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Journal articles on the topic '2020 protests'
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1
Piatakov, Andrei. "Chilean and French Social Protests of 2018‒2020: A Comparative Analysis." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (2020): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020119128.
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The article provides a comparative analysis of the Chilean protests, which began in 2019 and the Yellow Vests actions, which had started a year earlier. In the 2019 global protest wave, the Chilean and French social crises have some unique characteristics, which include the sustainability of protest activity and the advancement of fundamental demands going beyond the current problems. The author analyzes both protests’ interaction and their impact on each other. Several similarities of both protests revealed: lack of political leadership; the horizontal format of movements built upon the network principle; their remoteness from leading political parties, that is, the non-partisan nature of protests; all-national scale, etc. Chilean rallies were more radical in its nature involving a higher number of participants with a broader social base. The author explains difference in the protests’ political orientation: the left agenda dominated in Chile, while in France the movement was meta-ideological (neither right nor left). The author concludes that in Chile the protest was more mature and managed to achieve more significant results such as the constitutional reform.
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Artiukh, Volodymyr. "The Anatomy of Impatience: Exploring Factors behind 2020 Labor Unrest in Belarus." Slavic Review 80, no. 1 (2021): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.26.
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The wave of labor unrest that accompanied Belarusian post-election protests had no precedents in the country's independent history or recent post-Soviet political protest mobilizations. These protests challenge the prevalent trend in the current literature on the post-Soviet working class to stress its weakness in terms of organization, as well as structural and material resources. This article relies on a database of workplace-related protest events (August 10–September 30) and a selection of statements, interviews, and social media discussions among participants of the protests, in order to explain this unexpected activation of the seemingly passive Belarusian working class. The author hypothesizes that it was the vagueness of the Belarusian opposition's ideology and workers’ participation in the broader protest movement that helped them overcome the challenges of suppressed voice, bureaucratic despotism, and atomization. These mobilizing factors, however, limit the further development of autonomous labor organizations and their democratizing impact.
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Brodovskaya, E., E. Nikulin, and M. Davydova. "Mass political protests in the Republic of Belarus in summer-autumn 2020: causes, social base, digital infrastructure." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 1 (2021): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-1-23-35.
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The article presents the results of a study of the causes, social base and digital infrastructures of mass political protest in the Republic of Belarus in the summer-autumn of 2020. When implementing the study, the authors relied on two key methods: automated social and media analysis and cognitive mapping. Internet content was uploaded via the IQBuzz automated social media monitoring service. As a result, a dataset was compiled, including 700 thousand messages from 30 major social media. Within the framework of the study, a social and media analysis was carried out in three areas: the pro-government agenda, the opposition agenda – elections and the opposition agenda. In the case under consideration, the growth of interest and the inclusion of a female audience in information flows on protest topics in social media is recorded. This can be directly linked to the inclusion in the list of triggers of mass protest: victimhood, violence, and women's participation, which elicits an emotional response based on feelings of solidarity and empathy. In addition, the authors note that mass protests in the Republic of Belarus are characterized by an adult social-media and offline audience. The experience of Belarus has demonstrated the transit in the context of protest moderators: from public opinion leaders to social networks that allow not only to broadcast information about the protests, but also to form specific instructions with an action plan for the protesters. Informal opinion leaders become a tool for attracting attention, but the protest is moderated by social networks. All these trends demonstrate a change in approaches to the organization and management of protest actions, which affects their stability and the degree of manageability. Hence, this work allows us to establish a new reality of political and civil protests, which will show why traditional methods of neutralizing protest activity do not work in the current reality, which later becomes one of the reasons for revising the classic tools in leveling protest actions and the effects that they create.
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Fomicheva, Elena A. "Reasons and Typological Features of Public Protests in Thailand in 2020." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (48) (2020): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-3-3-48-156-166.
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The author sets the task to try to understand the causes and specifics of mass and prolonged student street anti-government demonstrations in Thailand in 2020. The paper attempts to identify the actors and goals of the protests, examines the organizational features of the movement and the evolution of the students’ demands. The author also seeks to understand what the behind-the-scenes engines of the protest movement can be and what forces can benefit from them.
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Zhang, Zhiran, Dexuan Sha, Beidi Dong, et al. "Spatiotemporal Patterns and Driving Factors on Crime Changing During Black Lives Matter Protests." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 9, no. 11 (2020): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi9110640.
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The death of George Floyd has brought a new wave of 2020 Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests into U.S. cities. Protests happened in a few cities accompanied by reports of violence over the first few days. The protests appear to be related to rising crime. This study uses newly collected crime data in 50 U.S. cities/counties to explore the spatiotemporal crime changes under BLM protests and to estimate the driving factors of burglary induced by the BLM protest. Four spatial and statistic models were used, including the Average Nearest Neighbor (ANN), Hotspot Analysis, Least Absolute Shrinkage, and Selection Operator (LASSO), and Binary Logistic Regression. The results show that (1) crime, especially burglary, has risen sharply in a few cities/counties, yet heterogeneity exists across cities/counties; (2) the volume and spatial distribution of certain crime types changed under BLM protest, the activity of burglary clustered in certain regions during protests period; (3) education, race, demographic, and crime rate in 2019 are related with burglary changes during BLM protests. The findings from this study can provide valuable information for ensuring the capabilities of the police and governmental agencies to deal with the evolving crisis.
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Astakhova, S. "Belarus: Political Situation around the Presidential Election – 2020." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2020): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2020-3-9-24.
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The elections of the President of Belarus were held on August 9, 2020. According to official reports the current President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko won them in the first round of voting. The election campaign was extremely tense. Throughout it, protest moods were growing in the Belarusian society. The reason for the mass protests was distrust of the electoral system of the Republic. The harsh actions of law enforcement agencies to disperse demonstrators caused an outraged reaction in the Belarusian society, which led to an increase in protest activity. After Lukashenko's appeal on August 17, 2020 to workers at enterprises that went on strike, civil society activity declined – the transfer of power did not take place. The development of the situation in the future largely depends on the position that the newly elected President Lukashenko will take.
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Ockey, James. "Thailand in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (2021): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.115.
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In 2020, attention in Thailand focused on the pandemic and on political protest. After some early missteps Thailand managed the pandemic well, eliminating community transmission with a strong curfew, essentially a lockdown, and effective tracking and tracing. Yet the economic impact on Thailand’s tourism-dependent economy will continue into 2021. The pandemic interrupted student-led protests against a regime they considered undemocratic, in the wake of the dissolution of the opposition Future Forward Party. After the pandemic was brought under control, the demonstrations resumed, with students demanding constitutional amendments (already under consideration by the parliament), the resignation of the prime minister, and the dissolution of parliament. They added unprecedented calls for reform of Thailand’s monarchy. Students argued that reforms designed to fully remove the monarchy from politics would increase respect for the institution. But there were concerns that violence between students and royalists or security forces might ensue.
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Butorov, Aleksei Sergeevich, and Viktor Vyacheslavovich Bulkin. "Youth participation in socio-political life of the U.S. in 2020." Мировая политика, no. 1 (January 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.1.35166.
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The object of the research is the participation of American youth in socio-political life of the country in 2020. The authors consider the main prerequisites and processes of youth participation in protests. The article contains the review and analysis of the most significant reasons of youth participation in protests. The authors study the growth of protest sentiment in the U.S. as a result of the recent escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural conflicts strengthened by the range of political, ethnic, and race factors and the COVID-19 pandemic. Special attention is given to the analysis of the role and importance of youth participation in the presidential election campaign in 2020, and the peculiarities of the influence of social media on the involvement of youth into the election process and protest movement. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that the role of youth is socio-political life in the U.S. in the context of the escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural processes, aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic, hasn’t been studied sufficiently enough in Russian academic discourse. The main conclusion of the research is as follows: the growth of protest sentiment in the U.S. is the result of the recent escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural conflicts aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is obvious that the role of youth in the modern political life in the U.S. will keep steadily growing.  
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Nagornyak, Kirill Ivanovich. "Activity of Opposition Telegram Channels and Behavioral Factor of Google Users as a Research Method for Analyzing the Protests in Belarus in 2020." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (2021): 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-1-60-77.
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The protests in the Republic of Belarus in August-November 2020 have been studied in article on the basis of data from Telegram Analytics and Google Trends, based on structural and functional analysis and a network approach, have been studied. A method of determining the cycles of protest activity is proposed, according to which Belarusian events can be divided into weekly periods. Specified protests are denoted as a network revolution - a state coup technology based on the concept of isolating the pillars of support for the political regime - he consistent paralysis of the states protection and management bodies, as well as the use of Internet resources for the mobilization, communication and coordination of protesters. The organizers of the network revolution have planned two options for the development of the state coup. The first one is the creation of a permanent hotbed of protests in the center of the capital and the gradual isolation of the pillars of support of the regime. The second one is holding a series of decentralized actions followed by consolidation and formation of a permanent hotbed of protests in the center of the capital and major cities. The experience of the events in Belarus showed that if the pillars of support for the regime are maintained, namely the bodies of state management and the institutions of internal protection of the Interior Ministry, the KGB, protests subside on the second week of protests.
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Kochel, Tammy Rinehart. "Protest policing by black police officers: double marginality and collateral consequences." Policing: An International Journal 43, no. 4 (2020): 659–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-02-2020-0031.
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PurposeDrawing from representative bureaucracy theory, hiring minority police officers has been a perpetual reform recommendation for improving tense police-community relationships with minority communities since the 1960s. The expectation is that minority officers will provide active/symbolic representation, but little is known about minority officers' experiences during racially tense situations. This paper examines whether black officers experienced double marginality in the context of prolonged protests against police in Ferguson, MO in 2014 and compares black vs. nonblack officers' self-assessments about their preparedness to handle the crisis, procedural justice during the crisis and mental and emotional effects on officers following protest policing.Design/methodology/approachIn-depth interviews with 45 police personnel who policed the Ferguson protests provide a rich description of the context and experiences through the lens of police officers. Surveys of 218 officers who conducted protest policing in Ferguson are used to compare the impact on black vs. non-black officers.FindingsThe results provide a detailed portrayal of the double marginality experienced by black officers while policing the Ferguson protests, but also demonstrate that black officers were resilient to the effects of that experience, showing significantly more favorable outcomes than their nonblack peers.Originality/valueThis is the only study to utilize a mixed methods approach with police officers who conducted protest policing to understand officers' experiences in the midst of a racially inflamed context. The findings provide support for policymakers interested in advocating and supporting hiring more minorities in policing.
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Shakali, Swara. "Iraqi protests of 2019-2020: the perspective of Baghdad and Erbil." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2020): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33442.
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This article is dedicated to examination of mass protests that unfolded in Iraq since the second half of 2019 until the beginning of 2020 and involved even northern part of the country (with prevailing Kurdish population). The core demand of protesters in the Arab part of the country consisted in amendment of the existing administrative system (“Muhasasa"), which issued quotas for the representatives of ethnic and religious groups of the country (Shiite and Sunni Arabs, and Kurds). Separate protests were also recorded in the Iraqi Kurdistan. The novelty of this research consists in examination of Iraqi protests at the present state, as well as from the perspective of relations between the central government of Iraq and Kurdish Autonomy. The conclusion is made that the key factor of protests consists in dissatisfaction of population with the quality of rendered services, low effectiveness of government apparatus, and high level of corruption. Although there is no direct correlation between protests in northern and southern parts of the country, the very fact of disturbances among the Kurds testifies to the existence social tension in northern Iraq. Theoretically, neglecting the demands of Arab population may lead to the proliferation of protests across the country.
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Sridharan, Eswaran. "India in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (2021): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.171.
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The year 2020 was one of multiple challenges for India and for the Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party government. The year began with mass protests against the Citizen (Amendment) Act, which minority Muslims saw as threatening their citizen rights and was widely felt to be unconstitutional, and ended with mass protests by farmers against market-oriented farm reforms. The coronavirus pandemic arrived in January and by the end of the year had caused the world’s second-largest caseload (10.3 million infections) and 149,000 deaths. The government responded with a strict lockdown, resulting in a severe economic contraction, although the economy and foreign investment picked up in the last quarter, buoyed by vaccine hopes and a partial economic recovery. On the foreign front, Chinese incursions in June along the Line of Actual Control, the de facto border, led to a tense standoff that remained unresolved at year-end. Politically, the BJP remained not only entrenched but somewhat further empowered against a weak and divided opposition, with Modi’s popularity ratings high.
13
Yudina, Tatyana N., Yuriy N. Mazaev, Tatyana M. Bormotova, and Pavel S. Zhukov. "State and dynamics of protest activity in modern Russian society." Вестник Пермского университета. Философия. Психология. Социология, no. 1 (2020): 139–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2078-7898/2020-1-139-151.
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Protest actions of the population are the most important factor in the transformation of the society’s political systems. The authors consider protest moods monitoring to be an indicator of the government legitimacy and an integral part of public opinion. At the same time, indicators of citizens’ protest activity often become hostages of political technologies and public consciousness manipulation. The paper attempts to give an analytical description of dynamic potential and actual indicators of street protest activity in modern Russian society, which is done based on the materials of monitoring surveys conducted by leading sociological agencies, as well as information from the media and non-government organizations. It is shown that street protest activity as such can indicate deep social contradictions in Russian society. The main reason for mass protests of the population is essential problems that affect specific vital interests of ordinary people. In addition, the border between socioeconomic and political requirements is becoming increasingly blurred. At the same time, it is revealed that manifestations of street protest activity in modern society are situational. The social resource of rallies and demonstrations among the population is relatively limited. Survey data indicate that the majority of Russian citizens do not support participation in mass protests against decreasing living standards, in defense of their rights. In case of such protests they will most likely not take part in them, and, in general, they hold an opinion that mass street protest movement is unlikely to develop. According to the authors, the possible scenario for the protest situation development in society will depend on what problem factors determining the «peak» social tension and protest potential will coincide, as well as on the intensity of those factors.
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Aheyeu, Aliaksandr. "BELARUSIAN PROTESTS 2020 IN THE CONTEXT OF STUDYING CONFLICT PROCESSES IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 27 (2020): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2020.27.2.
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The article presents in abstract form the results of the initial historical analysis of the Belarusian protests of 2020 in the context of similar processes in the post-Soviet space. The preconditions and reasons for the mass demonstrations are shown: structural problems and the Ukrainian events of 2014 led to the stagnation of the Belarusian economy; confidence in the election results in society declined with each election campaign; the new generation of Belarusians had incomprehensible values, which were preserved and imposed on the society by the authorities. There were also several triggers of protests: the peculiarities of the strategy of the Belarusian leadership in the context of the cavid virus pandemic Kavid19 reduced the authority of the government; and the inconsistency of the official and actual results of the vote, the brutality of the dispersal of the first post-election protests caused mass outrage. Authorities considered and still consider the foreign factor to be the main reason for the protests. Many politicians and experts support the theory of Russian interference in Belarus. Solidarity of Belarusians is a new phenomenon of Belarus in recent history. In many respects it was able to manifest itself thanks to new forms of communication in society and fresh creative forms of activity: a chain of solidarity, walks and marches on avenues and streets, actions in residential areas, etc. The activity of women, pensioners and workers shows a change in their role in the political life of post-Soviet countries. And the support of the protests of other traditional and new professional groups testifies to the nationwide nature of the demonstrations. The lack of obvious socio-economic demands makes it possible to classify the Belarusian protests as political democratic revolutions, which can be conditionally called “Revolutions of Dignity”. The most important result of the Belarusian protests is the discovery of the world of the Belarusian political nation. Despite the polarization and a certain division in society, there is a clear general demand for the sovereignty of Belarus by supporters of S. Tikhanovskaya and A. Lukashenko. Now all political forces will have to reckon with the factor of existence and active participation in the political process of the Belarusian political nation.
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Bui, Linh N., Rachel L. Berkowitz, Wendy Jilek, et al. "Public Protests and the Risk of Novel Coronavirus Disease Hospitalizations: A County-Level Analysis from California." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 18 (2021): 9481. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18189481.
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The objective of this study was to assess the relationship between public protests and county-level, novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) hospitalization rates across California. Publicly available data were included in the analysis from 55 of 58 California state counties (29 March–14 October 2020). Mixed-effects negative binomial regression models were used to examine the relationship between daily county-level COVID-19 hospitalizations and two main exposure variables: any vs. no protests and 1 or >1 protest vs. no protests on a given county-day. COVID-19 hospitalizations were used as a proxy for viral transmission since such rates are less sensitive to temporal changes in testing access/availability. Models included covariates for daily county mobility, county-level characteristics, and time trends. Models also included a county-population offset and a two-week lag for the association between exposure and outcome. No significant associations were observed between protest exposures and COVID-19 hospitalization rates among the 55 counties. We did not find evidence to suggest that public protests were associated with COVID-19 hospitalization within California counties. These findings support the notion that protesting during a pandemic may be safe, ostensibly, so long as evidence-based precautionary measures are taken.
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Lipilina, Irina N. "Role of Social Media in Radicalizing Protests in Thailand." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2(51) (2021): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-192-203.
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Throughout 2020 youth protests did not stop in Thailand. They began as a reaction to the dissolution by the Constitutional Court of the New Future party, which is aimed at a youth audience. After the introduction of antiepidemiological restrictions street demonstrations stopped, but the activity of their participants shifted to social networks. In a digital space that is less subject to government censorship, the protest agenda has expanded and escalated significantly. As soon as the ban on demonstrations was lifted, the performances continued, but with more drastic demands, which were originally formulated on social networks. This article examines the impact of social media on the radicalization of youth protest in Thailand.
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Pyatakov, A. N. "The 2019 Social Protests in Latin America: Global Context and Ecuadorian Case-Study." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 2 (2020): 7–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-2-7-43.
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The paper examines the phenomenon of global social protests that spread in 2019 across more than 20 countries. The author considers the most striking manifestations of this phenomenon that occurred in the Middle East, North Africa, Western Europe, and Asia. The paper provides a periodization of several waves of anti-globalization movement in the 21st century, whereby the current global unrest represents the third wave. The author identifies specific features of each stage and outlines a growing trend towards politicization and exacerbation of violence. Particular emphasis is made on how the protests in Latin America developed in time and space, as they spread to at least eight states of the region: Haiti, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile, and Columbia. In each country, protests were triggered by a peculiar set of internal factors which are not susceptible to easy generalization. In order to come nearer to the understanding of the new global phenomenon the author puts forward several socio-philosophical hypotheses. In particular, the possibility of internationalization of the French ‘yellow vests’ movement, its transfer and adaptation to other countries affected by protests, is noted. In that regard the paper outlines certain ‘channels’ for exporting the French protests to Latin America, including migration and cultural ties. The author stresses that although socio-economic explanations of the global protest phenomenon that focus on such issues as the growth of inequality and social polarization, are correct, they are insufficient for a comprehensive understanding of the new and complex phenomenon. As an alternative, the author suggests using the concept of ‘social singularity’. The paper considers the key features of this concept, including the idea that contemporary global social sphere is functioning in an online mode, allowing for increased speed of social interaction and communication on a global scale. Finally, the paper examines the causes and the development of the social unrest that broke out in Ecuador and served as a starting point for escalating the protest movement in Latin America in 2019.
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Bredeson, Kate. "We Will Remember That We Came Together in Protest and Mutual Aid." Theatre Survey 62, no. 3 (2021): 357–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557421000314.
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The year of COVID-19 social distancing is a reminder that people can and will gather in person in mass acts of resistance and community care, even in a pandemic. This year highlights how theatres, theatre skills, and theatrical techniques can be a key part of community building and dissent. The examples of the Twin Cities in summer 2020; Portland, Oregon, in 2020–1; and France in spring-summer 2021 showcase the potential for theatre artists to use their skills and spaces to support protest work. I highlight these three examples due to my personal connections (I am from the Twin Cities; live in Portland and serve as a legal observer during the Protests; and, in my scholarship, specialize in French theatre and protest), due to the scale of these actions, and in order to amplify the pandemic protest and performance work happening in these places. Together, the efforts of Twin Cities, Portland, and French activists and artists showcase how, against a backdrop of mourning and anxiety, the pandemic has been a time of invigoration in mass protest, mutual aid, and coming together to try to build better worlds.
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Guțan, Sabin. "Syria - The Failure of Humanitarianism." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 26, no. 2 (2020): 176–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0072.
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AbstractThe Syrian Revolution aimed to remove the dictatorial regime from power and liberate the Syrian people. Following the example of other peoples, such as the Libyan and Egyptian, Syrian citizens began protests, initially peaceful, against the authorities. Authorities’ response was harsh, punishing very hard protesters of all ages. More and more people came out to protest; more and more people have been arrested by authorities, imprisoned under inhuman conditions, tortured, murdered. The authorities resorted to starving the civilians to force them to give up protests. Supported by deserted soldiers, the protesters organized and began the armed struggle against government forces. The dictatorial regime resorted to many illegal means and methods of war to maintain its power: killings, torture, bombings without discrimination, use of chemical weapons, collaboration with criminal and terrorist organizations, starvation of civilians, retaliation, etc. Unfortunately, the international community has remained powerless in the face of these atrocities. Thus, the gaps and inequities of the functioning of the international system for the defence of international peace and security, human rights and international humanitarian law are observed once again.
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Alyarov, Е. К., and А. А. Babatayeva. "Impact of social conflicts on state decisions (based on the problem of large families in Kazakhstan." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 72, no. 4 (2020): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-4.1728-8940.08.
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The article analyzes the conflict caused by the protests of the social group. The purpose of our study is to study the effectiveness of decisions made by the state. In 2019, we see that the requirements of mothers with many children to the state influenced the decisions of the authorities. This protest led to a change in legislation, the need to pay more attention to the position of large families in the policy of increasing the welfare of the population.
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Ullah, Yaseen, Manzoor Ahmad, and Syed Wasif Azim. "Politics of Protest in Pakistan: Causes and Features of the PTI (2014) Dharna in Islamabad, Pakistan." Global Strategic and Securities Review V, no. I (2020): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2020(v-i).03.
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Public protests, agitations and demonstrations are part of the democratic political process. It shapes the polity of a country and transforms social, political and economic aspects. In Pakistan's history, protest or pressure politics has played a significant role. Significant protests in Pakistan have been held against 'election riggings' including the recent one against 2013 general elections (presumably won by Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League N). This present study discusses the recent protest 'popularly called Dharna' staged by Pakistan Tehreek e Insaaf (PTI) under the leadership of the present Prime Minister Imran Khan in Islamabad for 126 days against the alleged rigging of elections of 2013. This empirical study explores the causes of PTI Dharna. It is based on the Primary data collected through a random sample of interviews from students, lawyers and political activists in May-June 2019 in Lahore, Nowshera and Peshawar, Pakistan. We argue that the Dharna has multiple features long continued presence, participation of multiple groups, violence and media coverage. However, the dharna has multiple causes. The significant reason of PTI for staging protest against the Nawaz Shairf was the alleged rigging in the general elections of 2013. Other causes of this dharna are to expose corruption and alleged role of establishment for their vested political interests.
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Lukashevich, Elena V. "The Structure of a PROTEST as a Mass-Madia Concept: Modern Discursive Practices." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 19, no. 6 (2020): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-6-228-238.
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The article draws on the data gathered from Russian media-political discourse and presents the model a “protest” as a mass-media concept. The cognitive and discursive analysis of media reports on civil protests during the elections to Moscow City Duma in 2019 (on the website www.aif.ru) allows to nuance the conceptual structure of protests in the worldview of modern Russian society and to reveal the trends in the concept dynamics from the standpoint of ideology and meaning. The article defines dominant psycholinguistic scenarios and intent models, the specificity of discursive practices of Russian political protests, intentions and style of journalists, and tools employed to generate a specific communicative impact on the audience. In the texts published on the website www.aif.ru, the negative image of a protesting opposition activist is created through the use of the dominant scenario “Deception” in combination with “Planning / Intention” and “Lack of propriety”. The intent group “Us” is assessed positively (self-representation), less often neutrally (information), while the intensity of the negative assessment of the group “Them” (“strangers”) increased as the protests progressed (from “criticism” to “accusation” and subsequently to “exposure”). The primary communicative strategies for presenting protesters are the strategies of attacks on reputation and diminishing credibility.
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Paulovich, Natallia. "How Feminist is the Belarusian Revolution? Female Agency and Participation in the 2020 Post-Election Protests." Slavic Review 80, no. 1 (2021): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.22.
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Belarusian women stand at the forefront of post-election protests. Their participation is seen as unprecedented and is often perceived as a “revolution with a female face.” It did not start as a feminist project, however, but rather as a reaction to mass-scale arrests of male participants during the first days of protests. At the same time, is it possible to characterize female involvement in women's chains of solidarity and then regular Saturday demonstrations as a “feminist project” when one takes into account the usage of traditional feminine images and feminine aesthetics during the protests? On the other hand, even the symbolic subversion of patriarchal stereotypes present on the posters seems to have its limits when violence is inflicted by the representatives of special military forces. This essay will examine the agentic nature of female protests and the ways of expressing dignity in times when a basic sense of security is lacking. I will look at situational individual acts of agency and how these acts characterize female participants of the protests as a group that is aware of its resources and power. The text will be based on the analysis of media discourse and visual materials.
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Owoaje, Tolu, and Kadupe Sofola. "The Clamour for an End to Police Brutality: Satire Songs of the EndSars Protests in Nigeria." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2021): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.3.1.315.
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The EndSars protests, which occurred in Nigeria in October 2020 employed a great deal of music, which include solidarity songs, popular music, and satirical songs. This article investigates the use of satirical songs in the EndSars protests. The protest, which recorded a massive turnout of protesters in October 2020 across major cities in Nigeria started several months on the social media, most especially Twitter, a microblogging website before it was finally taken to the streets. Anchored on the concept of social movement, it employs the use of participant observation and the social media platforms to gather data which were analysed using content analysis. Apart from being used to ridicule the Nigerian Police which has not engaged Boko-Haram terrorists but instead unleashes terror on harmless youths, satirical songs were used by protesters to express their long piled up anger at the Federal Government of Nigeria. This is due to several unfulfilled campaign promises, as well as the bad state of the nation’s economy which has contributed to the hike in price of food items and other essential commodities, coupled with the growing rate of unemployment. The Nigerian government should use the opportunity created by the massive protests to execute a thorough reform of the Nigerian security establishments and also engage youths more productively in order to enable them to contribute their quota to nation-building.
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Zhezhko-Braun, Irina. "The New Upper Class: Revolutionary Elite Rotation in the USA." Ideas and Ideals 12, no. 4-1 (2020): 162–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.4.1-162-190.
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The article analyzes the emergence of a new political class or elite in the United States, which is called the minority elite. This article is the first in a series dedicated to this topic. The author formulates three interrelated prerequisites that have caused the emergence of the new elite: the spread of the Affirmative Action (AA) to all spheres of public life and, above all, to the education system; the phenomenon of “woke” capitalism; a long history of minority protest movements. Experts take the current protests for a revolution; the author proves the opposite statement: protests are a direct consequence and one of the stages of a step-by-step revolution. Its roots lie in the long-term training of personnel for the revolution and social technologies for it, in the creation of financial, informational and organizational infrastructures of protest movements, and in moral defeat and the surrender of the intellectual class. Over the decades, hundreds of protest movements of various sizes have been co-organized in the United States and dozens of professional protest organizations have been formed. One of them, Black Lives Matter, has its own program, strategy, tactics and a solid budget. The goal of the organization is to create its own ruling elite. The Protestant (WASP) elite ruled the country for more than two centuries, in the second half of the 20th century it was replaced by the so-called intellectual elite. Harvard University, by its decision to raise the level of acceptance tests in the 1960s, spawned new, intellectual elite, California universities, by abolishing tests in the 2010-2020s, bring to power a new social group – the beneficiaries of the AA. The black movement is confidently entering the final phase of its development – the placement of its representatives in state and federal authorities, political parties and other social institutions. Ideologues of identity politics, primarily racial, have arrogated to themselves the position of mentors and experts on social justice and the protectors of civil rights in society. Other protest organizations have joined the BLM, with socialist-oriented organizations in the lead. These organizations have effectively “hijacked” a wave of protests and are already working on a socialist agenda for the Biden-Harris administration, if elected.
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McCargo, Duncan. "Disruptors’ dilemma? Thailand’s 2020 Gen Z protests." Critical Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (2021): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2021.1876522.
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Lewis, Simon. "“Tear Down These Prison Walls!” Verses of Defiance in the Belarusian Revolution." Slavic Review 80, no. 1 (2021): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.24.
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This contribution examines the creative energy behind the ongoing protests in Belarus, with a focus on poetry and music. Belarus is traditionally a “versocentric” society, where poetry and music have historically played important roles in consolidating national culture. In the 2020 protest movement, fast and widespread distribution through social media has made poetry and music a crucial instrument for cementing a sense of collective identity among protestors, establishing transnational solidarity, and affecting the emotional regime of Belarusian society.
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Crane, Nicholas Jon, and Zoe Pearson. "“Liberation” as a political horizon amidst the coronavirus pandemic in the United States." Human Geography 13, no. 3 (2020): 314–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1942778620962022.
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Participants in diverging US-based protest waves during the coronavirus pandemic are invoking “liberation” as a political horizon. Especially visible are superficially libertarian protests against government “stay-at-home” orders, on the one hand, and, on the other, racial and economic justice organizing around uneven exposure to the deadly effects of the pandemic. Beginning in May 2020, the latter articulation of liberation was amplified by widespread protest against racist police violence. The coronavirus pandemic is putting into sharp relief the contradictions of “liberation” promoted by individualists and underscoring the urgency of organizing for emancipatory social solidarity.
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Godinez Galay, Francisco, and Inés Binder. "Las cámaras que nos pusiste van a volver. Redes sociales y denuncia de los abusos de las fuerzas de seguridad en las protestas de Chile 2019-2020." Investigar la Comunicación desde Perspectivas, Teorías y Métodos Periféricos 8, no. 15 (2021): 357–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24137/raeic.8.15.16.
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Social protest takes on new characteristics today, mediated by the use and appropriation of digital technologies. Citizens make use of devices as a central part of the mechanics of the protest, incorporating digital strategies into their repertoire of collective action. One of these uses highlights the centrality of the new screens for the defense of Human Rights, through the recording, publication and spreading the abuses of repressive forces and the montage of fake news through social media. A citizen's capacity to watch over the watcher. Due to its duration and characteristics, the case of the protests that began in October 2019 in Chile is a paradigmatic case from which to study these transformations.
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Mendes, Ana Cristina. "From “Crisis” to Imagination: Putting White Heroes Under Erasure Post-George Floyd." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 21, no. 5 (2021): 394–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15327086211028677.
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In the immediate aftermath of George Floyd’s murder on May 25, 2020, global protests against racialized police brutality targeted statues and other public art forms symbolizing racism. Either framed as a “weird global media event” or “global iconic event,” Floyd’s murder forced a reckoning with histories of oppression and systemic racism, with a potential enduring social effect and a transnational historical significance by inviting resonance and global solidarity. This article focuses on the U.K. context and spans a decade to invite a rethinking of ideas of crisis, history, and hero through a consideration of the toppling of Edward Colston’s statue and its pushing into the Bristol Harbour on June 7, 2020, by Black Lives Matter (BLM) protesters, and Yinka Shonibare CBE’s artwork Nelson’s Ship in a Bottle (2010–2012), commissioned for the “Fourth Plinth” temporary exhibits in Trafalgar Square. Such consideration bears on this contemporary moment when we are witnessing globally connected protest actions calling for the decolonization of public material culture.
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Levine-Rasky, Cynthia, and Sabreena Ghaffar-Siddiqui. "White Allyship Means a Transfer of Power." Contexts 19, no. 4 (2020): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504220977944.
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The conspicuous shift in public opinion on issues of race, branded in 2019 as the “Great Awokening,” has reached an all-time high with protests in over 140 U.S. cities after Floyd’s murder of May 25, 2020. But will the current resurgence in protests lead to enduring change?
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Ngai, Pun. "Reflecting on Hong Kong protests in 2019–2020." HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 10, no. 2 (2020): 333–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/709529.
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Cobbina, Jennifer, Ashleigh LaCourse, Erika J. Brooke, and Soma Chaudhuri. "Protesting During a Pandemic: Narratives on Risk Taking and Motivation to Participating in the 2020 March on Washington." Crime & Delinquency 67, no. 8 (2021): 1195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128721999333.
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The study elucidates the interplay of COVID-19 and the wave of Black Lives Matter protests to assess motivation and risk taking for protest participation. We draw on protesters’ accounts to examine how police violence influenced the participants decision making to participate in the 2020 March on Washington during a pandemic that exacerbated the risks already in place from protesting the police. We found that protesters’ social position and commitment to the cause provided motivations, along with a zeal to do more especially among White protesters. For Black participants, the images in the media resonated with their own experiences of structural racism from police.
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Chelnokova, Maria Leonidovna. "Non-Systemic Opposition in Modern Russia: Stages of Transformation and Political Activity Technologies." Общество: политика, экономика право, no. 11 (November 20, 2020): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2020.11.4.
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The present study considers the specifics of trans-formation of the Russian non-systemic opposition in 2000–2020, and the main technologies of its activi-ty at present time. The first stage of changes (2000–2011) was characterized by marginalization of oppo-sition in the context of development of a stable “Putin majority” and the building of a “vertical of power”. The second stage (2012–2017) was associ-ated with the activation of opposition forces against the background of the so-called “fatigue effect”, as well as the pressure on social, economic and politi-cal processes from the government. The third stage (since 2018 till present), which was initiated by the pension reform, is characterized by the erosion of trust in the government institutions and the growth of local protest moods, which were mainly socially oriented. Among the political technologies used by non-systemic actors these days it is important to outline the following: “embedding” in local protest actions; territorial differentiation of protests (their transfer from Moscow to the regions); total protest voting; attempt to design various attractive, alt-hough quite amorphous images of the future of Russia.
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Corpuz, Jeff Clyde G. "COVID-19 and the rise of social activism in Southeast Asia: a public health concern." Journal of Public Health 43, no. 2 (2021): e364-e365. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pubmed/fdab063.
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Abstract The current public health crisis has radically altered the social and civic involvement in Southeast Asia. Although the virus has shifted the landscape of engagement, it has not dampened the enthusiasm of the public. In 2020–2021, more people than ever seem to be paying attention and even getting involved in activism. Many dramatic events happened during the coronavirus crisis such as from protests in support of the Black Lives Matter movement, public activism around the environment, economic inequality, authoritarianism and human rights violations. In Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand and just recently Myanmar. The journal has lately published about the ‘Relationship of George Floyd protests to increases in COVID-19 cases using event study methodology’ and it has rightly expressed that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)-recommended social distancing guidelines must be followed in a protest situation. In response to the situation of social activism in Southeast Asia, one must follow the CDC-recommended and World Health Organization (WHO) guidelines in the Region. Although protesting is an individual human right, one must also be cautious and be aware of the deadly virus since we are still in a pandemic and the COVID-19 virus continues to mutate.
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Lo, Sonny. "Hong Kong in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.34.
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Due to Beijing’s deep concern about its national security being undermined in Hong Kong, where the anti-extradition protests from June to December 2019 not only challenged the legitimacy of both the central and Hong Kong governments but also constituted an attempt at initiating a “color revolution,” a national security law was enacted in late June 2020. The new law aims at demonstrating its immediate deterrent effects on protestors and dissidents by empowering the Hong Kong authorities to pursue suspected offenders. The results were the escape, arrest, and imprisonment of some local political activists. The year 2020 marked the immediate impacts of the national security law on Hong Kong’s political development, resulting in the territory’s truncated autonomy and exerting controls over the society, education, and the judiciary.
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Krishtal, M. I., and A. V. Shchekoturov. "Effective risk communication as a factor in managing protests attitudes in a local community." Baltic Region 12, no. 2 (2020): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2020-2-5.
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Contemporary research into the perception of environmental risks suffers from poor knowledge of risk communication in the local community and of how different ways of risk communication affect protest attitudes. This study aims to clarify communication strategies and practices used by members of local communities as a protest response to environmental threats. The work builds on the cultural theory developed by Douglas, Dake, Bremen, and others. This theory distinguishes between several cultural types (hierarchism, individualism, communitarianism, and egalitarianism), which differ in how environmental risks are perceived and what forms risk communication takes. The study investigates the case of the village of Nivenskoe in Russia’s Kaliningrad region where residents opposed the development of a potassium salt deposit. It is concluded that egalitarians and communitarians are more likely than hierarchists and individualists to participate in protests when a serious environmental threat arises. Respondents of all cultural types tend to trust information coming from their close social network, public figures, and environmentalists whereas people of business are trusted the least.
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Antonovich, Ivan I. "Systematic racism in the USA and the problem of polarisation of society." Journal of the Belarusian State University. Sociology, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2521-6821-2020-4-39-49.
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The article analyzes the essence of the radical protests of the African American population of the USA, which exacerbated the crisis of the state social system and have a negative impact on social equilibrium in the countries of the Pan-Atlantic Community. There was made an attempt to trace the negative impact of uncontrollable spontaneous radical protests on global processes. Over the course of two decades of the 21st century, it has become obvious that the USA does not have enough internal resources for the implementation of world-governing tasks, which turned out to be unbearable for the systems of political power based on the ideology of liberalism. There is not enough economic, social and even moral resources to solve the urgent problems facing the world. Political polarization and economic crisis have become a serious threat to the very functioning and existence of the American state. Colossal dysfunctions of democratic procedures, the growing ideological intransigence of party programs, the growing number of unemployed, the ruin of small and medium-sized businesses give social protest the form of political confrontation. There is talk of a second civil war in the USA. Moreover, it is difficult to say whether the ideology of black racism will be less radical than the ideology of white. African American Democrats, who encouraged spontaneous riots in many cities, accuse Republicans of initiating social protests. Democrats blame the Republicans for failing to create an effective governance system that would prevent such social explosions and growing discontent. Radical African American protest is becoming a structural component of USA public life. It was introduced into the system of public relations at all levels, paralyzing the activities of state institutions, systems of legal support for everyday existence, destroying the established value systems and the very practice of rule of law, which constituted the basis of American statehood. What is happening in America is having a negative impact on the entire Transatlantic community.
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Malanchuk, Larisa, and Tetyana Chubok. "Organization of protest against the holodomor 1932 - 1933 in Volyn in autumn 1933." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 27 (2020): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-27-20-27.
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The article deals with the conduct of protests against the policy of famine in Ukraine by Western political parties and non-governmental organizations. The complex of materials devoted to the coverage of the tragic events of the Holodomor in the Ukrainian SSR in 1932-1933, much of which were published by the Lviv newspaper Novy Chas, is analyzed. It is found that information about the situation in the USSR outside the USSR began to emerge in the spring of 1933, when the famine was already gaining ground. This was due to the fact that measures to prevent the leakage of information about the terrible famine taken by the Bolshevik government proved to be quite effective. Also addressed were letters sent to western Ukraine, possibly to relatives, asking for help, which was an important source of information about the tragedy in Ukraine. Separate Western press reports published in European newspapers informing about the famine in the USSR were translated and published in Ukrainian also in Western Ukrainian newspapers. On the basis of documents stored in the State Archives of Rivne region, the features of protest actions in the Volyn Voivodeship were investigated, where the influence of Ukrainian national political groups was not so significant. It was revealed that the protest organizers were participants of Western Ukrainian cultural, educational and political organizations. Representatives of the Catholic, Greek Catholic and Orthodox clergy did not stay away from these events. The main forms of protest actions in Volyn against the policy of famine on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR were prayer, party meetings, and meetings. The resistance of the local administrative authorities in organizing protests was not only about Volyn. The same happened in the provinces of Galicia. In addition, it was found that the Aid Committees were also active in the context of Ukrainian political emigration. Particular attention is paid to the activities of nationalists in the fight against communism and the holding of a terrorist action in the Soviet consulate, which to some extent hindered the holding of legal protests and informing the public outside the Soviet Union about the famine in the Ukrainian SSR.
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Matyukhin, A. "Left views on liberal protests in Russia (review of Osin's monograph «Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects»)." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (2020): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-85-91.
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This review is an analysis of the monograph of Roman Osin, candidate of philosophy, associate Professor of the Department of fundamental legal and social-humanitarian disciplines at synergy University "Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects". The monograph examines the political and socio-class nature of the mass protests of 2011-2013 from the perspective of Marxist methodology and tactics of the Russian left movement in them. The monograph is of interest both from the point of view of studying the protest and left-wing movements of the early 2010s, and from the point of view of the methodology for understanding the phenomenon of "color" revolutions in General. The author analyzes the social composition of the protesters, their political views, as well as the political forces of the protest and their tactics based on the empirical material of sociological research, as well as personal experience of participating in the ongoing processes. Based on the study, R.S. Osin concludes that the protest was generally "petty-bourgeois" in nature and could not lead to fundamental changes in the basis of society. At the same time, from the author's point of view, this protest was an important milestone in the development of the politicization of Russian society and could not fail to be a useful experience for Russian citizens. Analyzing the tactics of the left forces, R.S. Osin notes as a disadvantage the political and ideological inconsistency of many left-wing organizations, which benefited the liberal protest forces or the authorities. From the point of view Of R.S. Osin, the most correct tactic was the tactics of those organizations that simultaneously opposed the liberal and state-Patriotic forces, which in practice means participating in protests with their own independent agenda. In conclusion, R.S. Osin expresses his own point of view on the need for fundamental changes in society, reveals the concept of social and political revolutions, and also States the thesis that only the organized labor movement and other layers of workers can change the system of industrial relations in the country. Despite the obvious ideological color of the work and the use of exclusively Marxist methodology as the research base, R.S. Osin's monograph is of scientific interest and can be used to study the modern protest and left-wing movement.
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Martini, Franziska. "Wer ist #MeToo? Eine netzwerkanalytische Untersuchung (anti-)feministischen Protests auf Twitter." Medien & Kommunikationswissenschaft 68, no. 3 (2020): 255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1615-634x-2020-3-255.
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Feministischer Aktivismus auf digitalen Plattformen geht einher mit Chancen ebenso wie mit neuen Gefahren - vom Vernetzungspotenzial und der Organisation feministischer Öffentlichkeiten auf der einen Seite, zu neuen Formen des Hasses gegen Aktivist*innen und des Ausschlusses bestimmter Personengruppen auf der anderen Seite. Mithilfe von Netzwerk- und Inhaltsanalysen untersucht diese Studie den deutschsprachigen #MeToo-Protest auf Twitter und geht der Frage nach, welche Akteure hier einflussreich und sichtbar waren und Twitter als Plattform für sich nutzen konnten. Es wird gezeigt, dass neben privaten Nutzer*innen vor allem traditionelle Massenmedien auf Twitter eine zentrale Rolle spielen. Gleichzeitig lässt sich innerhalb des #MeToo-Protests ein dichtes Netzwerk antifeministischer und rassistischer Stimmen finden, die strategisch für eigene Anliegen mobilisieren wollen. Daraus kann geschlossen werden, dass sich auch auf Twitter hierarchische Strukturen und qualitative Unterschiede der Vernetzung herausbilden, welche Barrieren für die öffentliche Artikulation feministischer Anliegen darstellen.
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Nowosad, Andrzej, Umit Turanli, and Margreta Grigoriva. "Rynek prasy drukowanej w Turcji w latach 2012–2020." Media Biznes Kultura, no. 2 (9) (2020): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.20.016.13180.
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Press market in Turkey in 2012–2020 In this paper, we analyse the press market in Turkey between 2012 and 2020. We focus on the change in the ownership structure and ownership networks of media groups, the decline in newspaper and magazine readership, and the socio-political factors which led to the collapse of independent media in Turkey: protests in Istanbul in 2013 and the failed coup in 2016, corruption.
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Nowosad, Andrzej, Umit Turanli, and Margreta Grigoriva. "Rynek prasy drukowanej w Turcji w latach 2012–2020." Media Biznes Kultura, no. 2 (9) (2020): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.20.016.13180.
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Press market in Turkey in 2012–2020 In this paper, we analyse the press market in Turkey between 2012 and 2020. We focus on the change in the ownership structure and ownership networks of media groups, the decline in newspaper and magazine readership, and the socio-political factors which led to the collapse of independent media in Turkey: protests in Istanbul in 2013 and the failed coup in 2016, corruption.
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Lunkin, Roman. "Antiracists Protests in Europe." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 17, no. 5 (2020): 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran52020106112.
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The article analyzed the phenomenon of antiracist protests or the BLM movement in Europe, which emerged in the United States in May 2020. The movement has become one of the important political factors during the coronavirus pandemic. Leading European politicians, including the leadership of the European Union, had to react to BLM's demands in one way or another. The emergence of the phenomenon of the BLM movement in Europe (in contrast to the more specific pre-election situation in the United States) became possible due to a special system of ideological norms of political correctness which became an instrument for protecting the rights of certain groups of society. The catalyst for the protest was the introduction (in a number of countries of repeated) quarantine and self-isolation measures in European countries. At the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic citizens of most countries almost completely trusted their governments. Later doubts began to arise about the rationality and legality of the measures taken to restrict the rights and freedoms of people. The general mood of citizens not only in Europe but also in other parts of the world is the desire for change and the unwillingness to return to the «previous» pre-quarantine life.
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Simangaliso Kumalo, R. "Educating for Social Holiness in Institutions of Higher Education in Africa: Toward an Innovative Afrocentric Curriculum for Methodist Theological Education." Holiness 6, no. 1 (2020): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/holiness-2020-0004.
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Abstract In 2016, South Africa saw student and staff protests calling for the decolonisation of the teaching curriculum in institutions of Higher Education. Although these protests were centred in public universities, the issue of decolonisation also affects private institutions such as seminaries that need to transform curricula from being permeated with Western idealism to being authentically African. This article explores this issue for Methodist theological education. It argues that decolonisation affects not only the content of the teaching curriculum but also matters such as staffing and curriculum development. Its focus is to develop ways of implementing an Afrocentric curriculum in African Methodist seminaries.
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Gabowitsch, Mischa. "Belarusian Protest: Regimes of Engagement and Coordination." Slavic Review 80, no. 1 (2021): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.28.
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The Belarusian protest movement that started in August 2020 has been discussed from the point of view of strategy and objectives, and as the cradle of a new subjectivity. This essay goes beyond those two perspectives by looking at the regimes of engagement, developing in interaction with the material and technological environment, that have given the protests their distinctive style. The first part looks at coordination and representation at protest events and in producing protest symbols such as flags. The second part discusses the role of Telegram and the emergence of local protest groups. Even though the movement did not grow organically out of everyday concerns, there are some signs that it has begun to reassemble local communities from above. Yet there are also indications that politics continues to be seen as distinct from everyday life, making it uncertain that the movement will lead to a deeper transformation of society.
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Lee, Chun Fung. "The 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests and the everyday." Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 21, no. 3 (2020): 393–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2020.1804681.
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Voronin, S. A., and Boris G. Yakemenko. "“The looters are just expropriating what they would otherwise have bought...”. Towards the phenomenology of contemporary protest in the United States." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 4 (2020): 380–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-4-380-389.
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The article analyzes the phenomenon of social protests that swept the United States in 2020. The article considers the evolution of the concepts of sacrifice and redemption in the modern public consciousness of the USA and Europe. The author analyzes the cause-and-effect relationships of what is happening, the phenomena accompanying the protests, in particular, looting, which is perceived by the protesters not as a marginal phenomenon, but as a necessary condition for restoring social justice.
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Логунова, Л. Ю., та Е. А. Маженина. "ЦЕННОСТИ И СМЫСЛЫ НЕНАСИЛИЯ В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ПРОТЕСТЕ". Konfliktologia 15, № 4 (2021): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-4-58-77.
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The article presents the results of a long-term study of protest as a cultural phenomenon, the transformation of values, realized in the activities of the best people of the planet and their followers. These values have absorbed the experience of many generations and the behavior of people defending the rights of an individual to dignity, equality before the law, fair attitude, freedom of thought. In the history of the development of political thought, values have formed that constitute the core of civil culture. The genesis of the birth of the nucleus of civil culture from the thinkers of Antiquity, ideologists of nonviolent resistance, leaders of the French bourgeois revolution, activists of the “new left” movement to the protests of our time is shown. The basis for updating the protection of these values is the socio-political situation, characterized by the divergence of interests of civil society and ruling political groups. The values of the core of civil culture (freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, human rights) acquire an acute urgency in situations of power crisis. This is the time of the birth of new values that will mobilize new generations of protesters. Protest, as an act of protecting the values of the individual, is a measure of the level of development of political culture in the state. The protest — it's not just a mass exit of dissent on the area. This is an indicator of the level of self-awareness of citizens and the development of the political culture of society. The symbols of political protest actions are a special text that expresses the meanings of values. The authors present the results of a sociological study, which used comparative, value-semantic, interpretive approaches, studied the meanings and values of political protests of the 20th — early 19th centuries, analyzed visual and publicistic evidence of protest actions: photo and video materials, publications in the press.
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Shustov, Alexander V. "MIGRATION AND CONFLICTS IN RUSSIA DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC." Scientific Review. Series 2: Human Science, no. 3 (2021): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4685-2021-3-10.
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Measures taken in the spring of 2020 to combat the coronavirus epidemic have led to a major migration crisis in Russia. Unable to leave the country, migrants, many of whom lost their jobs, found themselves in an extremely difficult situation, which pushed them to participate in protests and mass demonstrations. The places with the highest concentration of migrants were the most explosive — large cities, construction sites and border areas where foreigners who failed to leave Russia in time were trapped. As a result, during the spring and summer of 2020, at least 10 demonstrations, riots and mass protests of migrants took place in Russia, the reasons for which were, mainly, non-payment of wages and fear of the possibility of losing job during the lockdown period. The experience of the migration crisis-2020 raises the question of the need to find a balance between labor immigration and ensuring internal security.