic management and against hierarchy and bureaucracy in schools. The study addressed the following issues: What drove such unlike workers to reach such similar formulations for education? What are the specificities and convergences in the struggle for education undertaken by these workers? Was there unity in the struggles of these different workers, at least a minimum equivalency movement, or the struggle of teachers ran outside the suburban workers' struggle? What referrals were used in these struggles? The study aimed at analyzing the struggles of workers for public and free school and for democratic management, between 1983 and 2010, in the State of Paraná, Brazil. We sought, concerning to the specific objectives: to analyze the processes of struggle for education of teachers and poor suburban workers in the state of Paraná; to check the political process in the struggle for establishment of direct election for school directors in Paraná; to analyze the implementation process of the school councils in Parana public schools; and, finally, to examine the workers' struggle for conquest, for access and improvements in public schools in a particular... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)<br>Doutor
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van, Luijk Nicolien. "The 2010 Winter Olympic Games: (re)framing protest." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31134.
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Previous research has shown that the organization of Olympic Games has had a negative impact on the civil liberties of host communities, including the right to peaceful protest (Lenskyj, 2002). The purpose of this research was to examine how individuals participating in anti-Olympic events (re)framed the right to protest in public space during the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympic Games. Three research questions guided the study, (i) what are protestor perspectives on how Olympic organizers are framing this issue (ii) how are protestors re-framing the issue, and (iii) what is their assessment of the challenges encountered?
The basis of my theoretical framework is the notion that space is socially constructed and that different actors continuously contest the use of public space (Lefebvre, 1991). In the context of the Olympic Games the use of public space is protected by the dominant actors (e.g., Olympic organizers) and challenged by subordinate actors in the organizational field, in this case those protesting against the Games. This study also drew on the theoretical concepts of institutional logics and framing processes from the Organizational Studies and the Social Movement Theory literature respectively (McAdam & Scott, 2005). These concepts are used to describe the cognitive processes that shaped the behaviours of Olympic organizers and protest participants in relation to the right to protest in public space.
The study involved observations of fifteen anti-Olympic events, one-on-one interviews with six protest participants, and an analysis of related documents. The research found that Olympic organizers operated under three major logics of Olympism, security, and sport and nationalism, which framed protestors in ways that delegitimized their perspectives and limited their access to public space. Protest participants re-framed organizer logics by utilizing civil liberties and corporatization as counter-logics to legitimize their right to be present in public spaces during the Games. While the re-framing engaged in by protestors provided some success, the findings suggest that the dominant logics of the Games maintained long-term power and control over spatial practices. The aim of this study was to fill a gap in the existing critical Olympic literature by examining perspectives of protest participants‟ first-hand.
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Shi, Huangao. "Target-contingent protest : repertoires of labor contention in reform China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1007.
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Sullivan, Heather Huber Evelyne. "Political opening and tactical change Mexican protest, 1964-2000 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,897.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Gravitte, Amy, Jen Kintner, Stacy Brown, Benjamin Kennard, Allison Cobble, and Jennifer Hall. "Estrogen treatment protects mice from C. muridarum infection." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/asrf/2021/presentations/16.
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Chlamydia is the most commonly reported sexually transmitted infection in the US, with an estimated 4 million new cases in 2018 alone. In addition to humans, Chlamydia infects other animals including mice, and mice have become a popular model for the study of Chlamydia infection. Female sex hormones (FSH) estrogen (E2) and progesterone (P4) rise and fall in a cyclic fashion in both humans and mice, and it is well established that these hormones affect the establishment and progression of genital chlamydial infection. Prior studies that used a co-culture model of human endometrial epithelial cells (IK cells) grown on extracellular matrix-coated inserts over human stromal cells (SHT cells) showed that E2 treatment enhanced initial chlamydial infection and production of progeny Chlamydia compared to hormone free (HF), P4 or combination E2’E2/P4 treatment. This led to the hypothesis that the treatment of ovariectomized (OVX) mice with E2 would enhance chlamydial infection compared to mice treated with no hormone, P4, or a combination of E2 and P4. We ordered OVX mice from Jackson Laboratories and surgically implanted silastic capsules that contained E2, P4, E2/P4, or no hormone diluted in sesame oil. A gas chromatography method was developed to test E2 and P4 concentration in mouse serum, ensuring that hormone levels were physiologically relevant. 8 days after the implantation of the capsules, mice were vaginally-inoculated with C. muridarum¸ a chlamydial species that mimics human chlamydial infection in mice. Every 3 days post infection (pi), for 21 days, we vaginally swabbed mice to determine how much C. muridarum each mouse shed and created a graphical representation of chlamydial shedding. A subset of mice were sacrificed on day 10pi so that presence and identity of immune cells could be analyzed by flow cytometry. Surprisingly, E2 alone and E2/P4 treatment completely protected mice from chlamydial infection. HF-treated mice peaked in chlamydial shedding on day 3pi, and P4-treated mice peaked on day 9pi. Flow cytometry data showed that E2-treated mice had a significantly reduced T cell presence in the genital tract. Thus far, our data suggest that FSH affect chlamydial infection in mice differently than in humans. This observation could have important implications for a field that is heavily reliant on murine studies.
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Sitthi, Khajornsak. "Protest, participation and profits : the Redshirt movement in Thailand, 2010-2016." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/19359/.
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This thesis examines the Redshirt movement in Thailand between 2010 and 2016. Challenging Bangkok-centric and top-down analyses, the thesis attempts to provide a critical explanation of the Redshirt movement from the perspective of Redshirt local leaders and supporters. The thesis shows that after the severe 2010 military crackdown, the Redshirt movement shifted their orientation to Isan — the Redshirts’ stronghold and a territory with a long history of resistance against the Thai nation-state. The original contributions of the thesis rest on its systematic study of the Redshirt movement based on the use of primary and secondary documents and extensive fieldwork, including participant observation and numerous interviews with Redshirt leaders and villagers in three major Isan provinces, namely Udonthani, Khonkaen and Ubonratchathani. The core chapters of this thesis demonstrates that the Redshirt village movement emerging in late 2010 provided a new mechanism to revitalise the Redshirt movement which had undergone a leadership and morale crisis. Redshirt villagers had continued their challenges against the traditional elites by protesting for participation in Thai politics, characterised by political equality and electoral rights, but also protesting against political injustice, especially for Redshirt political prisoners. Most importantly, the Redshirts reinvented the movement by changing their strategies from street rallies in Bangkok to territory control in the provinces. However, the thesis argues that the emergence of Redshirt villages critically revealed existing cleavages within the red camp, and further generated conflicts with other Redshirt factions. Redshirt protesters are rich, if finite, political resources with which various different Redshirt factions and political entrepreneurs attempted to engage. Such internal conflicts revolved around leadership contention, mobilisation competition and quasi-ideology contestation. The thesis argues that these internal conflicts explain why the Redshirt movement, despite its massive size and sophistication in terms of members, areas and methods of mobilisation, has not been able to achieve their demands and to pose resolute and resilient challenges against the traditional political establishment. As succinctly evidenced in the absence of the Redshirts’ demonstration against the military junta in the post-2014 coup period, the thesis concludes that unless the movement is overhauled to address such internal conflicts, the Redshirts will unlikely be able to reunite the movement or pose resolute and resilient challenges against their opponents.
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Oakes, Kenneth Ray. "The positive protest Karl Barth on theology and philosophy /." Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=24845.
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Rohlsson, Cornelia. "Politiska aktivisters användande av sociala medier : En fallstudie på demonstrationerna i Hong Kong 2019-2020." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-42508.
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The study examines the influence of social media during the demonstrations in Hong Kong 2019-2020, focusing on how young political activists make use of social media, what their attitudes are towards the forums and whether the increased use shows some positive and/or negative effects. The study uses a qualitative method where the empirical material is obtained through semi-structured interviews. An interview guide was created and then nine interviews were conducted, eight of which were used in the study. The results are analyzed on the basis of an analytical framework developed from previous research and theories on how media is used. The study uses Jay G. Blumler, Michael Gurevitch and Elihu Katz’s theory Uses and Gratification, as well as Jan Van Dijk’s theory of network and information societies. The results show that the political activists mainly use social media for the sake of information, as a means of communicating mobilization strategies, updating each other on events, and for encouragement and motivation around the importance of the movement. They all have great respect for what they share on social media, but the attitude is partly that they must spread political messages in order to reach a global audience. The study also shows that the increased use of social media brings both negative and positive effects.
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Chen, Yen-Hsin. "Protests in China: Why and Which Chinese People Go to the Street?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984256/.
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This research seeks to answer why and which Chinese people go to the street to protest. I argue that different sectors of Chinese society differ from each other regarding their tendencies to participate in protest. In addition to their grievances, the incentives to participate in protest and their capacities to overcome the collective action problem all needed to be taken into account. Using individual level data along with ordinary binary logistic regression and multilevel logistic regression models, I first compare the protest participation of workers and peasants and find that workers are more likely than peasants to participate in protests in the context of contemporary China. I further disaggregate the working class into four subtypes according to the ownership of the enterprises they work for. I find that workers of township and village enterprises are more likely than workers of state-owned enterprises to engage in protest activities, while there is no significant difference between the workers of domestic privately owned enterprises and the workers of foreign-owned enterprises regarding their protest participation. Finally, I find that migrant workers, which refers to peasants who move to urban areas in search of jobs, are less likely than urban registered workers to participate in protests.<br>ix, 193 pages
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Wei, Lising L. "Protest Art and Urban Renewal in Taiwan: Convivial Combats from 2010-2013." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1417722721.
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Hensby, Alexander Richard. "Exploring participation and non-participation in the 2010/11 student protests against fees and cuts." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9855.
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This research project uses the 2010/11 student protests in the UK as a case study to understand why certain individuals mobilise for forms of political participation and activism and why others do not. The student protests are ideal as a case study of participation and non-participation for a number of reasons. The UK Government’s proposal to treble the cap tuition fees for students in England represented an issue of widespread grievance for the student population, a grievance which was compounded for many by the Liberal Democrats’ decision to u-turn on its 2010 election campaign pledge. The student response featured large-scale regional and national demonstrations, as well as the formation of a network of simultaneous campus occupations across the UK, arguably presenting a greater scale and diversity of protest than had been seen for a generation. Despite these multiple participatory opportunities, however, student participation did not come close to matching the scale of opposition to trebled fees and university funding cuts as articulated in surveys. This raises fundamental questions about the social and political differences between participants and non-participants. Using original survey data of students from 22 UK universities, and 56 in-depth interviews with students from 6 universities, this research examines social and political patterns and relations between high, medium and low-cost/risk participants, and non-participants. Taking into account the idea of the university campus as a network of actors, the research posits that networks may preclude as well as facilitate participation. The research studies in detail the formation and maintenance of student activism networks – including their collective identifications and dis-identifications. Conversely, the study also looks at the social networks of non-participants, and how these may help to socially produce and sustain non-participation at an agency level. Finally, the research considers whether the protests against fees and cuts should be seen as a unified movement, and whether student attitudes taken together reveal a broadly-identifiable ‘participatory ideal’.
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Kazlauskas, Arunas. "Regulation of dioxin receptor function by the Hsp90 chaperone complex /." Stockholm, 2002. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2002/91-7349-176-4.
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Sandberg, Magnus. "Sox proteins and neurogenesis." Stockholm, 2010. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2010/978-91-7409-873-0/.
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Wang, Qian. "p53 functional loss by mutation and p53 antagonizing proteins during tumor development /." Stockholm, 2000. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2000/20000525wang/.
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Jormsjö-Pettersson, Sofia. "Matrix degrading proteases in vascular disease /." Stockholm, 2002. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2002/91-7349-387-2/.
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Padua, Danilo Destro. "Que se vayan todos! : Piqueteros e a agenda neoliberal na Argentina (1989-2001)." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/278670.
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Orientador: Jose Alves de Freitas Neto<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T15:32:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2009<br>Resumo: Este trabalho faz uma análise das transformações políticas ocorridas na Argentina no período de 1989-2001. Ocorreram mudanças no movimento peronista e na condução da política econômica no período da ditadura militar (1976-1983) e governo de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) que foram se aprofundando durante o governo de Carlos Menem. Essas mutações se relacionam com o surgimento do movimento dos piqueteros e novas formas de ação política da sociedade Argentina que tiveram seu auge durante as jornadas da chamada crise de 2001.<br>Abstract: Not informed.<br>Mestrado<br>Historia Cultural<br>Mestre em História
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Castro, Camila Penna de. "Protesto social no Brasil e na Argentina : um estudo dos repertórios de ação entre 2000 e 2005." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2009. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/4290.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciência Política, Programa de Pós-Graduação, 2009.<br>Submitted by Allan Wanick Motta (allan_wanick@hotmail.com) on 2010-03-03T19:19:57Z
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Previous issue date: 2009<br>O objetivo da pesquisa é estudar os repertórios de protesto no Brasil e na Argentina entre 2000 e 2005 com vistas a demonstrar como sua construção e evolução estão relacionadas às formas pelas quais os agentes do protesto interagem com o Estado. O trabalho se focaliza na interação entre o Estado brasileiro e o Estado argentino com o movimento piquetero e o MST, respectivamente. O processo interativo é estudado, em um primeiro momento, a partir de conceitos como oportunidades políticas e policiamento. E em um segundo momento a partir da análise de conteúdo das falas emitidas por representantes do Estado nos dois países e de líderes dos movimentos sociais referidos com vistas a observar as formas de enquadramento que estes atores fazem dos repertórios de ação e de si próprios dentro do campo do protesto. _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT<br>The research aims at studying protest repertoires in Brazil and Argentine between 2000 and 2005 with the purpose of showing how its construction and evolution are related to the forms by which the protest agents interact with the state. The research focuses on interaction between the Brazilian and Argentine states and MST and piqueteros movement, respectively. Interaction process is studied in one hand through the concepts of political opportunities and policing protest. And in the other hand through de content analysis of speech acts from representatives of both states and from those social movement’s leaderships in Brazil and Argentine. The content analysis aims at observing the frames these agents make of protest repertoires and of themselves in the protest field.
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Vasara, Tuija. "Functional analysis of the RHOIII and 14-3-3 proteins of Trichoderma reesei /." Espoo [Finland] : Technical Research Centre of Finland, 2002. http://www.vtt.fi/inf/pdf/publications/2002/P466.pdf.
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Bentlage, Björn. "Protest im Anzug - der Ägyptische Richterclub und der Konflikt mit dem Justizministerium : 2000 - 2007 /." Hamburg [i.e.] Schenefeld EB-Verl, 2008. http://d-nb.info/990340821/04.
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Hoja, Mary-Rose. "Proteins influencing the integrity of meiotic chromosome dynamics /." Stockholm, 2002. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2002/91-7349-269-8/.
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Hassabo, Chaymaa. "La stabilité du régime Moubarak à l'épreuve d'une "situation de succession prolongée" : les limites de la consolidation autoritaire : un état des lieux politique de la période 2002-2010." Thesis, Grenoble, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012GRENH001.
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Cette thèse porte sur les dernières années du pouvoir de Moubarak, et tente de se situer en dehors des théorisations politiques dominantes qui ont eu trop souvent tendance à qualifier le régime égyptien comme étant stable. La période sélectionnée (2002 – 2010) est pertinente afin de réinterroger cette stabilité puisque cette « séquence » de l'évolution du régime de Hosni Moubarak permet de mettre l'accent sur les différentes mutations et interactions qui se produisent au sein du système politique, et qui remettent en question l'idée de stabilité, ou encore celle de la « consolidation autoritaire » (Camau, 2005). La problématique centrale de cette thèse cherche à montrer à travers une observation des dynamiques créées, par l'entrée en politique de Gamal Moubarak, en d'autres termes l'irruption d'une « situation de succession » prolongée, comment se recompose la scène oppositionnelle, comment se redéfinissent les « libéralisations » ou encore, comment se mettent en œuvre les protestations. Ainsi, cette thèse vise à mettre en évidence les facteurs dérangeant la stabilité du régime de Moubarak, en d'autres termes, à tester les limites de la « consolidation autoritaire » lorsque celle-ci concorde avec une « situation de succession ». Ce travail de recherche a été alimenté par une réflexion autour de certaines contradictions entre les observations empiriques (l'enquête de terrain) et les cadres théoriques dominants de la recherche politologique sur l'Égypte qui, grosso modo, reflétaient une stabilité du régime Moubarak. Il se situe en dehors de ces approches dans la mesure où la construction de mon objet d'étude s'est déroulée au-delà des axes sur-étudiés, et autour d'axes sous-étudiés. En d'autres termes, ce travail place le curseur loin d'une focalisation sur le régime et ses stratégies, sur la dichotomisation de la scène politique entre le Parti national démocrate (le parti dirigeant depuis la fin des années 1970) et les Frères musulmans, et s'éloigne d'une trame qui considère ces derniers comme étant les seuls acteurs politiques qui comptent. En effet, cette recherche a voulu mettre en évidence le rôle des acteurs de la politique contestataire, leur impact sur la transformation du régime, mais aussi la capacité des mouvements contestataires de produire des « générations politiques » de jeunes militants qui se positionnent en dehors du spectre de la « stabilité ». Autrement dit, en portant l'attention sur des terrains négligés, comme ceux de la protestation, ainsi que les acteurs qui y ont recours, cette thèse cherche à mettre en évidence les facteurs de déstabilisation, aussi limités soient-ils, qui sont apparus dans la gestion par le régime politique de certaines situations ou lors de certains événements durant la période étudiée ; facteurs de déstabilisation gênants pour la stabilité du régime, et observables autour de terrains électoraux, mais surtout protestataires<br>This thesis deals with Mubarak's last years in power, using an approach that is distinct from mainstream political theories that have too frequently qualified the Egyptian regime as stable. The selected period (2002-2010) is particularly relevant for reconsidering the regime's stability. This phase in the evolution of the Mubarak regime was one of multiple transformations and interactions which occurred within the political system, questioning the idea of stability or of “authoritarian consolidation”(Camau, 2005). Through observation of the dynamics initiated by Gamal Mubarak's entry onto the political scene – i.e. the emergence of a prolonged “succession phase” – the main focus of this thesis is to demonstrate how the oppositional scene has evolved, how “liberalisation” has been redefined, and how protests have been carried out. Thus, this thesis aims to highlight the factors that disturbed the stability of the Mubarak regime, and thereby, to test the limits of “authoritarian consolidation” when it is coupled with a succession phase. This research has been fuelled by reflection about certain contradictions between empirical observations made through fieldwork, and the mainstream theories of political science research on Egypt, which have stressed the stability of the Mubarak regime. My approach is differentiated from these theories, as it is based on under-used research orientations, not dominant, frequently-used ones. Thus, the focus of this thesis is not on the regime and its strategies, or the bipolarization of the political arena, between the ruling National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood, and it does not rely on a framework in which these two political protagonists are treated as the only ones that matter. Instead, emphasis is given to analysis of the role of actors of protest politics, their impact on the transformation of the regime, as well as protest movements' ability to produce “political generations” of young activists positioned outside the spectrum of “stability.” By focusing attention on neglected arenas, such as that of protest, and their protagonists, this thesis highlights the destabilizing factors – as limited as they may be – which appeared during particular events or in the context of regime management of certain situations, between 2002 and 2010. These destabilizing factors, which proved to be a hindrance to the maintenance of regime stability, were observed in connection with the electoral field, but also specifically in the protest field
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Thullberg, Minna. "The cell cycle regulators p15, p16, p18 and p19 : functions and regulation during normal cell cycle and in multistep carcinogenesis /." Stockholm, 2000. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2000/91-628-4432-6/.
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de, Assis Oliveira Francisca. "Um estudo sobre a historiografia da música popular brasileira: 1961-2000." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2003. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/7770.
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Previous issue date: 2003<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>Este trabalho, que se encontra na linha de um debate historiográfico, procura mostrar o ponto
de vista de estudiosos da música popular brasileira, focalizada na década de 60 e nos
movimentos musicais Bossa Nova, Canção de Protesto e Tropicalismo. Além disso,
sistematiza as obras selecionadas em autores com uma formação intelectual fora do campo de
conhecimento da História e Ciências Sociais e autores com formação nestas duas áreas.
Também trabalha com um exemplo da música popular brasileira desse período, centrado em
Geraldo Vandré. Toda essa discussão, está apoiada no pensamento de Schopenhauer, Adorno
e Hobsbawm, sobre música num sentido geral e sobre a música popular e a indústria cultural.
Finalmente, procura-se ressaltar os diferentes olhares sobre os três movimentos musicais,
dentro do contexto da música popular como um todo, tendo em vista as diferentes formação
intelectual e áreas de conhecimento. Também analisa algumas composições de Vandré e tenta
organizar idéias no sentido de desmitificar o mito Vandré
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An, Zhengwen. "Integrin-interacting proteins in human cancer progression." Stockholm, 2010. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2010/978-91-7409-877-8/.
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Thyboll, Jill. "Biological roles of laminins 8, 9 and 10 /." Stockholm, 2002. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2002/91-7349-230-2.
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Tegmark, Wisell Karin. "Regulation of virulence gene expression in Staphylococcus aureus /." Stockholm : [Karolinska Univ. Press], 2000. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2000/91-89428-01-3/.
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García-Jiménez, Angela. "G-proteins and adenylyl cyclase in Alzheimer's disease postmortem brain /." Stockholm : [Karolinska institutets bibl.], 2002. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2002/91-7349-103-9.
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Cárcamo, Obando Jorge Daniel. "Codificación Política de la Demanda Estudiantil-Secundaria durante la Administración Gubernamental de Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010)." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2014. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/135905.
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Magíster en Análisis Sistémico Aplicado a la Sociedad<br>Se presentará una investigación enfocada en la relación acontecida entre el aparato estatal y el movimiento estudiantil-secundario, durante los años 2006 y 2010. Para ello, la tesis posee su punto de observación en la trayectoria de la demanda social a través de los informes generados por el Consejo Asesor Presidencial para la Educación, y posteriormente, en la resultante Ley General de Educación. La metodología empleada radica en la utilización de un análisis de contenido temático, que se articula con un enfoque conceptual fundamentado en la teoría de sistemas propuesta por el sociólogo alemán Niklas Luhmann
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Flygare, Jenny. "Expression and regulation of Rad51 in human cells /." Stockholm, 2000. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2000/91-628-4541-1/.
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Popović, Dragan M. "Modeling of conformation and redox potentials of hemes and other cofactors in proteins." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2001. http://www.diss.fu-berlin.de/2002/12/index.html.
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Adedeji, Dolapo A. Duin Evert C. "Isoprenoid synthesis new roles for iron sulfur clusters /." Auburn, Ala., 2007. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/Send%2002-04-08/ADEDEJI_DOLAPO_4.pdf.
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Michaëlsson, Jakob. "Decoding NK cell receptor specificity : functional and structural studies of MHC class 1 subcomponents /." Stockholm : [Karolinska institutets bibl.], 2002. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2002/91-7349-286-8.
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Ruiz, Maria José Ferreira [UNESP]. "Lutas populares e democratização da escola pública no Estado do Paraná (1983 a 2010)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/104844.
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ruiz_mjf_dr_mar.pdf: 1573822 bytes, checksum: b38fdb67e9f7ebd4e4ff621475ce398b (MD5)<br>O objeto do estudo são as lutas populares pela escola pública e gratuita e pela gestão democrática. Para analisar estas lutas abordamos dois segmentos de trabalhadores: os trabalhadores professores e os trabalhadores pobres moradores de bairros periféricos das cidades. A década de 1980 foi um marco nas lutas populares pela redemocratização do país. Estas lutas se desdobraram, na sequência, em diferentes áreas. Em relação às lutas pela educação, encontramos indícios de que, mesmo em condições profissionais e sociais diferentes, a luta dos trabalhadores da educação e dos trabalhadores moradores de bairros confluiu para a mesma proposição: a defesa persistente da escola pública e gratuita. A luta dos docentes desdobrou-se, ainda, na luta pela conquista da gestão democrática e contra a hierarquia e a burocracia nas escolas. O estudo abordou as seguintes problemáticas: O que impulsionou trabalhadores tão distintos a chegarem a formulações tão semelhantes para a educação? Quais as especificidades e as confluências nas lutas pela educação encetadas por esses trabalhadores? Houve unidade nas lutas destes trabalhadores distintos, ao menos, uma movimentação minimamente equivalente, ou a luta dos professores ocorreu à margem da luta dos trabalhadores moradores de bairros? Quais encaminhamentos foram utilizados nestas lutas? O estudo teve por objetivo geral analisar as lutas dos trabalhadores pela escola pública e gratuita e pela gestão democrática, entre os anos de 1983 a 2010, no Estado do Paraná. Buscamos, em relação aos objetivos específicos: analisar os processos de luta pela educação dos docentes e dos trabalhadores moradores de bairros pobres, no Estado do Paraná; verificar a conjuntura política no processo da luta pela instauração da eleição direta para diretores escolares no Paraná; analisar o processo de implementação dos conselhos...<br>The object of the study is the popular struggles for free public schools and its democratic management. To analyze these struggles we have addressed two segments of workers: the teachers and the poor workers living in the suburbs. The 1980s was a boundary in popular struggles for redemocratization of the country. Then these struggles have taken different paths in different areas. In relation to the struggles for education, we found evidence that, even in different social and professional, the struggle of education workers and workers living in the suburbs came together for the same proposition: a persistent defense of free public schools. The teachers’ struggle was still in favor of the conquest of the democratic management and against hierarchy and bureaucracy in schools. The study addressed the following issues: What drove such unlike workers to reach such similar formulations for education? What are the specificities and convergences in the struggle for education undertaken by these workers? Was there unity in the struggles of these different workers, at least a minimum equivalency movement, or the struggle of teachers ran outside the suburban workers’ struggle? What referrals were used in these struggles? The study aimed at analyzing the struggles of workers for public and free school and for democratic management, between 1983 and 2010, in the State of Paraná, Brazil. We sought, concerning to the specific objectives: to analyze the processes of struggle for education of teachers and poor suburban workers in the state of Paraná; to check the political process in the struggle for establishment of direct election for school directors in Paraná; to analyze the implementation process of the school councils in Parana public schools; and, finally, to examine the workers’ struggle for conquest, for access and improvements in public schools in a particular... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Nichols, Bryan Micheal. "Effects of metabolizable protein supplementation and intake on cow production." Thesis, Montana State University, 2010. http://etd.lib.montana.edu/etd/2010/nichols/NicholsB0510.pdf.
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In 2008, two-yr-old Angus and Simmental x Angus pregnant, non-lactating heifers (n = 120, initial BW = 448 ± 36 kg) had individual feed intake determined using a GrowSafe feeding system. Dietary treatments were based on approximately 85% grass hay and 15% supplement. Supplements contained whole soybeans plus corn (102% MP) or dried distillers grains plus soybean meal (119% MP). After 35 d of intake measurement, heifers were placed into adjacent pens and fed their diets for an additional 50 or 82 d. Upon completion of the feeding trial, heifers were transported back to the ranch, managed as a single group, and production data were measured. Level of dietary MP had no effect (P > 0.17) on calf birthweight, adjusted 205-d weight, preweaning ADG, age at weaning, cow BW at calving, proportion of cows cycling at bull exposure, or proportion of cows to conceive. Dry matter intake per unit of BWâ°Â·â·âµ and RFI did not differ because of treatment and had no effect (P > 0.17) on any variables measured. In 2009, 24 of these heifers that had the highest and lowest RFI were selected to be fed a similar diet as in 2008 to determine the correlation of DMI per BWâ°Â·â·âµ and RFI between heifers (2008) and later as cows (2009). Cows were adapted to the diet for 10 d followed by a 70 d trial to determine individual feed intakes and weight gain. Dry matter intake per BWâ°Â·â·âµ was highly correlated (r = 0.71, P < 0.01) between first and second parities, as was residual feed intake (r = 0.83, P < 0.01). For 5 d, fecal samples were collected twice daily and indigestible ADF was used to estimate DM digestibility. Residual feed intake was negatively correlated with DM digestibility (r = -0.51, P = 0.03). Production traits from 2008 were analyzed to determine if cows found to be either high or low RFI in 2009 had similar levels of production. Low and high RFI cows did not differ (P > 0.45) in cow BW at calving, calf birthweight, calf ADG, 205-d weaning weight, or weaning age.
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Fang, Che. "Cytokines, alcohol metabolizing enzymes and stress-inducible ER proteins in alcoholic liver disease /." Stockholm, 2000. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2000/91-628-4160-2/.
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Zaltash, Shahparak. "Pulmonary surfactant proteins B and C : molecular organisation and involvement in respiratory disease /." Stockholm, 2000. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2000/91-628-4571-3/.
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Lindsten, Kristina. "Functional studies of the ubiquitin-proteasome system using GFP-based reporters /." Stockholm, 2002. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2002/91-7349-398-8/.
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Riano-Pachon, Diego Mauricio, Axel Nagel, Jost Neigenfind, et al. "GabiPD : the GABI primary database - a plant integrative "omics" database." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4507/.
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The GABI Primary Database, GabiPD (http:// www.gabipd.org/), was established in the frame of the German initiative for Genome Analysis of the Plant Biological System (GABI). The goal of GabiPD is to collect, integrate, analyze and visualize primary information from GABI projects. GabiPD constitutes a repository and analysis platform for a wide array of heterogeneous data from high-throughput experiments in several plant species. Data from different ‘omics’ fronts are incorporated (i.e. genomics, transcriptomics, proteomics and metabolomics), originating from 14 different model or crop species. We have developed the concept of GreenCards for textbased retrieval of all data types in GabiPD (e.g. clones, genes, mutant lines). All data types point to a central Gene GreenCard, where gene information is integrated from genome projects or NCBI UniGene sets. The centralized Gene GreenCard allows visualizing ESTs aligned to annotated transcripts as well as displaying identified protein domains and gene structure. Moreover, GabiPD makes available interactive genetic maps from potato and barley, and protein 2DE gels from Arabidopsis thaliana and Brassica napus. Gene expression and metabolic-profiling data can be visualized through MapManWeb. By the integration of complex data in a framework of existing knowledge, GabiPD provides new insights and allows for new interpretations of the data.
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Zhuang, Maiting. "Essays on Media and Government in China." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0136.
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Cette thèse se compose de trois articles de recherche empirique sur l'économie politique de la Chine. Le premier chapitre explique pourquoi la censure des médias varie au sein d'un pays autocratique. J'étudie la façon dont les journaux chinois rendent compte des fonctionnaires arrêtés lors de la campagne anti-corruption de Xi Jinping, en rassemblant près de 40,000 articles imprimés et les publications et commentaires correspondants dans les médias sociaux. Je montre que des individus sont plus enclins à rechercher et à commenter sur des fonctionnaires corrompus de leur propre province. Pourtant, malgré un plus grand intérêt des lecteurs, les journaux locaux sous-rapportent les scandales de corruption impliquant des hauts fonctionnaires de leur propre province. Lorsque les journaux rapportent sur la corruption dans leur propre province, ils minimisent ces scandales, en les rendant plus courtes, moins négatives et moins susceptibles de mentionner explicitement la corruption. De même, les journaux municipaux rapportent moins sur la corruption dans leur propre ville que dans d'autres villes de la même province, mais sont plus susceptibles de signaler la corruption au sein de leur gouvernement provincial. Ces résultats illustrent comment les conflits intergouvernementaux peuvent conduire à des stratégies de censure des médias divergentes par différents niveaux de gouvernement. Ce type de censure localisée peut réduire la responsabilité et imputabilité des gouvernements locaux.Le deuxième chapitre examine si les stéréotypes dans les médias de divertissement provoquent un sentiment négatif à l'égard des étrangers. Malgré des liens économiques étroits, le sentiment anti-japonais est élevé en Chine. Je rassemble des informations détaillées sur les émissions de télévision chinoises en 2012 et je documente qu'environ 20 pour cent de toutes les émissions diffusées aux heures de grande écoute étaient des dramatiques historiques qui se sont déroulées pendant l'occupation japonaise de la Chine. Pour identifier l'effet causal des médias, j'exploite les données à haute fréquence et la variation exogène de la probabilité de regarder des series de guerre sino-japonaises en raison des positions des chaînes et de la substitution entre des programmes similaires. Je montre que l'exposition à ces émissions de télévision conduit à une augmentation significative des manifestations antijaponaises et des discours de haine anti-japonais sur les médias sociaux en Chine. Ces effets sont attribuables à des émissions télévisées produites par des entreprises privées plutôt qu'à des émissions produites par l'État.Le troisième chapitre, co-écrit avec Paul Dutronc-Postel, illustre comment les incitations peuvent affecter les choix politiques des bureaucrates. Nous collectons les historiques de carrière des fonctionnaires de toutes les préfectures chinoises entre 1996 et 2014 et nous identifions l'effet causal des incitations en exploitant la variation ex ante du nombre de concurrents. Les cadres avec une cohorte initiale plus petite ont une plus grande probabilité de promotion. Cela les pousse à adopter une stratégie qui repose sur l'investissement immobilier et l'expropriation des terres rurales, et ce qui se traduit par une croissance plus rapide de la construction et du PIB. Nous présentons des preuves suggestives que les mêmes incitations entraînent une baisse des investissements dans des biens publics. Nous montrons que les expropriations de terres sont associées à des résultats négatifs pour les personnes expropriées, à des arrestations ultérieures de fonctionnaires locaux et à l'émergence de villes fantômes<br>This thesis consists of three empirical research papers on the political economy of China. The first chapter studies how conflict within an autocratic elite affects media content, while the second chapter shows how media content can in turn influence public opinion. The third chapter analyses the motivation and behaviour of individuals as they rise up the autocratic hierarchy.Chapter 1 offers an explanation for why media censorship varies within an autocratic country. I study how Chinese newspapers report about officials caught during Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption campaign, by collecting close to 40,000 articles in print and the corresponding social media posts and comments. I show that individuals are significantly more likely to search for and comment on news about corrupt officials from their own province. Yet, despite greater reader interest, local newspapers underreport corruption scandals involving high-level officials from their own province. Underreporting is greater when a newspaper does not rely on advertising revenue and a corrupt official is well connected. When newspapers do report on high-level corruption at home, they deemphasise these stories, by making them shorter, less negative and less likely to explicitly mention corruption. Similarly, city-level newspapers report less about corruption in their own city relative to other cities in the same province, but are more likely to report corruption within their provincial government than corresponding provincial newspapers. These results illustrate how intergovernmental conflict within an autocracy can lead to diverging media censorship strategies by different levels of government. I present suggestive evidence that this type of localised censorship can reduce the accountability of local governments.Chapter 2 investigates whether stereotypes in entertainment media promote negative sentiment against foreigners. Despite close economic ties, anti-Japanese sentiment is high in China. I assemble detailed information on Chinese TV broadcasts during 2012 and document that around 20 percent of all TV shows aired during prime time were historical TV dramas set during the Japanese occupation of China during World War II. To identify the causal effect of media on sentiment, I exploit high-frequency data and exogenous variation in the likelihood of viewing Sino-Japanese war dramas due to channel positions and substitution between similar programmes. I show that exposure to these TV shows lead to a significant increase in anti-Japanese protests and anti-Japanese hate speech on social media across China. These effects are driven by privately rather than state-produced TV shows.Chapter 3, co-authored with Paul Dutronc-Postel, illustrates how career incentives can affect bureaucrats' policy choices. We collect data on the career histories of the top bureaucrats of all Chinese prefectures between 1996 and 2014 and identify the causal effect of career incentives by exploiting variation in the ex ante competitiveness of promotions. Bureaucrats with a smaller starting cohort have a greater likelihood of promotion. This incentivises them to adopt a strategy that relies on real estate investment and rural land expropriation, resulting in faster growth in construction and GDP. We present suggestive evidence that the same incentives result in lower investment in education, public transport and health. We corroborate our findings using survey and remote sensing data, and show that land expropriations are associated with adverse outcomes for expropriated individuals, with subsequent arrests of local officials, and with the emergence of "ghost cities"
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Bengtsson, Luiza. "Novel integral membrane proteins of the inner nuclear membrane characterization of LUMA native LAP 2b [twobeta] complexes /." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2002. http://www.diss.fu-berlin.de/2002/100/index.html.
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Ware, Ryan T. "An analysis of two layers of encryption to protect network traffic." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FWare.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Computer Science)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Dinolt, George ; Second Reader: Guild, Jennifer. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 15, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: encryption, computer security, network security, architecture, fault tree analysis, defense-in-depth Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-77). Also available in print.