Academic literature on the topic '35/- 20 Voluntary Service Overseas'

The current opinion of state food protection directors toward certification was determined by a survey mailed to directors in each of the 50 states and the District of Columbia. There was a 96% return rate for the survey. Results of the survey reveal that 3 states (6%) have statewide mandatory certification programs; 17 states (35%) have voluntary programs; and 20 states (42%) have local jurisdictions with certification programs. A majority of directors (68%) would like to see either a mandatory or voluntary certification program in place in their state, and 73% of the respondents believe that certification programs do improve food handling practices. Barriers to developing statewide programs include financial resources, pragmatic design of training programs in rural states, and uniform requirements for certification. Respondents' comments are used to detail the implications of these barriers.

ObjectiveTo examine the forms, scale and role of community and voluntary support for community hospitals in England.DesignA multimethods study. Quantitative analysis of Charity Commission data on levels of volunteering and voluntary income for charities supporting community hospitals. Nine qualitative case studies of community hospitals and their surrounding communities, including interviews and focus groups.SettingCommunity hospitals in England and their surrounding communities.ParticipantsCharity Commission data for 245 community hospital Leagues of Friends. Interviews with staff (89), patients (60), carers (28), volunteers (35), community representatives (20), managers and commissioners (9). Focus groups with multidisciplinary teams (8 groups across nine sites, involving 43 respondents), volunteers (6 groups, 33 respondents) and community stakeholders (8 groups, 54 respondents).ResultsCommunities support community hospitals through: human resources (average=24 volunteers a year per hospital); financial resources (median voluntary income = £15 632); practical resources through services and activities provided by voluntary and community groups; and intellectual resources (eg, consultation and coproduction). Communities provide valuable supplementary resources to the National Health Service, enhancing community hospital services, patient experience, staff morale and volunteer well-being. Such resources, however, vary in level and form from hospital to hospital and over time: voluntary income is on the decline, as is membership of League of Friends, and it can be hard to recruit regular, active volunteers.ConclusionsCommunities can be a significant resource for healthcare services, in ways which can enhance patient experience and service quality. Harnessing that resource, however, is not straight forward and there is a perception that it might be becoming more difficult questioning the extent to which it can be considered sustainable or ‘renewable’.

Background Recent studies in the Sub-Saharan countries in Africa have indicated gaps and challenges for voluntary medical male circumcision (VMMC) quality of service. Less has focused on the changes in quality of service after implementation of continuous quality improvement (CQI) action plans. This study aimed to evaluate the impact of coaching, provision of standard operating procedures (SOPS) and guidelines, mentoring and on-site in-service training in improving quality of VMMC services across four Right to Care (RTC) supported provinces in South Africa. Method This was a pre- and post-interventional study on RTC supported VMMC sites from July 2018 to October 2019. All RTC-supported sites that were assessed at baseline and post-intervention were included in the study. Data for baseline CQI assessment and re-assessments was collected using a standardized National Department of Health (NDoH) CQI assessment tool for VMMC services from routine RTC facility level VMMC programme data. Quality improvement support was provided through a combination of coaching, provision of standard operating procedures and guidelines, mentoring and on-site in-service training on quality improvement planning and implementation. The main outcome measure was quality of service. A paired sample t-test was used to compare the difference in mean quality of service scores before and after CQI implementation by quality standard. Results A total of 40 health facilities were assessed at both baseline and after CQI support visits. Results showed significant increases for the overall changes in quality of service after CQI support intervention of 12% for infection prevention (95%CI: 7–17; p<0.001) and 8% for male circumcision surgical procedure, (95%CI: 3–13; p<0.01). Similarly, individual counselling, and HIV testing increased by 14%, (95%CI: 7–20; p<0.001), group counselling, registration and communication by 8%, (95%CI: 3–14; p<0.001), and 35% for monitoring and evaluation, (95%CI: 28–42; p<0.001). In addition, there were significant increases for management systems of 29%, (95%CI: 22–35; p<0.001), leadership and planning 23%, (95%CI: 13–34; p<0.001%) and supplies, equipment, environment and emergency 5%, (95%CI: 1–9; p<0.01). The overall quality of service performance across provinces increased by 18% (95%CI: 14–21; p<0.001). Conclusion The overall quality of service performance across provinces was significantly improved after implementation of CQI support intervention program. Regular visits and intensive CQI support are required for sites that will be performing below quality standards.

Abstract The Israel External Quality-Assessment scheme (EQAS) provided service from 1985 to 1989, primarily to laboratories in Israel. Participation was voluntary and confidential, and involved 30-35 laboratories performing thyroid-related function tests. Scheme design included 36 human serum specimens distributed to the participants at the beginning of each year. For 12 months, three specimens were analyzed each month and the results were reported to EQAS on pre-agreed dates. Monthly reports sent by EQAS to participants after analysis of the results included the overall consensus mean used as target value, between-laboratory agreement, individual laboratory bias, and recovery data. The overall consensus mean calculated as all-laboratory trimmed mean was validated by reproducibility and recovery studies. Samples with undetectable concentrations of thyrotropin (TSH), obtained from patients proven thyrotoxic, were used to validate measurement of very low TSH concentrations. During the scheme, liquid serum was found superior to lyophilized specimens for distribution to the participants. The scheme helped stimulate major improvements in between-laboratory agreement, especially for low TSH concentrations, with CVs decreasing from 180% in the first year to 20% in the fourth year. Each laboratory's performance also improved as judged by the median bias and variability of bias and by the considerable decrease in the number of laboratories with unacceptable performance for all tests. Method-related differences in performance were observed despite the small number of participants. Better methods, e.g., a radioimmunometric method for TSH, were detected and adopted by the participants, with concomitant improvement in performance. Transfer to analog procedures for free thyroxin, in addition to, but mostly instead of, thyroxin, was also documented, with no gain in analytical performance. Despite this being a small scheme, most of the goals achievable with a large scheme were realized.

Background:The concomitant presence of depressive symptoms and rheumatic diseases (RDs) impose a considerable economic and social burden on the communities as they are associated with numerous deleterious outcomes such as increased mortality, work disability, higher disease activity and worsening physical function, higher pain levels and fatigue. Despite growing interest on depressive symptoms burden in RDs, current patient perception on this topic is unknown.Objectives:Italian patients with RDs were invited to participate in an online study gauging the presence and the perception of depressive symptoms using the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9).Methods:This was a cross-sectional no-profit online study to screen the presence and the perception of depressive symptoms in RDs patients. All participants gave their consent to complete the PHQ-9 and they were not remunerated. Completion was voluntary and anonymous. The PHQ-9 rates the frequency of symptoms over the past 2 weeks on a 0-3 Likert-type scale. It contains the following items: anhedonia, depressed mood, trouble sleeping, feeling tired, change inappetite, guilt or worthlessness, trouble concentrating, feeling slowed down or restless, and suicidal thoughts. Patients were stratified as: <4 not depressed, 5-9 sub-clinical or mild depression, 10-14 moderate depression, 15-19 moderately severe depression and 20-27 severe depression. The survey was disseminated by ALOMAR (Lombard Association for Rheumatic Diseases) between June and October 2019.Results:192 patients took part in the study: 170 female with median age 50 years. Among respondents only 35 (18.2%) were not depressed. Depression was sub-clinical or mild in 68 (35.4%), moderate in 42 (21.9%), moderately severe in 30 (15.6%), and severe in 17 (8.9%). 16 (8.3%) of respondents declared to have depressive symptoms and 7 of 16 were under psychiatric therapy.Moreover, patients were grouped according to diagnosis.124 respondents had inflammatory arthritis (rheumatoid arthritis, psoriatic arthritis and ankylosing spondylitis). 23 (18.5%) were not depressed. Depression was sub-clinical or mild in 41 (33%), moderate in 26 (21%), moderately severe in 21 (17%), and severe in 13 (10.5%). Among them, 8 (6.5%) declared to have depressive symptoms depressed and 3 of 8 were under psychiatric therapy.49 respondents had a connective tissue disease or vasculitis. 11 (22.5%) were not depressed. Depression was sub-clinical or mild in 19 (38.8%), moderate in 13 (26.5%), moderately severe in 2 (4%), and severe in 4 (8.2%). Among them, 3 (6%) declared to have depressive symptoms and 1 of 6 were under psychiatric therapy.19 respondents had other rheumatic diseases. 1 (5.3%) was not depressed. Depression was sub-clinical or mild in 8 (42.1%), moderate in 3 (15.8%), moderately severe in 7 (36.8%). Among them, 5 (26.3%) declared to be depressed and 3 of 5 were under psychiatric therapy.Conclusion:Our study confirmed that the overall real-life burden of depressive symptoms is relevant in all RDs. At the same time, these results highlighted that depressive symptoms are overlook by physicians and unperceived by patients since fewer that half of respondents (46.4%) had a clinical depression (PHQ-9>10). These results suggested that screening for depression should form part of the routine clinical assessment of RD patients.Acknowledgments:We thank the Lombard Association of Rheumatic Diseases (ALOMAR) for its contribution to design and disseminate the survey, the group that sustain systemic sclerosis (GILS), and the IT service of the University of Milan.Disclosure of Interests:Francesca Ingegnoli: None declared, Tommaso Schioppo: None declared, Tania Ubiali: None declared, Valentina Bollati: None declared, Silvia Ostuzzi: None declared, Massimiliano Buoli: None declared, Roberto Caporali Consultant of: AbbVie; Gilead Sciences, Inc.; Lilly; Merck Sharp & Dohme; Celgene; Bristol-Myers Squibb; Pfizer; UCB, Speakers bureau: Abbvie; Bristol-Myers Squibb; Celgene; Lilly; Gilead Sciences, Inc; MSD; Pfizer; Roche; UCB

THE ROLE OF POSYANDU CADRES IN EFFORTS TO IMPROVE THE NUTRITIONAL STATUS OF TODDLERS IN SUKA MAKMUR VILLAGE, PATILANGGIO DISTRICT Ripanwati Aridi1), Titin Dunggio2), Novian S. Hadi3) 1.2.3)University Of Bina Mandiri Gorontalo, Gorontalo E-Mail: Aridiripanwati@gmail.com ABSTRACT The Integrated Health Post is a community role that is managed by cadres, generally who manages the Posyandu in their respective regions voluntarily. The success of Posyandu can be seen from the maternal mortality rate, infant mortality rate, and under-five mortality rate. Posyandu's specific goal is to increase community participation in the implementation of basic health efforts (primary health care), increase the role of cross-sector, and increase the reach of basic health services. The purpose of this study was to find out the role of Posyandu cadres in improving the nutritional status of toddlers in Suka Makmur Village, Patilanggio District. This research was conducted in Suka Makmur Village, Patilanggio District. The method in this study is quantitative using a cross-sectional approach with a point time approach design. The population in this study was mothers who have children aged 1 to 5 years in Suka Makmur Village, Patilanggio District. The sampling technique was taken by total sampling. The results of the study about the role of cadres in Suka Makmur Village, Patilanggio District, the best roles were 25 people (83.3%). The increase in the nutritional status of toddlers in Suka Makmur Village, Patilanggio District, the most with good nutritional status was 26 respondents (86.7%). The results of statistical tests with Fisher's Exact Test correction obtained p-value = 0.048 <á (0.05), thus there is a significant relationship between the role of Posyandu cadres in efforts to improve the nutritional status of toddlers in Suka Makmur Village, Patilanggio District. Keyword: The Role of Cadres, improved Nutritional Status, Toddle INTRODUCTION Posyandu is a Community Based Health Efforts (UKBM) which is managed, by, for, and with the community to empower the community and provide facilities for the community in obtaining basic health services. The Integrated Health Post is a community role that is managed by cadres, generally, these cadres manage posyandu in their respective areas voluntarily [1]. If the Posyandu is programmed thoroughly the problems of malnutrition in children under five, malnutrition, edema, and other health problems related to the health of mothers and children will be easily avoided because remembering that Posyandu is also one of the places for public health services that directly interact with the community. The Success of Posyandu can be seen from the maternal mortality rate, infant mortality rate, under-five mortality rate, and also coverage of other Posyandu programs such as immunization [2]. RPJMN policy direction for health 2020-2024 Improves health services towards universal health coverage, especially strengthening primary health care by encouraging increased promotional and preventive efforts, supported by innovation and the use of technology. RPJMN Strategy 2020-2024 to Improving maternal and child health, family planning, and reproductive health, accelerating community nutrition improvement, increased disease control, strengthening the Healthy Living Community Movement (Germas), Strengthening Health Systems, Drug and Food Control. Ministry of Health Strategic (2020-2024) Increasing quality universal health coverage, Improving public health status through a life cycle approach, increasing the culture of healthy living people through community empowerment and health mainstreaming, increased disease prevention and control and management of public health emergencies, increased health resources, improved good governance [3]. Village Community Health Development (PKMD) is an activity carried out by the community, from the community, and for the community. One of the operational forms of community participation or UKBM (community-based health efforts) namely with the posyandu. Posyandu is one of the means in health service efforts carried out by, from, and with the community, to empower the community and provide facilities for the community to obtain maternal and child health, which is the main objective of posyandu. Posyandu's specific goal is to increase community participation in the implementation of primary health care, increasing the role across sectors, and increasing the reach of basic health services [4]. Posyandu is held for the benefit of the community so that the community itself is actively involved in forming, organizing, and making the best use of posyandu. Community participation is needed in utilizing posyandu. In carrying out their duties, previous health cadres will be given the training to support the smooth implementation of activities to improve the nutritional status of children under five [5]. Nationally, the nutritional status of children in various regions in Indonesia is still a problem. The amount of people with malnutrition in the world reaches 104 million children, and malnutrition is the cause of one-third of all causes of child deaths worldwide. Indonesia is among a group of 36 countries in the world that contribute 90% of the world's nutritional problems [6]. Cadres are the central point in implementing posyandu activities. It is hoped that participation and activeness will be able to drive community participation. However, the presence of cadres is relatively unstable because their participation is voluntary, so there is no guarantee that they will continue to carry out their functions properly as expected. If there are family interests or other interests, the posyandu will be abandoned [7]. In 2017, the total of Posyandu in Indonesia was 291,447 but only 164,487 were active with the percentage of active Posyandu 56.57% [8]. In Gorontalo Province in 2017, the highest proportion of Posyandu was Posyandu Madya 48.5%, then Posyandu Purnama 39%, Posyandu Pratama 10.7%, and Posyandu with Independent strata only 1.9%. According to data from the health office of Gorontalo Province, in 2017 the highest of posyandu was in the Gorontalo Regency area, namely 442 posyandu and the least in the Gorontalo City is 128 posyandu [9]. The development of posyandu in Gorontalo Province aims to provide services to the community, especially improving the nutritional status of children under five. Based on data from the Health Office of Gorontalo Provincial. The results of nutritional surveillance through a survey of monitoring nutritional status (PSG) in 2015 in all areas of Gorontalo province involving the Poltekes of the Ministry of Health found that the prevalence of underweight/malnutrition in Gorontalo province is 24.4%, consisting of 18.8% malnourished toddlers and 5.6% malnutrition. Then the prevalence of stunting / short and very short was 36.5% consisting of 22.4% short and very short toddlers and 14.1%. The prevalence of wasting / thin and very thin children was 13.4% consisting of thin children 9.0% and 4.4% very thin. In 2015 the number of cases of malnutrition in Pohuwato Regency reached 105 cases, in 2016 it decreased to 57 cases and in 2017 totaled 57 cases of malnutrition, this shows that there is still a lack of health services provided by health workers and the role of cadres, especially in improving the nutritional status of children under five [9]. From the results of observations in the work area of Puskesmas Patilanggio, there are 21 posyandu with 30 cadres active in implementing posyandu. Although all of them are active, their roles are still not optimal. There are those whose participation is good and those that are lacking. From 30 cadres, it was found that 60% of their roles were motivators, 70% were administrators, and 60% were educators. After the researcher saw the implementation of posyandu activities carried out by cadres based on the implementation of the Vtable system, it did not implement properly. The implementation is limited to table II (weighing) and table III (recording in KMS). The counseling that should be provided by cadres is, in fact, in the field most cadres are still very dependent on health workers. Cadres only weigh children under five and if there is a scale that is less or more, cadres do not provide health education to mothers who bring a toddler. From the results of interviews conducted by researchers with 5 cadres, 2 cadres said that besides being active in implementing the posyandu, the cadres also do house visits to invite mothers with toddlers to come to the posyandu and take time to discuss with mothers who the house is close to each other. Meanwhile, 3 cadres said that their activities were limited to implementing posyandu. Based on the monthly reports of Puskesmas Patillanggio, in March 2020 the total of all toddlers was 120 people, with 1 person with malnutrition status, 23 people deficient nutrition, 1 person over nutrition, and 95 good nutrition. Meanwhile, in the Sukamakmur village in April 2020 the total of all toddlers was 167 people, with a malnutrition status of 15 people, over-nutrition 2 people, and good nutrition 143 people. The background above encourages researchers to research “The Role of Posyandu Cadres in Improving the Nutritional Status of Toddlers in Suka Makmur Village, Patilanggio District. RESEARCH METHODS This type of research is quantitative using a cross-sectional approach with a point time approach design. This research was conducted from June 2020 to August 2020. The location of this research was in Suka Makmur Village, Patillanggio District. The population in this research was mothers who have children aged 1 to 5 years in Suka Makmur village, Patilanggio district, with a total of 167 mothers of children under five. The sampling of this research using the Slovin formula, where the results obtained that the number of samples of 30 mothers who have toddlers 1 - 5 years old adjusted to the number of samples (cadres). Samples were taken by random sampling. The research analysis used univariate and bivariate analysis, where the bivariate analysis used the chi-square statistical test. RESEARCH RESULTS Univariate Analysis Age distribution of respondents Table 1. Distribusi umur responden Mother's age N % 20 - 25 Years 11 36,7 26 – 30 Years 7 23,3 31 – 35 Years 6 20,0 > 36 Years 6 20,0 Jumlah 30 100,0 Source: Processed data (2020) Based on table 1 above, it can be seen that it shows that from 30 respondents (100%), the most respondents were aged 20-25 years as much as 11 people (36.7%). Distribution of respondents' education Table. 2 Distribution of respondents' education Education N % SD SMP SMA Diploma/Sarjana 19 6 3 2 63,3 20,0 10,0 6,7 Total 30 100,0 Source: Processed data (2020) Based on table 2 above, it can be seen that from the 30 respondents (100%), most of them had primary school education as much as 19 respondents (63.3%). Distribution of respondents' work Table 3. Distribution of respondents' work Pekerjaan N % Housewife Entrepreneur PNS 28 1 1 93,3 3,3 3,3 Total 30 100,0 Source: Processed data (2020) Based on table 3 above, it can be seen that from the 30 respondents (100%) the most respondents have IRT jobs totaling 28 people (93.3%). Child sex distribution Table 4. Child sex distribution Jenis kelamin N % Man Woman 11 19 36,7 63,3 Total 30 100,0 Source: Processed data (2020) Based on table 4 above, it can be seen that from the 30 respondents (100%), most respondents were female, as much as 19 people (63.3%). Age distribution of children under five Table 5. Age distribution of children under five Toddler’e Age N % 12 – 18 Month 19 – 26 Month 27 – 43 Month 51 – 60 Month 8 7 10 5 26,6 23,3 33,5 16,6 Total 30 100,0 Source: Processed data (2020) Based on table 5 above, it can be seen that from the 30 respondents (100%), most respondents were aged 27 - 43 months, totaling 10 people (33.5%). Distribution of cadre roles Table 6. Distribution of cadre roles Cadres’ Role N % Poor Good 5 25 16,7 83,3 Total 30 100,0 Source: Processed data (2020) Based on table 6 above, it can be seen that from the 30 respondents (100%), most respondents had a good role as many as 25 people (83.3%). Distribution of Nutritional Status Table 7. Distribution of Nutritional Status Nutrition Status N % Good Poor Fat 26 3 1 86,7 10,0 3,3 Total 30 100,0 Source: Processed data (2020) Based on table 7 above, it can be seen that from the 30 respondents (100%), most respondents with good nutritional status were 26 respondents (86.7%). Bivariate Analysis Table 8. The relationship between cadres of posyandu cadres and nutritional status of toddler Cadres’ Roler Nutrition Status Total Sig. Good Poor Fat Poor Good 3 (10,0%) 23 (76,7%) 1 (3,3%) 2 (6,7%) 1 (3,3%) 0 (0%) 5 (16,7%) 25 (83,3%) p= 0,048 Total 26 (86,7%) 3 (10,0%) 1 (3,3%) 30 (100,0%) Source: Processed data (2020) The results of statistical analysis using the chi-square test at the level of significance á = 0.05 or the confidence interval p <0.05. The results of statistical tests with the Fisher's Exact Test correction obtained p value = 0.048 <á (0.05), thus it can be said that there is a relationship between the role of Posyandu cadres in improving the nutritional status of toddlers in Suka Makmur Village, Patilanggio District. DISCUSSION The Role of Cadre Based on the results of this research, according to the data obtained, it shows that most of the roles of cadres in Suka Makmur Village have a good role, as much as 25 people (83.3%). The results of this research are in line with research conducted by Onthonhie in Sangihe, whose research results found that most of the cadres (86.9%) had carried out their duties well as cadres in carrying out posyandu activities both as motivators, administrators, and educators [10]. The role of cadres is very important because cadres are responsible for implementing the posyandu program. If the cadres are not active, the implementation of posyandu will also not run smoothly and as a result, the nutritional status of infants and toddlers (under five years old) cannot be detected early clearly [11]. The role of cadres as a motivator can improve the quality of Posyandu, especially in handling health problems. Cadres play a role in implementing posyandu activities and mobilizing maternal activity in posyandu activities. Cadres as implementers at posyandu are tasked with filling in the KMS for toddlers. The completeness and correctness of filling in KMS are very important as information on the status of toddler growth and development. If the role of cadres is lacking, monitoring of toddler growth and development will increase [12]. The role of cadres as educators in providing maximum understanding to mothers of toddlers is very much needed for the progress of children's development and nutritional status. The role of cadres as educators, among others, can explain the KMS data for each toddler or the condition of the child based on the weight gain data depicted in the KMS graph, hold group discussion activities with mothers whose houses are close together, and home visit activities [12]. Nutritional status of children under five Based on the results of this research, according to the data obtained, it shows that most of the nutritional status of a toddler in Suka Makmur Village has a good nutritional status of as many as 26 people (86.7%). The factors that influence the nutritional status of a toddler in Suka Makmur village are in terms of good health services and the role of cadres in increasing education of food consumption for toddlers. The results of this research are in line with the research conducted by Onthonie, most of the results (85.2%) had a good nutritional status [10]. The problem of poor nutrition is caused by various causes in children, namely the result of the consumption of bad food so that the energy entering and leaving is not balanced. The body needs good food choices so that nutritional needs are met and the body functions properly [13]. Lack of knowledge of mothers about nutrition results in low spending, food and quality budgets, as well as less food diversity, besides the ability of mothers to apply information about nutrition in their daily life [14]. Nutrition activities in posyandu are one of the main activities and are generally a priority in the implementation of Posyandu activities and are carried out by cadres [15]. The relationship between the role of cadres on the nutritional status of toddler The results of this research indicate that there is a relationship between the role of posyandu cadres in improving the nutritional status of a toddler. This research is in line with the research conducted by Purwanti et al, which states that there is a relationship between the role of cadres and the nutritional status of children under five [16]. Fitriah's research also states that there is a relationship between the role of cadres and the nutritional status of children under five [17]. The duties of cadres in activities at the posyandu are to conduct early detection of abnormalities in under-fives weight, providing additional food, and how to prevent diarrhea in a toddler. Posyandu cadres are health providers that are close to the targeted posyandu activities. The frequency of meeting with cadres is more frequent than other health workers. Therefore, cadres must be active in various activities, not only in implementation but also in management matters such as planning activities, recording, and reporting of cadre meetings [15]. The role of cadres can help the community in reducing the number of malnutrition, besides, role cadres also help in reducing maternal and toddler mortality rates, by utilizing the expertise and other supporting facilities related to improving the nutritional status of a toddler, so it can be concluded that the role of cadres affects the nutritional status of a toddler, If the role of cadres is higher, the rate of reduction of malnutrition among toddler also high [16]. Based on the results of the research above, the researchers assumed that the role of cadres would be better in carrying out their roles in posyandu activities and helping health workers because cadres had the duties and responsibilities to help improve the nutritional health of toddler. Thereby, the role of a good cadre can affect the nutritional status of children where the better the role of the cadres, the higher rate of good nutrition in toddler and can improve the quality of posyandu, especially in handling toddler health problems so that malnutrition can be resolved quickly through prevention and rapid handling. Besides, the role of good cadres tends to motivate mothers of toddlers to always pay attention to things that can improve the nutrition of their children and motivate mothers to routinely bring toddlers to posyandu to monitor their health. In this research using anthropometric indicators of weight/height because height can provide an overview of the growth function seen from the thin and short stature and height is also very good for seeing past nutritional conditions, especially those related to low birth weight and underweight conditions and nutrition in toddlerhood. Height is expressed in the form of Index TB / U (height for age), or also index weight/height (weight for height) is rarely done because changes in height are slow and usually only done once a year. CONCLUSION The role of cadres in Suka Makmur Village, Patilanggio District is mostly cadres who have a good role. The nutritional status of toddlers in Suka Makmur Village, Patilanggio District has increased with good nutritional status. There is a significant relationship between the role of Posyandu cadres in efforts to improve nutritional status, the better the role of cadres, the better the reduction in malnutrition in a toddler in Suka Makmur village, Patilanggio district. Therefore, it is hoped that cadres will further improve their knowledge and skills by attending regular meetings at every meeting held by the Puskesmas, to further improve themselves in participating actively in posyandu programs. REFERENCES [1] Kemenkes RI. 2012 Pusat Promosi Kesehatan Tahun 2012 tentang Buku Saku Posyandu. [2] Adisasmito W, 2016. Sistem Kesehatan. [3] Kemenkes RI. 2020. Rencana Strategis Kementerian Kesehatan Tahun 2020 - 2024. Jakarta [4] Kemenkes RI. 2013. Laporan Akuntabilitas Kinerja Kementerian Kesehatan. Jakarta. [5] Depkes RI. 2012. Buku Paket Pelatihan Kader Kesehatan. Jakarta. [6] World Health Organization. The Global Burden Of Disease : Geneva: WHO Library. [7] Syafei, A. 2010. Faktor – Faktor Yang Berhubungan Dengan Partisipasi Kader Dalam Kegiatan Gizi Posyandu Di Kelurahan Rengas Kecamatan Ciputat Timur Kota Tangerang Selatan. Jakarta: Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah [8] Kemenkes RI. 2018. Data dan Informasi Profil Kesehatan Indonesia 2017. Jakarta [9] Dinas Kesehatan Provinsi Gorontalo. 2017. Profil Kesehatan Provinsi Gorontalo. [10] Ontonhie. 2014. Hubungan Peran Serta Kader Posyandu dengan Status Gizi Balita di Wilayah Kerja Puskesmas Manganitu Kabupaten Kepulauan Sangihe. E-Journal Keperawatan. Program Studi Ilmu keperawatan Fakultas Kedokteran Universitas Samratulangi. [11] Isaura, V. 2011. Faktor – Faktor Yang Berhubungan Dengan Kinerja Kader Posyandu Di Wilayah Kerja Puskesmas Tarusan Kecamatan Koto XI Tarusan Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan. Padang: Universitas Andalas [12] Anondo. 2007. Kualitas Kader Rendah, Peran Posyandu Melemah [13] Almatsier. 2009. Prinsip Dasar Ilumu Gizi. Jakarta. [14] Ernawati A., 2006. Hubungan Faktor Sosial Ekonomi, Higiene Sanitasi Lingkungan, Tingkat Konsumsi dan Infeksi dengan Status Gizi Anak Usia 2-5 tahun di Kabupaten Semarang Tahun 2003. Tesis. Universitas Diponegoro. [15] Wahyutomo, A. H. 2010. Hubungan Karakteristik Dan Peran Kader Posyandu Dengan Pemantauan Tumbuh Kembang Balita Di Puskesmas Kalitidu-Bojonegoro. Surakarta: Universitas Sebelas Maret [16] Purwanti, D., Pajeriaty., & Rasyid, A. 2014. Faktor Yang Berhubungan Dengan Status Gizi Balita Di Wilayah Kerja Puskesmas Madello Kabupaten Barru. Jurnal Ilmiah Kesehatan Diagnosis Volume 5 Nomor 1 [17] Fitriah, R. 2012. Faktor – Faktor Yang Berhubungan Dengan Peningkatan Gizi Balita Di Wilayah Kerja Puskesmas Dasan Cermen Kecamatan Sandubaya. Mataram: Politeknik Kesehatan.

Abstract Purpose Despite the World Health Organization and United Nations recognising violence, abuse and mental health as public health priorities, their intersection is under-studied in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). International violence, abuse and mental health network (iVAMHN) members recognised the need to identify barriers and priorities to develop this field. Methods Informed by collaborative discussion between iVAMHN members, we conducted a pilot study using an online survey to identify research, education and capacity building priorities for violence, abuse and mental health in LMICs. We analysed free-text responses using thematic analysis. Results 35 senior (29%) and junior researchers (29%), non-government or voluntary sector staff (18%), health workers (11%), students (11%) and administrators (3%) completed the survey. Respondents worked in 24 LMICs, with 20% working in more than one country. Seventy-four percent of respondents worked in sub-Saharan Africa, 37% in Asia and smaller proportions in Latin America, Eastern Europe and the Middle East. Respondents described training, human resource, funding and sensitivity-related barriers to researching violence, abuse and mental health in LMICs and recommended a range of actions to build capacity, streamline research pathways, increase efficiency and foster collaborations and co-production. Conclusion The intersection between violence, abuse and mental health in LMICs is a priority for individuals with a range of expertise across health, social care and the voluntary sector. There is interest in and support for building a strong network of parties engaged in research, service evaluation, training and education in this field. Networks like iVAMHN can act as hubs, bringing together diverse stakeholders for collaboration, co-production and mutually beneficial exchange of knowledge and skills.

IntroductionFood Studies is a relatively recent area of research enquiry in Australia and Magazine Studies is even newer (Le Masurier and Johinke), with the consequence that Australian culinary magazines are only just beginning to be investigated. Moreover, although many major libraries have not thought such popular magazines worthy of sustained collection (Fox and Sornil), considering these publications is important. As de Certeau argues, it can be of considerable consequence to identify and analyse everyday practices (such as producing and reading popular magazines) that seem so minor and insignificant as to be unworthy of notice, as these practices have the ability to affect our lives. It is important in this case as these publications were part of the post-war gastronomic environment in Australia in which national tastes in domestic cookery became radically internationalised (Santich). To further investigate Australian magazines, as well as suggesting how these cosmopolitan eating habits became more widely embraced, this article will survey the various ways in which the idea of “abroad” is expressed in one Australian culinary serial from the post-war period, Australian Wines & Food Quarterly magazine, which was published from 1956 to 1960. The methodological approach taken is an historically-informed content analysis (Krippendorff) of relevant material from these magazines combined with germane media data (Hodder). All issues in the serial’s print run have been considered.Australian Post-War Culinary PublishingTo date, studies of 1950s writing in Australia have largely focused on literary and popular fiction (Johnson-Wood; Webby) and literary criticism (Bird; Dixon; Lee). There have been far fewer studies of non-fiction writing of any kind, although some serial publications from this time have attracted some attention (Bell; Lindesay; Ross; Sheridan; Warner-Smith; White; White). In line with studies internationally, groundbreaking work in Australian food history has focused on cookbooks, and includes work by Supski, who notes that despite the fact that buying cookbooks was “regarded as a luxury in the 1950s” (87), such publications were an important information source in terms of “developing, consolidating and extending foodmaking knowledge” at that time (85).It is widely believed that changes to Australian foodways were brought about by significant post-war immigration and the recipes and dishes these immigrants shared with neighbours, friends, and work colleagues and more widely afield when they opened cafes and restaurants (Newton; Newton; Manfredi). Although these immigrants did bring new culinary flavours and habits with them, the overarching rhetoric guiding population policy at this time was assimilation, with migrants expected to abandon their culture, language, and habits in favour of the dominant British-influenced ways of living (Postiglione). While migrants often did retain their foodways (Risson), the relationship between such food habits and the increasingly cosmopolitan Australian food culture is much more complex than the dominant cultural narrative would have us believe. It has been pointed out, for example, that while the haute cuisine of countries such as France, Italy, and Germany was much admired in Australia and emulated in expensive dining (Brien and Vincent), migrants’ own preference for their own dishes instead of Anglo-Australian choices, was not understood (Postiglione). Duruz has added how individual diets are eclectic, “multi-layered and hybrid” (377), incorporating foods from both that person’s own background with others available for a range of reasons including availability, cost, taste, and fashion. In such an environment, popular culinary publishing, in terms of cookbooks, specialist magazines, and recipe and other food-related columns in general magazines and newspapers, can be posited to be another element contributing to this change.Australian Wines & Food QuarterlyAustralian Wines & Food Quarterly (AWFQ) is, as yet, a completely unexamined publication, and there appears to be only three complete sets of this magazine held in public collections. It is important to note that, at the time it was launched in the mid-1950s, food writing played a much less significant part in Australian popular publishing than it does today, with far fewer cookbooks released than today, and women’s magazines and the women’s pages of newspapers containing only small recipe sections. In this environment, a new specialist culinary magazine could be seen to be timely, an audacious gamble, or both.All issues of this magazine were produced and printed in, and distributed from, Melbourne, Australia. Although no sales or distribution figures are available, production was obviously a struggle, with only 15 issues published before the magazine folded at the end of 1960. The title of the magazine changed over this time, and issue release dates are erratic, as is the method in which volumes and issues are numbered. Although the number of pages varied from 32 up to 52, and then less once again, across the magazine’s life, the price was steadily reduced, ending up at less than half the original cover price. All issues were produced and edited by Donald Wallace, who also wrote much of the content, with contributions from family members, including his wife, Mollie Wallace, to write, illustrate, and produce photographs for the magazine.When considering the content of the magazine, most is quite familiar in culinary serials today, although AWFQ’s approach was radically innovative in Australia at this time when cookbooks, women’s magazines, and newspaper cookery sections focused on recipes, many of which were of cakes, biscuits, and other sweet baking (Bannerman). AWFQ not only featured many discursive essays and savory meals, it also featured much wine writing and review-style content as well as information about restaurant dining in each issue.Wine-Related ContentWine is certainly the most prominent of the content areas, with most issues of the magazine containing more wine-related content than any other. Moreover, in the early issues, most of the food content is about preparing dishes and/or meals that could be consumed alongside wines, although the proportion of food content increases as the magazine is published. This wine-related content takes a clearly international perspective on this topic. While many articles and advertisements, for example, narrate the long history of Australian wine growing—which goes back to early 19th century—these articles argue that Australia's vineyards and wineries measure up to international, and especially French, examples. In one such example, the author states that: “from the earliest times Australia’s wines have matched up to world standard” (“Wine” 25). This contest can be situated in Australia, where a leading restaurant (Caprice in Sydney) could be seen to not only “match up to” but also, indeed to, “challenge world standards” by serving Australian wines instead of imports (“Sydney” 33). So good, indeed, are Australian wines that when foreigners are surprised by their quality, this becomes newsworthy. This is evidenced in the following excerpt: “Nearly every English businessman who has come out to Australia in the last ten years … has diverted from his main discussion to comment on the high quality of Australian wine” (Seppelt, 3). In a similar nationalist vein, many articles feature overseas experts’ praise of Australian wines. Thus, visiting Italian violinist Giaconda de Vita shows a “keen appreciation of Australian wines” (“Violinist” 30), British actor Robert Speaight finds Grange Hermitage “an ideal wine” (“High Praise” 13), and the Swedish ambassador becomes their advocate (Ludbrook, “Advocate”).This competition could also be located overseas including when Australian wines are served at prestigious overseas events such as a dinner for members of the Overseas Press Club in New York (Australian Wines); sold from Seppelt’s new London cellars (Melbourne), or the equally new Australian Wine Centre in Soho (Australia Will); or, featured in exhibitions and promotions such as the Lausanne Trade Fair (Australia is Guest;“Wines at Lausanne), or the International Wine Fair in Yugoslavia (Australia Wins).Australia’s first Wine Festival was held in Melbourne in 1959 (Seppelt, “Wine Week”), the joint focus of which was the entertainment and instruction of the some 15,000 to 20,000 attendees who were expected. At its centre was a series of free wine tastings aiming to promote Australian wines to the “professional people of the community, as well as the general public and the housewife” (“Melbourne” 8), although admission had to be recommended by a wine retailer. These tastings were intended to build up the prestige of Australian wine when compared to international examples: “It is the high quality of our wines that we are proud of. That is the story to pass on—that Australian wine, at its best, is at least as good as any in the world and better than most” (“Melbourne” 8).There is also a focus on promoting wine drinking as a quotidian habit enjoyed abroad: “We have come a long way in less than twenty years […] An enormous number of husbands and wives look forward to a glass of sherry when the husband arrives home from work and before dinner, and a surprising number of ordinary people drink table wine quite un-selfconsciously” (Seppelt, “Advance” 3). However, despite an acknowledged increase in wine appreciation and drinking, there is also acknowledgement that this there was still some way to go in this aim as, for example, in the statement: “There is no reason why the enjoyment of table wines should not become an Australian custom” (Seppelt, “Advance” 4).The authority of European experts and European habits is drawn upon throughout the publication whether in philosophically-inflected treatises on wine drinking as a core part of civilised behaviour, or practically-focused articles about wine handling and serving (Keown; Seabrook; “Your Own”). Interestingly, a number of Australian experts are also quoted as stressing that these are guidelines, not strict rules: Crosby, for instance, states: “There is no ‘right wine.’ The wine to drink is the one you like, when and how you like it” (19), while the then-manager of Lindemans Wines is similarly reassuring in his guide to entertaining, stating that “strict adherence to the rules is not invariably wise” (Mackay 3). Tingey openly acknowledges that while the international-style of regularly drinking wine had “given more dignity and sophistication to the Australian way of life” (35), it should not be shrouded in snobbery.Food-Related ContentThe magazine’s cookery articles all feature international dishes, and certain foreign foods, recipes, and ways of eating and dining are clearly identified as “gourmet”. Cheese is certainly the most frequently mentioned “gourmet” food in the magazine, and is featured in every issue. These articles can be grouped into the following categories: understanding cheese (how it is made and the different varieties enjoyed internationally), how to consume cheese (in relation to other food and specific wines, and in which particular parts of a meal, again drawing on international practices), and cooking with cheese (mostly in what can be identified as “foreign” recipes).Some of this content is produced by Kraft Foods, a major advertiser in the magazine, and these articles and recipes generally focus on urging people to eat more, and varied international kinds of cheese, beyond the ubiquitous Australian cheddar. In terms of advertorials, both Kraft cheeses (as well as other advertisers) are mentioned by brand in recipes, while the companies are also profiled in adjacent articles. In the fourth issue, for instance, a full-page, infomercial-style advertisement, noting the different varieties of Kraft cheese and how to serve them, is published in the midst of a feature on cooking with various cheeses (“Cooking with Cheese”). This includes recipes for Swiss Cheese fondue and two pasta recipes: spaghetti and spicy tomato sauce, and a so-called Italian spaghetti with anchovies.Kraft’s company history states that in 1950, it was the first business in Australia to manufacture and market rindless cheese. Through these AWFQ advertisements and recipes, Kraft aggressively marketed this innovation, as well as its other new products as they were launched: mayonnaise, cheddar cheese portions, and Cracker Barrel Cheese in 1954; Philadelphia Cream Cheese, the first cream cheese to be produced commercially in Australia, in 1956; and, Coon Cheese in 1957. Not all Kraft products were seen, however, as “gourmet” enough for such a magazine. Kraft’s release of sliced Swiss Cheese in 1957, and processed cheese slices in 1959, for instance, both passed unremarked in either the magazine’s advertorial or recipes.An article by the Australian Dairy Produce Board urging consumers to “Be adventurous with Cheese” presented general consumer information including the “origin, characteristics and mode of serving” cheese accompanied by a recipe for a rich and exotic-sounding “Wine French Dressing with Blue Cheese” (Kennedy 18). This was followed in the next issue by an article discussing both now familiar and not-so familiar European cheese varieties: “Monterey, Tambo, Feta, Carraway, Samsoe, Taffel, Swiss, Edam, Mozzarella, Pecorino-Romano, Red Malling, Cacio Cavallo, Blue-Vein, Roman, Parmigiano, Kasseri, Ricotta and Pepato” (“Australia’s Natural” 23). Recipes for cheese fondues recur through the magazine, sometimes even multiple times in the same issue (see, for instance, “Cooking With Cheese”; “Cooking With Wine”; Pain). In comparison, butter, although used in many AWFQ’s recipes, was such a common local ingredient at this time that it was only granted one article over the entire run of the magazine, and this was largely about the much more unusual European-style unsalted butter (“An Expert”).Other international recipes that were repeated often include those for pasta (always spaghetti) as well as mayonnaise made with olive oil. Recurring sweets and desserts include sorbets and zabaglione from Italy, and flambéd crepes suzettes from France. While tabletop cooking is the epitome of sophistication and described as an international technique, baked Alaska (ice cream nestled on liquor-soaked cake, and baked in a meringue shell), hailing from America, is the most featured recipe in the magazine. Asian-inspired cuisine was rarely represented and even curry—long an Anglo-Australian staple—was mentioned only once in the magazine, in an article reprinted from the South African The National Hotelier, and which included a recipe alongside discussion of blending spices (“Curry”).Coffee was regularly featured in both articles and advertisements as a staple of the international gourmet kitchen (see, for example, Bancroft). Articles on the history, growing, marketing, blending, roasting, purchase, percolating and brewing, and serving of coffee were common during the magazine’s run, and are accompanied with advertisements for Bushell’s, Robert Timms’s and Masterfoods’s coffee ranges. AWFQ believed Australia’s growing coffee consumption was the result of increased participation in quality internationally-influenced dining experiences, whether in restaurants, the “scores of colourful coffee shops opening their doors to a new generation” (“Coffee” 39), or at home (Adams). Tea, traditionally the Australian hot drink of choice, is not mentioned once in the magazine (Brien).International Gourmet InnovationsAlso featured in the magazine are innovations in the Australian food world: new places to eat; new ways to cook, including a series of sometimes quite unusual appliances; and new ways to shop, with a profile of the first American-style supermarkets to open in Australia in this period. These are all seen as overseas innovations, but highly suited to Australia. The laws then controlling the service of alcohol are also much discussed, with many calls to relax the licensing laws which were seen as inhibiting civilised dining and drinking practices. The terms this was often couched in—most commonly in relation to the Olympic Games (held in Melbourne in 1956), but also in relation to tourism in general—are that these restrictive regulations were an embarrassment for Melbourne when considered in relation to international practices (see, for example, Ludbrook, “Present”). This was at a time when the nightly hotel closing time of 6.00 pm (and the performance of the notorious “six o’clock swill” in terms of drinking behaviour) was only repealed in Victoria in 1966 (Luckins).Embracing scientific approaches in the kitchen was largely seen to be an American habit. The promotion of the use of electricity in the kitchen, and the adoption of new electric appliances (Gas and Fuel; Gilbert “Striving”), was described not only as a “revolution that is being wrought in our homes”, but one that allowed increased levels of personal expression and fulfillment, in “increas[ing] the time and resources available to the housewife for the expression of her own personality in the management of her home” (Gilbert, “The Woman’s”). This mirrors the marketing of these modes of cooking and appliances in other media at this time, including in newspapers, radio, and other magazines. This included features on freezing food, however AWFQ introduced an international angle, by suggesting that recipe bases could be pre-prepared, frozen, and then defrosted to use in a range of international cookery (“Fresh”; “How to”; Kelvinator Australia). The then-new marvel of television—another American innovation—is also mentioned in the magazine ("Changing concepts"), although other nationalities are also invoked. The history of the French guild the Confrerie de la Chaine des Roitisseurs in 1248 is, for instance, used to promote an electric spit roaster that was part of a state-of-the-art gas stove (“Always”), and there are also advertisements for such appliances as the Gaggia expresso machine (“Lets”) which draw on both Italian historical antecedence and modern science.Supermarket and other forms of self-service shopping are identified as American-modern, with Australia’s first shopping mall lauded as the epitome of utopian progressiveness in terms of consumer practice. Judged to mark “a new era in Australian retailing” (“Regional” 12), the opening of Chadstone Regional Shopping Centre in suburban Melbourne on 4 October 1960, with its 83 tenants including “giant” supermarket Dickens, and free parking for 2,500 cars, was not only “one of the most up to date in the world” but “big even by American standards” (“Regional” 12, italics added), and was hailed as a step in Australia “catching up” with the United States in terms of mall shopping (“Regional” 12). This shopping centre featured international-styled dining options including Bistro Shiraz, an outdoor terrace restaurant that planned to operate as a bistro-snack bar by day and full-scale restaurant at night, and which was said to offer diners a “Persian flavor” (“Bistro”).ConclusionAustralian Wines & Food Quarterly was the first of a small number of culinary-focused Australian publications in the 1950s and 1960s which assisted in introducing a generation of readers to information about what were then seen as foreign foods and beverages only to be accessed and consumed abroad as well as a range of innovative international ideas regarding cookery and dining. For this reason, it can be posited that the magazine, although modest in the claims it made, marked a revolutionary moment in Australian culinary publishing. As yet, only slight traces can be found of its editor and publisher, Donald Wallace. The influence of AWFQ is, however, clearly evident in the two longer-lived magazines that were launched in the decade after AWFQ folded: Australian Gourmet Magazine and The Epicurean. Although these serials had a wider reach, an analysis of the 15 issues of AWFQ adds to an understanding of how ideas of foods, beverages, and culinary ideas and trends, imported from abroad were presented to an Australian readership in the 1950s, and contributed to how national foodways were beginning to change during that decade.ReferencesAdams, Jillian. “Australia’s American Coffee Culture.” Australian Journal of Popular Culture 2.1 (2012): 23–36.“Always to Roast on a Turning Spit.” The Magazine of Good Living: Australian Wines and Food 4.2 (1960): 17.“An Expert on Butter.” The Magazine of Good Living: The Australian Wine & Food 4.1 (1960): 11.“Australia Is Guest Nation at Lausanne.” The Magazine of Good Living: Australian Wines and Food 4.2 (1960): 18–19.“Australia’s Natural Cheeses.” The Magazine of Good Living: The Australian Wine & Food 4.1 (1960): 23.“Australia Will Be There.” The Magazine of Good Living: Australian Wines and Food 4.2 (1960): 14.“Australian Wines Served at New York Dinner.” Australian Wines & Food Quarterly 1.5 (1958): 16.“Australia Wins Six Gold Medals.” Australian Wines & Food: The Magazine of Good Living 2.11 (1959/1960): 3.Bancroft, P.A. “Let’s Make Some Coffee.” The Magazine of Good Living: The Australian Wine & Food 4.1 (1960): 10. 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On May 18, 2003, the Australian Minister for Education, Brendon Nelson, appeared on the Channel Nine Sunday programme. The Yoda of political journalism, Laurie Oakes, attacked him personally and professionally. He disclosed to viewers that the Minister for Education, Science and Training had suffered a false start in his education, enrolling in one semester of an economics degree that was never completed. The following year, he commenced a medical qualification and went on to become a practicing doctor. He did not pay fees for any of his University courses. When reminded of these events, Dr Nelson became agitated, and revealed information not included in the public presentation of the budget of that year, including a ‘cap’ on HECS-funded places of five years for each student. He justified such a decision with the cliché that Australia’s taxpayers do not want “professional students completing degree after degree.” The Minister confirmed that the primary – and perhaps the only – task for university academics was to ‘train’ young people for the workforce. The fact that nearly 50% of students in some Australian Universities are over the age of twenty five has not entered his vision. He wanted young people to complete a rapid degree and enter the workforce, to commence paying taxes and the debt or loan required to fund a full fee-paying place. Now – nearly two years after this interview and with the Howard government blessed with a new mandate – it is time to ask how this administration will order education and value teaching and learning. The curbing of the time available to complete undergraduate courses during their last term in office makes plain the Australian Liberal Government’s stance on formal, publicly-funded lifelong learning. The notion that a student/worker can attain all required competencies, skills, attributes, motivations and ambitions from a single degree is an assumption of the new funding model. It is also significant to note that while attention is placed on the changing sources of income for universities, there have also been major shifts in the pattern of expenditure within universities, focusing on branding, marketing, recruitment, ‘regional’ campuses and off-shore courses. Similarly, the short-term funding goals of university research agendas encourage projects required by industry, rather than socially inflected concerns. There is little inevitable about teaching, research and education in Australia, except that the Federal Government will not create a fully-funded model for lifelong learning. The task for those of us involved in – and committed to – education in this environment is to probe the form and rationale for a (post) publicly funded University. This short paper for the ‘order’ issue of M/C explores learning and teaching within our current political and economic order. Particularly, I place attention on the synergies to such an order via phrases like the knowledge economy and the creative industries. To move beyond the empty promises of just-in-time learning, on-the-job training, graduate attributes and generic skills, we must reorder our assumptions and ask difficult questions of those who frame the context in which education takes place. For the term of your natural life Learning is a big business. Whether discussing the University of the Third Age, personal development courses, self help bestsellers or hard-edged vocational qualifications, definitions of learning – let alone education – are expanding. Concurrent with this growth, governments are reducing centralized funding and promoting alternative revenue streams. The diversity of student interests – or to use the language of the time, client’s learning goals – is transforming higher education into more than the provision of undergraduate and postgraduate degrees. The expansion of the student body beyond the 18-25 age group and the desire to ‘service industry’ has reordered the form and purpose of formal education. The number of potential students has expanded extraordinarily. As Lee Bash realized Today, some estimates suggest that as many as 47 percent of all students enrolled in higher education are over 25 years old. In the future, as lifelong learning becomes more integrated into the fabric of our culture, the proportion of adult students is expected to increase. And while we may not yet realize it, the academy is already being transformed as a result. (35) Lifelong learning is the major phrase and trope that initiates and justifies these changes. Such expansive economic opportunities trigger the entrepreneurial directives within universities. If lifelong learning is taken seriously, then the goals, entry standards, curriculum, information management policies and assessments need to be challenged and changed. Attention must be placed on words and phrases like ‘access’ and ‘alternative entry.’ Even more consideration must be placed on ‘outcomes’ and ‘accountability.’ Lifelong learning is a catchphrase for a change in purpose and agenda. Courses are developed from a wide range of education providers so that citizens can function in, or at least survive, the agitation of the post-work world. Both neo-liberal and third way models of capitalism require the labeling and development of an aspirational class, a group who desires to move ‘above’ their current context. Such an ambiguous economic and social goal always involves more than the vocational education and training sector or universities, with the aim being to seamlessly slot education into a ‘lifestyle.’ The difficulties with this discourse are two-fold. Firstly, how effectively can these aspirational notions be applied and translated into a real family and a real workplace? Secondly, does this scheme increase the information divide between rich and poor? There are many characteristics of an effective lifelong learner including great personal motivation, self esteem, confidence and intellectual curiosity. In a double shifting, change-fatigued population, the enthusiasm for perpetual learning may be difficult to summon. With the casualization of the post-Fordist workplace, it is no surprise that policy makers and employers are placing the economic and personal responsibility for retraining on individual workers. Instead of funding a training scheme in the workplace, there has been a devolving of skill acquisition and personal development. Through the twentieth century, and particularly after 1945, education was the track to social mobility. The difficulty now – with degree inflation and the loss of stable, secure, long-term employment – is that new modes of exclusion and disempowerment are being perpetuated through the education system. Field recognized that “the new adult education has been embraced most enthusiastically by those who are already relatively well qualified.” (105) This is a significant realization. Motivation, meta-learning skills and curiosity are increasingly being rewarded when found in the already credentialed, empowered workforce. Those already in work undertake lifelong learning. Adult education operates well for members of the middle class who are doing well and wish to do better. If success is individualized, then failure is also cast on the self, not the social system or policy. The disempowered are blamed for their own conditions and ‘failures.’ The concern, through the internationalization of the workforce, technological change and privatization of national assets, is that failure in formal education results in social exclusion and immobility. Besides being forced into classrooms, there are few options for those who do not wish to learn, in a learning society. Those who ‘choose’ not be a part of the national project of individual improvement, increased market share, company competitiveness and international standards are not relevant to the economy. But there is a personal benefit – that may have long term political consequences – from being ‘outside’ society. Perhaps the best theorist of the excluded is not sourced from a University, but from the realm of fictional writing. Irvine Welsh, author of the landmark Trainspotting, has stated that What we really need is freedom from choice … People who are in work have no time for anything else but work. They have no mental space to accommodate anything else but work. Whereas people who are outside the system will always find ways of amusing themselves. Even if they are materially disadvantaged they’ll still find ways of coping, getting by and making their own entertainment. (145-6) A blurring of work and learning, and work and leisure, may seem to create a borderless education, a learning framework uninhibited by curriculum, assessment or power structures. But lifelong learning aims to place as many (national) citizens as possible in ‘the system,’ striving for success or at least a pay increase which will facilitate the purchase of more consumer goods. Through any discussion of work-place training and vocationalism, it is important to remember those who choose not to choose life, who choose something else, who will not follow orders. Everybody wants to work The great imponderable for complex economic systems is how to manage fluctuations in labour and the market. The unstable relationship between need and supply necessitates flexibility in staffing solutions, and short-term supplementary labour options. When productivity and profit are the primary variables through which to judge successful management, then the alignments of education and employment are viewed and skewed through specific ideological imperatives. The library profession is an obvious occupation that has confronted these contradictions. It is ironic that the occupation that orders knowledge is experiencing a volatile and disordered workplace. In the past, it had been assumed that librarians hold a degree while technicians do not, and that technicians would not be asked to perform – unsupervised – the same duties as librarians. Obviously, such distinctions are increasingly redundant. Training packages, structured through competency-based training principles, have ensured technicians and librarians share knowledge systems which are taught through incremental stages. Mary Carroll recognized the primary questions raised through this change. If it is now the case that these distinctions have disappeared do we need to continue to draw them between professional and para-professional education? Does this mean that all sectors of the education community are in fact learning/teaching the same skills but at different levels so that no unique set of skills exist? (122) With education reduced to skills, thereby discrediting generalist degrees, the needs of industry have corroded the professional standards and stature of librarians. Certainly, the abilities of library technicians are finally being valued, but it is too convenient that one of the few professions dominated by women has suffered a demeaning of knowledge into competency. Lifelong learning, in this context, has collapsed high level abilities in information management into bite sized chunks of ‘skills.’ The ideology of lifelong learning – which is rarely discussed – is that it serves to devalue prior abilities and knowledges into an ever-expanding imperative for ‘new’ skills and software competencies. For example, ponder the consequences of Hitendra Pillay and Robert Elliott’s words: The expectations inherent in new roles, confounded by uncertainty of the environment and the explosion of information technology, now challenge us to reconceptualise human cognition and develop education and training in a way that resonates with current knowledge and skills. (95) Neophilliacal urges jut from their prose. The stress on ‘new roles,’ and ‘uncertain environments,’ the ‘explosion of information technology,’ ‘challenges,’ ‘reconceptualisations,’ and ‘current knowledge’ all affirms the present, the contemporary, and the now. Knowledge and expertise that have taken years to develop, nurture and apply are not validated through this educational brief. The demands of family, work, leisure, lifestyle, class and sexuality stretch the skin taut over economic and social contradictions. To ease these paradoxes, lifelong learning should stress pedagogy rather than applications, and context rather than content. Put another way, instead of stressing the link between (gee wizz) technological change and (inevitable) workplace restructuring and redundancies, emphasis needs to be placed on the relationship between professional development and verifiable technological outcomes, rather than spruiks and promises. Short term vocationalism in educational policy speaks to the ordering of our public culture, requiring immediate profits and a tight dialogue between education and work. Furthering this logic, if education ‘creates’ employment, then it also ‘creates’ unemployment. Ironically, in an environment that focuses on the multiple identities and roles of citizens, students are reduced to one label – ‘future workers.’ Obviously education has always been marinated in the political directives of the day. The industrial revolution introduced a range of technical complexities to the workforce. Fordism necessitated that a worker complete a task with precision and speed, requiring a high tolerance of stress and boredom. Now, more skills are ‘assumed’ by employers at the time that workplaces are off-loading their training expectations to the post-compulsory education sector. Therefore ‘lifelong learning’ is a political mask to empower the already empowered and create a low-level skill base for low paid workers, with the promise of competency-based training. Such ideologies never need to be stated overtly. A celebration of ‘the new’ masks this task. Not surprisingly therefore, lifelong learning has a rich new life in ordering creative industries strategies and frameworks. Codifying the creative The last twenty years have witnessed an expanding jurisdiction and justification of the market. As part of Tony Blair’s third way, the creative industries and the knowledge economy became catchwords to demonstrate that cultural concerns are not only economically viable but a necessity in the digital, post-Fordist, information age. Concerns with intellectual property rights, copyright, patents, and ownership of creative productions predominate in such a discourse. Described by Charles Leadbeater as Living on Thin Air, this new economy is “driven by new actors of production and sources of competitive advantage – innovation, design, branding, know-how – which are at work on all industries.” (10) Such market imperatives offer both challenges and opportunity for educationalists and students. Lifelong learning is a necessary accoutrement to the creative industries project. Learning cities and communities are the foundations for design, music, architecture and journalism. In British policy, and increasingly in Queensland, attention is placed on industry-based research funding to address this changing environment. In 2000, Stuart Cunningham and others listed the eight trends that order education, teaching and learning in this new environment. The Changes to the Provision of Education Globalization The arrival of new information and communication technologies The development of a knowledge economy, shortening the time between the development of new ideas and their application. The formation of learning organizations User-pays education The distribution of knowledge through interactive communication technologies (ICT) Increasing demand for education and training Scarcity of an experienced and trained workforce Source: S. Cunningham, Y. Ryan, L. Stedman, S. Tapsall, K. Bagdon, T. Flew and P. Coaldrake. The Business of Borderless Education. Canberra: DETYA Evaluation and Investigations Program [EIP], 2000. This table reverberates with the current challenges confronting education. Mobilizing such changes requires the lubrication of lifelong learning tropes in university mission statements and the promotion of a learning culture, while also acknowledging the limited financial conditions in which the educational sector is placed. For university scholars facilitating the creative industries approach, education is “supplying high value-added inputs to other enterprises,” (Hartley and Cunningham 5) rather than having value or purpose beyond the immediately and applicably economic. The assumption behind this table is that the areas of expansion in the workforce are the creative and service industries. In fact, the creative industries are the new service sector. This new economy makes specific demands of education. Education in the ‘old economy’ and the ‘new economy’ Old Economy New Economy Four-year degree Forty-year degree Training as a cost Training as a source of competitive advantage Learner mobility Content mobility Distance education Distributed learning Correspondence materials with video Multimedia centre Fordist training – one size fits all Tailored programmes Geographically fixed institutions Brand named universities and celebrity professors Just-in-case Just-in-time Isolated learners Virtual learning communities Source: T. Flew. “Educational Media in Transition: Broadcasting, Digital Media and Lifelong Learning in the Knowledge Economy.” International Journal of Instructional Media 29.1 (2002): 20. There are myriad assumptions lurking in Flew’s fascinating table. The imperative is short courses on the web, servicing the needs of industry. He described the product of this system as a “learner-earner.” (50) This ‘forty year degree’ is based on lifelong learning ideologies. However Flew’s ideas are undermined by the current government higher education agenda, through the capping – through time – of courses. The effect on the ‘learner-earner’ in having to earn more to privately fund a continuance of learning – to ensure that they keep on earning – needs to be addressed. There will be consequences to the housing market, family structures and leisure time. The costs of education will impact on other sectors of the economy and private lives. Also, there is little attention to the groups who are outside this taken-for-granted commitment to learning. Flew noted that barriers to greater participation in education and training at all levels, which is a fundamental requirement of lifelong learning in the knowledge economy, arise in part out of the lack of provision of quality technology-mediated learning, and also from inequalities of access to ICTs, or the ‘digital divide.’ (51) In such a statement, there is a misreading of teaching and learning. Such confusion is fuelled by the untheorised gap between ‘student’ and ‘consumer.’ The notion that technology (which in this context too often means computer-mediated platforms) is a barrier to education does not explain why conventional distance education courses, utilizing paper, ink and postage, were also unable to welcome or encourage groups disengaged from formal learning. Flew and others do not confront the issue of motivation, or the reason why citizens choose to add or remove the label of ‘student’ from their bag of identity labels. The stress on technology as both a panacea and problem for lifelong learning may justify theories of convergence and the integration of financial, retail, community, health and education provision into a services sector, but does not explain why students desire to learn, beyond economic necessity and employer expectations. Based on these assumptions of expanding creative industries and lifelong learning, the shape of education is warping. An ageing population requires educational expenditure to be reallocated from primary and secondary schooling and towards post-compulsory learning and training. This cost will also be privatized. When coupled with immigration flows, technological changes and alterations to market and labour structures, lifelong learning presents a profound and personal cost. An instrument for economic and social progress has been individualized, customized and privatized. The consequence of the ageing population in many nations including Australia is that there will be fewer young people in schools or employment. Such a shift will have consequences for the workplace and the taxation system. Similarly, those young workers who remain will be far more entrepreneurial and less loyal to their employers. Public education is now publically-assisted education. Jane Jenson and Denis Saint-Martin realized the impact of this change. The 1980s ideological shift in economic and social policy thinking towards policies and programmes inspired by neo-liberalism provoked serious social strains, especially income polarization and persistent poverty. An increasing reliance on market forces and the family for generating life-chances, a discourse of ‘responsibility,’ an enthusiasm for off-loading to the voluntary sector and other altered visions of the welfare architecture inspired by neo-liberalism have prompted a reaction. There has been a wide-ranging conversation in the 1990s and the first years of the new century in policy communities in Europe as in Canada, among policy makers who fear the high political, social and economic costs of failing to tend to social cohesion. (78) There are dense social reorderings initiated by neo-liberalism and changing the notions of learning, teaching and education. There are yet to be tracked costs to citizenship. The legacy of the 1980s and 1990s is that all organizations must behave like businesses. In such an environment, there are problems establishing social cohesion, let alone social justice. To stress the product – and not the process – of education contradicts the point of lifelong learning. Compliance and complicity replace critique. (Post) learning The Cold War has ended. The great ideological battle between communism and Western liberal democracy is over. Most countries believe both in markets and in a necessary role for Government. There will be thunderous debates inside nations about the balance, but the struggle for world hegemony by political ideology is gone. What preoccupies decision-makers now is a different danger. It is extremism driven by fanaticism, personified either in terrorist groups or rogue states. Tony Blair (http://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page6535.asp) Tony Blair, summoning his best Francis Fukuyama impersonation, signaled the triumph of liberal democracy over other political and economic systems. His third way is unrecognizable from the Labour party ideals of Clement Attlee. Probably his policies need to be. Yet in his second term, he is not focused on probing the specificities of the market-orientation of education, health and social welfare. Instead, decision makers are preoccupied with a war on terror. Such a conflict seemingly justifies large defense budgets which must be at the expense of social programmes. There is no recognition by Prime Ministers Blair or Howard that ‘high-tech’ armory and warfare is generally impotent to the terrorist’s weaponry of cars, bodies and bombs. This obvious lesson is present for them to see. After the rapid and successful ‘shock and awe’ tactics of Iraq War II, terrorism was neither annihilated nor slowed by the Coalition’s victory. Instead, suicide bombers in Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Indonesia and Israel snuck have through defenses, requiring little more than a car and explosives. More Americans have been killed since the war ended than during the conflict. Wars are useful when establishing a political order. They sort out good and evil, the just and the unjust. Education policy will never provide the ‘big win’ or the visible success of toppling Saddam Hussein’s statue. The victories of retraining, literacy, competency and knowledge can never succeed on this scale. As Blair offered, “these are new times. New threats need new measures.” (ht tp://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page6535.asp) These new measures include – by default – a user pays education system. In such an environment, lifelong learning cannot succeed. It requires a dense financial commitment in the long term. A learning society requires a new sort of war, using ideas not bullets. References Bash, Lee. “What Serving Adult Learners Can Teach Us: The Entrepreneurial Response.” Change January/February 2003: 32-7. Blair, Tony. “Full Text of the Prime Minister’s Speech at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet.” November 12, 2002. http://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page6535.asp. Carroll, Mary. “The Well-Worn Path.” The Australian Library Journal May 2002: 117-22. Field, J. Lifelong Learning and the New Educational Order. Stoke on Trent: Trentham Books, 2000. Flew, Terry. “Educational Media in Transition: Broadcasting, Digital Media and Lifelong Learning in the Knowledge Economy.” International Journal of Instructional Media 29.1 (2002): 47-60. Hartley, John, and Cunningham, Stuart. “Creative Industries – from Blue Poles to Fat Pipes.” Department of Education, Science and Training, Commonwealth of Australia (2002). Jenson, Jane, and Saint-Martin, Denis. “New Routes to Social Cohesion? Citizenship and the Social Investment State.” Canadian Journal of Sociology 28.1 (2003): 77-99. Leadbeater, Charles. Living on Thin Air. London: Viking, 1999. Pillay, Hitendra, and Elliott, Robert. “Distributed Learning: Understanding the Emerging Workplace Knowledge.” Journal of Interactive Learning Research 13.1-2 (2002): 93-107. Welsh, Irvine, from Redhead, Steve. “Post-Punk Junk.” Repetitive Beat Generation. Glasgow: Rebel Inc, 2000: 138-50. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Brabazon, Tara. "Freedom from Choice: Who Pays for Customer Service in the Knowledge Economy?." M/C Journal 7.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/02-brabazon.php>. APA Style Brabazon, T. (Jan. 2005) "Freedom from Choice: Who Pays for Customer Service in the Knowledge Economy?," M/C Journal, 7(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/02-brabazon.php>.

The Black Summer of 2019/2020 saw the forests of southeast Australia go up in flames. The fire season started early, in September 2019, and by March 2020 fires had burned over 12.6 million hectares (Werner and Lyons). The scale and severity of the fires was quickly confirmed by scientists to be “unprecedented globally” (Boer et al.) and attributable to climate change (Nolan et al.).The fires were also a media spectacle, generating months of apocalyptic front-page images and harrowing broadcast footage. Media coverage was particularly preoccupied by the cause of the fires. Media framing of disasters often seeks to attribute blame (Anderson et al.; Ewart and McLean) and, over the course of the fire period, blame for the fires was attributed to climate change in much media coverage. However, as the disaster unfolded, denialist discourses in some media outlets sought to veil this revelation by providing alternative explanations for the fires. Misinformation originating from social media also contributed to this obscuration.In this article, we investigate the extent to which media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires functioned both to precipitate a climate change epiphany and also to support refutation of the connection between catastrophic fires and the climate crisis.Environmental Communication and RevelationIn its biblical sense, revelation is both an ending and an opening: it is the apocalyptic end-time and also the “revealing” of this time through stories and images. Environmental communication has always been revelatory, in these dual senses of the word – it is a mode of communication that is tightly bound to crisis; that has long grappled with obfuscation and misinformation; and that disrupts power structures and notions of the status quo as it seeks to reveal what is hidden. Climate change in particular is associated in the popular imagination with apocalypse, and is also a reality that is constantly being “revealed”. Indeed, the narrative of climate change has been “animated by the revelations of science” (McNeish 1045) and presented to the public through “key moments of disclosure and revelation”, or “signal moments”, such as scientist James Hansen’s 1988 US Senate testimony on global warming (Hamblyn 224).Journalism is “at the frontline of environmental communication” (Parham 96) and environmental news, too, is often revelatory in nature – it exposes the problems inherent in the human relationship with the natural world, and it reveals the scientific evidence behind contentious issues such as climate change. Like other environmental communicators, environmental journalists seek to “break through the perceptual paralysis” (Nisbet 44) surrounding climate change, with the dual aim of better informing the public and instigating policy change. Yet leading environmental commentators continually call for “better media coverage” of the planetary crisis (Suzuki), as climate change is repeatedly bumped off the news agenda by stories and events deemed more newsworthy.News coverage of climate-related disasters is often revelatory both in tone and in cultural function. The disasters themselves and the news narratives which communicate them become processes that make visible what is hidden. Because environmental news is “event driven” (Hansen 95), disasters receive far more news coverage than ongoing problems and trends such as climate change itself, or more quietly devastating issues such as species extinction or climate migration. Disasters are also highly visual in nature. Trumbo (269) describes climate change as an issue that is urgent, global in scale, and yet “practically invisible”; in this sense, climate-related disasters become a means of visualising and realising what is otherwise a complex, difficult, abstract, and un-seeable concept.Unsurprisingly, natural disasters are often presented to the public through a film of apocalyptic rhetoric and imagery. Yet natural disasters can be also “revelatory” moments: instances of awakening in which suppressed truths come spectacularly and devastatingly to the surface. Matthewman (9–10) argues that “disasters afford us insights into social reality that ordinarily pass unnoticed. As such, they can be read as modes of disclosure, forms of communication”. Disasters, he continues, can reveal both “our new normal” and “our general existential condition”, bringing “the underbelly of progress into sharp relief”. Similarly, Lukes (1) states that disasters “lift veils”, revealing “what is hidden from view in normal times”. Yet for Lukes, “the revelation tells us nothing new, nothing that we did not already know”, and is instead a forced confronting of that which is known yet difficult to engage with. Lukes’ concern is the “revealing” of poverty and inequality in New Orleans following the impact of Hurricane Katrina, yet climate-related disasters can also make visible what McNeish terms “the dark side effects of industrial civilisation” (1047). The Australian bushfires of 2019/2020 can be read in these terms, primarily because they unveiled the connection between climate change and extreme events. Scorching millions of hectares, with a devastating impact on human and non-human communities, the fires revealed climate change as a physical reality, and—for Australians—as a local issue as well as a global one. As media coverage of the fires unfolded and smoke settled on half the country, the impact of climate change on individual lives, communities, landscapes, native animal and plant species, and well-established cultural practices (such as the summer camping holiday) could be fully and dramatically realised. Even for those Australians not immediately impacted, the effects were lived and felt: in our lungs, and on our skin, a physical revelation that the impacts of climate change are not limited to geographically distant people or as-yet-unborn future generations. For many of us, the summer of fire was a realisation that climate change can no longer be held at arm’s length.“Revelation” also involves a temporal collapse whereby the future is dragged into the present. A revelatory streak of this nature has always existed at the heart of environmental communication and can be traced back at least as far as the environmentalist Rachel Carson, whose 1962 book Silent Spring revealed a bleak, apocalyptic future devoid of wildlife and birdsong. In other words, environmental communication can inspire action for change by exposing the ways in which the comforts and securities of the present are built upon a refusal to engage with the future. This temporal rupture where the future meets the present is particularly characteristic of climate change narratives. It is not surprising, then, that media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires addressed not just the immediate loss and devastation but also dread of the future, and the understanding that summer will increasingly hold such threats. Bushfires, Climate Change and the MediaThe link between bushfire risk and climate change generated a flurry of coverage in the Australian media well before the fires started in the spring of 2019. In April that year, a coalition of 23 former fire and emergency services leaders warned that Australia was “unprepared for an escalating climate threat” (Cox). They requested a meeting with the new government, to be elected in May, and better funding for firefighting to face the coming bushfire season. When that meeting was granted, at the end of Australia’s hottest and driest year on record (Doyle) in November 2019, bushfires had already been burning for two months. As the fires burned, the emergency leaders expressed frustration that their warnings had been ignored, claiming they had been “gagged” because “you are not allowed to talk about climate change”. They cited climate change as the key reason why the fire season was lengthening and fires were harder to fight. "If it's not time now to speak about climate and what's driving these events”, they asked, “– when?" (McCubbing).The mediatised uncovering of a bushfire/climate change connection was not strictly a revelation. Recent fires in California, Russia, the Amazon, Greece, and Sweden have all been reported in the media as having been exacerbated by climate change. Australia, however, has long regarded itself as a “fire continent”: a place adapted to fire, whose landscapes invite fire and can recover from it. Bushfires had therefore been considered part of the Australian “normal”. But in the Australian spring of 2019, with fires having started earlier than ever and charring rainforests that did not usually burn, the fire chiefs’ warning of a climate change-induced catastrophic bushfire season seemed prescient. As the fires spread and merged, taking homes, lives, landscapes, and driving people towards the water, revelatory images emerged in the media. Pictures of fire refugees fleeing under dystopian crimson skies, masked against the smoke, were accompanied by headlines like “Apocalypse Now” (Fife-Yeomans) and “Escaping Hell” (The Independent). Reports used words like “terror”, “nightmare” (Smee), “mayhem”, and “Armageddon” (Davidson).In the Australian media, the fire/climate change connection quickly became politicised. The Deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack interviewed by the ABC, responding to a comment by Greens leader Adam Bandt, said connecting bushfire and climate while the fires raged was “disgraceful” and “disgusting”. People needed help, he said, not “the ravings of some pure enlightened and woke capital city greenies” (Goloubeva and Haydar). Gladys Berejiklian the NSW Premier also described it as “inappropriate” (Baker) and “disappointing” (Fox and Higgins) to talk about climate change at this time. However Carol Sparks, Mayor of bushfire-ravaged Glen Innes in rural NSW, contradicted this stance, telling the ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) “Michael McCormack needs to read the science”. Climate change, she said, was “not a political thing” but “scientific fact” (Goloubeva and Haydar).As the fires merged and intensified, so did the media firestorm. Key Australian media became a sparring ground for issue definition, with media predictably split down ideological lines. Public broadcasters the ABC and SBS (Special Broadcasting Service), along with The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald and The Guardian Australia, predominantly framed the catastrophe as wrought by climate change. The Guardian, in an in-depth investigation of climate science and bushfire risk, stated that “despite the political smokescreen” the connection between the fires and global warming was “unequivocal” (Redfearn). The ABC characterised the fires as “a glimpse of the horrors of climate change’s crescendoing impact” (Rose). News outlets owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp Australia, however, actively sought to play down the fires’ seriousness. On 2 January, as front pages of newspapers across the world revealed horrifying fiery images, Murdoch’s Australian ran an upbeat shot of New Year’s Day picnic races as its lead, relegating discussion of the fires to page 4 (Meade). More than simply obscuring the fires’ significance, News Corp media actively sought to convince readers that the fires were not out of the ordinary. For example, as the fires’ magnitude was becoming clear on the last day of 2019, The Australian ran a piece comparing the fires with previous conflagrations, claiming such conditions were “not unprecedented” and the fires were “nothing new” (Johnstone). News Corp’s Sky News also used this frame: “climate alarmists”, “catastrophise”, and “don’t want to look at history”, it stated in a segment comparing the event to past major bushfires (Kenny).As the fires continued into January and February 2020, the refutation of the climate change frame solidified around several themes. Conservative media continued to insist the fires were “normal” for Australia and attributed their severity to a lack of hazard reduction burning, which they blamed on “Greens policies” (Brown and Caisley). They also promoted the argument, espoused by Energy Minister Angus Taylor, that with only “1.3% of global emissions” Australia “could not have meaningful impact” on global warming through emissions reductions, and that top-down climate mitigation pressure from the UN was “doomed to fail” (Lloyd). Foreign media saw the fires in quite different terms. From the outside looking in, the Australian fires were clearly revealed as fuelled by global heating and exacerbated by the Australian government’s climate denialism. Australia was framed as a “notorious climate offender” (Shield) that was—as The New York Times put it—“committing climate suicide” (Flanagan) with its lack of coherent climate policy and its predilection for mining coal. Ouest-France ran a headline reading “High on carbon, rich Australia denies global warming” in which it called Scott Morrison’s position on climate change “incomprehensible” (Guibert). The LA Times called the Australian fires “a climate change warning to its leaders—and ours”, noting how “fossil fuel friendly Morrison” had “gleefully wielded a fist-sized chunk of coal on the floor of parliament in 2017” (Karlik). In the UK, the Independent online ran a front page spread of the fires’ vast smoke plume, with the headline “This is what a climate crisis looks like” (Independent Online), while Australian MP Craig Kelly was called “disgraceful” by an interviewer on Good Morning Britain for denying the fires’ link to climate change (Good Morning Britain).Both in Australia and internationally, deliberate misinformation spread by social media additionally shaped media discourse on the fires. The false revelation that the fires had predominantly been started by arson spread on Twitter under the hashtag #ArsonEmergency. While research has been quick to show that this hashtag was artificially promoted by bots (Weber et al.), this and misinformation like it was also shared and amplified by real Twitter users, and quickly spread into mainstream media in Australia—including Murdoch’s Australian (Ross and Reid)—and internationally. Such misinformation was used to shore up denialist discourses about the fires, and to obscure revelation of the fire/climate change connection. Blame Framing, Public Opinion and the Extent of the Climate Change RevelationAs studies of media coverage of environmental disasters show us, media seek to apportion blame. This blame framing is “accountability work”, undertaken to explain how and why a disaster occurred, with the aim of “scrutinizing the actions of crisis actors, and holding responsible authorities to account” (Anderson et al. 930). In moments of disaster and in their aftermath, “framing contests” (Benford and Snow) can emerge in which some actors, regarding the crisis as an opportunity for change, highlight the systemic issues that have led to the crisis. Other actors, experiencing the crisis as a threat to the status quo, try to attribute the blame to others, and deny the need for policy change. As the Black Summer unfolded, just such a contest took place in Australian media discourse. While Murdoch’s dominant News Corp media sought to protect the status quo, promote conservative politicians’ views, and divert attention from the climate crisis, other Australian and overseas media outlets revealed the fires’ link to climate change and intransigent emissions policy. However, cracks did begin to show in the News Corp stance on climate change during the fires: an internal whistleblower publicly resigned over the media company’s fires coverage, calling it a “misinformation campaign”, and James Murdoch also spoke out about being “disappointed with the ongoing denial of the role of climate change” in reporting the fires (ABC/Reuters).Although media reporting on the environment has long been at the forefront of shaping social understanding of environmental issues, and news maintains a central role in both revealing environmental threats and shaping environmental politics (Lester), during Australia’s Black Summer people were also learning about the fires from lived experience. Polls show that the fires affected 57% of Australians. Even those distant from the catastrophe were, for some time, breathing the most toxic air in the world. This personal experience of disaster revealed a bushfire season that was far outside the normal, and public opinion reflected this. A YouGov Australia Institute poll in January 2020 found that 79% of Australians were concerned about climate change—an increase of 5% from July 2019—and 67% believed climate change was making the bushfires worse (Australia Institute). However, a January 2020 Ipsos poll also found that polarisation along political lines on whether climate change was indeed occurring had increased since 2018, and was at its highest levels since 2014 (Crowe). This may reflect the kind of polarised media landscape that was evident during the fires. A thorough dissection in public discourse of Australia’s unprecedented fire season has been largely eclipsed by the vast coverage of the coronavirus pandemic that so quickly followed it. 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