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Journal articles on the topic 'A public space'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Capulong Reyes, Rowena. "Public Space as Contested Space: The Battle over the Use, Meaning and Function of Public Space." International Journal of Social Science and Humanity 6, no. 3 (March 2016): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7763/ijssh.2016.v6.643.

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2

Kolokotroni, Martha. "Dharavi’s Public Space: The Construction Site." CREATIVE SPACE 2, no. 1 (July 7, 2014): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.15415/cs.2014.21005.

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3

Permanasari, Eka, Sahid Mochtar, and Rahma Purisari. "Political Representation In Urban Public Space In Jakarta Child-Friendly Public Space (Ruang Publik Terpadu Ramah Anak – RPTRA)." International Journal of Built Environment and Sustainability 6, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.11113/ijbes.v6.n2.351.

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The design of public space often embodies the power and political representation of a specific regime. As urban architecture symbolizes and establishes the identity of a regime, authorities often use a top-down approach to implement urban architectural programs. As a result, the spaces constructed often display power and identity, but lack consideration of public use. Public spaces are often exclusionary for public use. They merely stand for the representation of the authority. Accordingly, many public spaces built by the government are abandoned soon after their launch. Big ceremonies and public space displays only last a few days before these spaces are then closed to the public or appropriated for different uses. Most top-down approaches focus on the physical development, overlooking the users’ inclusion in decision making. This research analyses the political representation of public space design in RPTRA Bahari located in the South Jakarta. It analyses the political reason behind the development of RPTRA in Jakarta and the way participative design approach is employed during the design process to get public engagement in public space. Therefore, it investigates how the political representation is perceived in everyday life by analysing how the public space has been used three years since its launch. Through observation and interviews, this paper interrogates the political representation in urban forms and how public spaces become an arena where the government’s intentions and everyday uses meet. It concludes that a participative, bottom-up approach leads to more public use and engagement.

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4

Dawes, Simon. "Public space, media space." New Media & Society 16, no. 7 (October 21, 2014): 1189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444814543078b.

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5

Sullivan, Jack. "PUBLIC SPACE." Landscape Journal 13, no. 1 (1994): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/lj.13.1.65.

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6

Mensch, James. "Public Space." Continental Philosophy Review 40, no. 1 (March 2, 2007): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11007-006-9038-x.

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7

Carter, Paul. "Public Space." Griffith Law Review 16, no. 2 (January 2007): 430–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10383441.2007.10854598.

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8

Marcuse, Peter. "THE PARADOXES OF PUBLIC SPACE." JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM 38, no. 1 (March 28, 2014): 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2014.891559.

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This paper deals with one particular purpose for public space, the role it plays in permitting popular public participation in in democratic governance, democratic governance in a very political sense. For the United States, it might be called “First Amendment Space”, after the provision in the U.S.A. Constituting establishing the rights of free speech and free assembly. In a broader sense, public space should also be available democratically and based on equality of rights for a full range of social interchanges, for recreation, sports, picnicking, hiking, running, sitting, chatting, simply enjoyment, by all people, equally. Such uses, carried out democratically, are in turn necessary for democratic governance, but in a different way. Let me call them “Social Spaces”. And they may be divided between Convening spaces, where convening for the purposes of political effectiveness may be planned, and Encounter Spaces, where chance meetings and discussion may be take place without prior planning/convening. “Infrastructural Spaces” are also social spaces but in a different sense, not directly political: spaces for transportation, streets, sidewalks, recreational areas, parks, hiking trails, bicycles partially. he term “Third Space” is sometimes in fashion in a similar sense, and often defined as somewhere between public and private1. More on social spaces elsewhere. When public space is referred to here, it is in the sense of political public space, First Amendment space in the United States. Tahrir Square in Cairo, the Playa of Mothers in Buenos Aires, the Mall in Washington, D.C., Zuccotti Park in New York City, perhaps Central Park or Fifth Avenue, with its parades and marches, but also the fenced in space under the West Side highway at the time of the Republican Convention, and perhaps the indoor space of the Convention Center, as used for convening for discussions of alternate proposals for rebuilding after 9/11.

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9

Miles, Malcolm. "Public Spaces / Public Spheres: Some Geographies of Space and Democracy." Geography Compass 6, no. 11 (November 2012): 677–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gec3.12007.

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10

Praliya, Seema, and Pushplata Garg. "Public space quality evaluation: prerequisite for public space management." Journal of Public Space, Vol. 4 N. 1 | 2019 | FULL ISSUE (May 31, 2019): 93–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.32891/jps.v4i1.667.

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Public spaces are an important part of cities as they contribute to improvements in liveability, environmental quality and sustainability. Despite these conditions of public spaces in cities in developing countries like India, are far from desirable in terms of quantity as well as quality. Though considerable research has been done on successful public open spaces to identify quality attributes/criteria and their evaluation in the context of developed countries, much of this has been primarily aimed at providing design guidelines/solutions. Besides, the role of proper management in ensuring quality and overall success of public spaces has also been assessed. However, not much research has been done in this regard in Indian context, where there is a considerable difference between the norms and provision of public spaces; the usage of public spaces and their quality from those in developed/rich countries This demands an in-depth understanding of the problems and issues surrounding public spaces, the criteria for quality in public spaces, and development of an evaluation framework, so that appropriate management strategies can be framed for their improvement. In view of the above, the study investigates public spaces in the context of three Indian cities and identifies the quality attributes/criteria based on a survey of users’ opinion and observational studies of selected public spaces. Further, a framework for the evaluation of the quality of public spaces employing the Public Space Quality Index (PSQI), has been developed and applied in selected public spaces. Using the above methodology, public spaces in a city with different performance levels, and factors responsible for the same can be identified, which can then become the basis for formulating appropriate management strategies for their improvement and comparing performances of public spaces in specific areas of a city/different cities to encourage competitiveness among cities to improve the quality of their public realm.

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11

Zhang, Xuefan, and Yanling He. "What Makes Public Space Public? The Chaos of Public Space Definitions and a New Epistemological Approach." Administration & Society 52, no. 5 (May 28, 2019): 749–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399719852897.

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While the concept of public space is frequently referenced, its definition is ambiguous. Current studies have attempted to clarify the definitions of public space. However, the supposed definitions of public space are usually contradictory upon further inspection. This article argues that epistemological assumptions are the main reason for these logical problems. The entity view, the preference for a real definition, and the concentration on “space in plan” should be changed. Inspired by Wittgenstein’s epistemology, this article proposes a framework for defining public space, which will help administrators flexibly and consistently identify the public nature of diverse semipublic spaces.

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12

Jewesbury, Daniel. "Public Space & 'Public Art'." Circa, no. 98 (2001): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25563756.

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13

Merx, Sigrid. "Public Pie Performing public space." Performance Research 16, no. 2 (June 2011): 132–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13528165.2011.578844.

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14

Nasution, Achmad Delianur, and Wahyuni Zahrah. "Privately-Owned Public Space for Public Use." Asian Journal of Quality of Life 2, no. 7 (July 1, 2017): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21834/ajqol.v2i7.60.

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The study investigated the using of privately-owned public space (POPS) in two gated communities in Medan, Indonesia. The activities of people during the weekend and the physical setting of the POPS were recorded through observation and visual survey. The research found that most of the visitors were not satisfied with the public open space, but they used it intensively. The study indicated that the better quality public open space was more livable compared to the poor quality. Since the visitors in the two public open spaces were mostly people who live outside the gated community, the private-owned public space contributed to public life.Keywords: privately-owned public space; gated community; Medan.eISSN 2398-4279 © 2017 The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia.

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15

Schuermans, Nick, Maarten P. J. Loopmans, and Joke Vandenabeele. "Public space, public art and public pedagogy." Social & Cultural Geography 13, no. 7 (November 2012): 675–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649365.2012.728007.

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16

Moore, Irina. "Negotiating Public Space." International Journal of Communication and Linguistic Studies 11, no. 4 (2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2327-7882/cgp/v11i04/43635.

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17

Kaplan, Joshua. "Recovering Public Space." Review of Politics 68, no. 3 (June 2006): 510–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670506250186.

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18

L’Aoustet, Olivier, and Jean Griffet. "Sharing Public Space." Space and Culture 7, no. 2 (May 2004): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331203254041.

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19

Andreotti, L. "Rethinking Public Space." Journal of Architectural Education 49, no. 1 (September 1995): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10464883.1995.10734657.

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20

Mehta, Vikas. "Evaluating Public Space." Journal of Urban Design 19, no. 1 (December 10, 2013): 53–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13574809.2013.854698.

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21

Bodnar, Judit. "Reclaiming public space." Urban Studies 52, no. 12 (June 9, 2015): 2090–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098015583626.

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22

Sadana, Dewa Putu Aris, Nyoman Utari Vipriyanti, and I. Putu Sujana. "Public Green Space Availability in Semarapura Urban Area." Indonesian Journal of Planning and Development 4, no. 2 (October 31, 2019): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ijpd.4.2.69-74.

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Green Open Space (GOS), especially Public Green Space (PGS), plays an important role in implementing an urban area's sustainability. Until now, there has been no study of determining the PGS Availability in the Semarapura Urban Area. The study aims to determine PGS Availability in the Semarapura Urban Area based on the type, area, percentage, and area distribution of PGS. Data collection techniques in this study were field observations and secondary data surveys. The data analysis technique in this study is the Geographic Information System (GIS) or mapping. The results showed that Public Green Space (PGS) availability in Semarapura Urban Area was only 8.92 percent of Semarapura Urban Area's total area. This study's results can be used as a basis for determining the strategy of providing PGS in Semarapura Urban Area.

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23

MacKie-Mason, Jeffrey. "All Space Will Be Public Space." IEEE Security & Privacy Magazine 9, no. 5 (September 2011): 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/msp.2011.131.

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24

Burkell, Jacquelyn, Alexandre Fortier, Lorraine (Lola) Yeung Cheryl Wong, and Jennifer Lynn Simpson. "Facebook: public space, or private space?" Information, Communication & Society 17, no. 8 (January 2, 2014): 974–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369118x.2013.870591.

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25

Orum, Anthony M., Sidney Bata, Li Shumei, Tang Jiewei, Sang Yang, and Nguyen Thanh Trung. "Public Man and Public Space in Shanghai Today." City & Community 8, no. 4 (December 2009): 369–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6040.2009.01298.x.

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Public space is a topic of great interest for urban scholars and urban planners. Such space, like parks, sidewalks, and plazas, it is argued, can provide the common grounds where the inhabitants of a city meet, exchange ideas, even engage in a variety of cultural performances. This article reports on fieldwork about the use of public space in Shanghai today. We find a great diversity of uses, ranging from vendors who sell their wares to people who engage in heated and extensive political discussions to performers of Beijing opera and ballroom dancing. We also find that the local authorities use a light, and sometimes covert, hand in their oversight of inhabitants in such spaces. Finally, we discover that powerful social differences and inequalities between native inhabitants and working–class migrants, which have emerged during the period of economic reform and market transition, are now actively in evidence in the quality and use of public space in Shanghai. the article puts these findings within a broader theoretical context, concluding in the end that for many—though not all—inhabitants public man is alive and well in Shanghai.

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26

Komac, Urša. "Public Space as a Public Good: Some Reflections on Public Space to Enjoy Solitude." ATHENS JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE 3, no. 2 (March 31, 2017): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/aja.3-2-2.

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27

Abrahão, Sergio. "The political economy of public space: the politics of public space." Pós. Revista do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Arquitetura e Urbanismo da FAUUSP, no. 28 (December 1, 2010): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2317-2762.v0i28p281-283.

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28

Xing, Na, and Kin Wai Michael Siu. "Historic Definitions of Public Space: Inspiration for High Quality Public Space." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 7, no. 11 (2010): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v07i11/42775.

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29

Li, Alin. "Public space without the public: State and individuals in courtyard space in Dashilar, Beijing." Chinese Journal of Sociology 7, no. 3 (June 28, 2021): 390–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057150x211027371.

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This article discusses the meaning of public space and the problem of public reconstruction by means of sociological intervention through an experimental study of community formation and courtyard space rearrangement in the old neighborhood of Dashilar in Beijing. In the West, scholars regard public space as part of public life with political or social significance. In the courtyards of Dashilar, however, residents understand public space as important as a shared property of neighboring families that is separate from public life, as they are often acquainted with but alienated from one another. To grasp this different understanding of public space, this article first looks into the historical transformation of property rights in Dashilar. The courtyards in Dashilar have clearly been defined as state-owned urban space since the 1980s but have remained neglected in administration. Therefore, residents gradually encroached upon these courtyards that were owned by the state and divided them for private use. As this act of encroaching was rooted in the relationship between the state and the individual, the courtyards were not merely changed into privatized properties with specific functions, but became places for interactions between various actors. To reveal the complexity of these courtyards as public spaces, we discuss the expansion of private space by individuals in their daily life and the “public disturbances” initiated by temporary coalitions in space construction. This complexity of courtyards as public spaces can be well illustrated by two experiments of space rearrangement conducted in Dashilar. Both experiments introduced strong social interventions into space rearrangement: one attempted to rebuild social life in a courtyard, and the other worked on the public and private boundaries in a courtyard. The former experiment ended in failure while the latter was a success. The results of these two experiments tell us that public reconstruction is not just about rebuilding social interactions between people, but also about adjusting the state–individual relationship and establishing the rules of living together in public space.

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30

Terzi, Cédric, and Stéphane Tonnelat. "The publicization of public space." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 49, no. 3 (September 28, 2016): 519–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x16665359.

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In this article, we start by jointly examining the shortcomings contained in the substantial definitions of publicity commonly applied to the analysis of both public spaces (physical) and public spheres (political). We propose instead to consider publicity as a potential and publicization as a process, observable both in urban spaces and in the media. Building on John Dewey, we argue that when this process reaches its logical end, it determines and brings together a problem, a place, a sphere and a group of people that it makes public. It also leads to mechanisms of political action that constitute the ends of public space. Using the example of New Orleans post Katrina, we illustrate this process by discussing three obstacles that often stall or reverse publicization processes, which we believe deserve further study. Finally, we ground the values on which the process of publicization rests on the shared experience of trouble in potentially public spaces. This pragmatists approach opens the door to the study of publicization processes and public spaces beyond western cultures, and suggests an empirical way to deepen and reassess liberal conceptions of public space.

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31

Vinterhav, Emil, Mikael Genberg, and Fredrik von Schéele. "A House on the Moon: A Lunar Landing Public–Private Partnership." New Space 2, no. 3 (September 2014): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/space.2014.0006.

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32

Moustaoui, Adil. "Transforming the urban public space." Linguistic Landscape. An international journal 5, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 80–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ll.18008.mou.

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Abstract This article examines the use of Moroccan Arabic (MA) in the new Linguistic Landscape (LL) in Morocco, and in particular in the city of Meknés, in a new neighbourhood known as (حمرية) Hamriya or La Ville Nouvelle. In particular, the ways in which current socio-economic transformations produce new spaces of communications are explored, highlighting the extent to which MA is used in urban public spaces as new linguistic practices. In turn, the increasing visibility of MA in the LL and its subsequent nourishing of hybrid practices are discussed. The data points to a re-semiotisation of space in a Moroccan linguistic regime historically characterized by a well-established linguistic hierarchy. Ultimately, the use of MA creates new language practices and policies that resist and transform the sociolinguistic regime which is analysed here by a close examination of linguistic variation in Arabic in the public space.

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33

Kenniff, Thomas-Bernard. "Dialogue, ambivalence, public space." Journal of Public Space 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/jps.v3i1.316.

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Public space is neither a fixed thing, nor a stable concept. This paper applies the term ‘dialogue’ as a conceptual basis for the idea of public space as something that changes according to multiscalar and overlapping contexts, with use and discourse. The concept of dialogue is developed from the dialogism of Mikhail Bakhtin whose related notions of ambivalence, polyphony, heteroglossia, carnival and chronotope are used to support a dialogical understanding of public space. The paper develops this understanding by creating a parallel between Bakhtin’s dialogism and the Barking Town Square by muf architecture/art (2004-2010). Through this parallel reading, the paper suggests that design proposals for the public realm are valued propositions that suggest a particular transformation of aesthetic, ethical, social and political relations through the ordering and transformation of spatial relations. No design, no conception, and therefore no dialogue creating public space can be neutral—but inevitably takes place within a fraught dialogical context inseparable from individual positioning and responsibility. The question of boundary maintenance thus arises inevitably, and the paper examines a range of such problematic demarcations, including between public and private, typologies and flexible criteria, immediate and social contexts, and ideals and reality. Given dialogue’s condition of ambivalence and incompleteness, the paper argues that the inherent contradictions to the concept of ‘public space’ are its very conditions for existence.

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34

Gérin, Annie. "Models for Public Space." Intermédialités: Histoire et théorie des arts, des lettres et des techniques, no. 14 (2009): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044415ar.

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35

Goa, David J. "Religion and Public Space." Religious Studies and Theology 21, no. 1 (March 12, 2007): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/rsth.v21i1.1.

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36

Winter, Kate, Denise Scott Brown, Ron Shiffman, Alan Plattus, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, Fred Koetter, and Stephen Kieran. "Public and Private Space." Perspecta 30 (1999): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1567234.

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37

Gaydos, Steven, and Nathaniel Almond. "Public Health from Space?" Aviation, Space, and Environmental Medicine 82, no. 10 (October 1, 2011): 1000–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3357/asem.3118.2011.

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38

Mensch, James. "Public Space and Embodiment." Studia Phaenomenologica 12 (2012): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7761/sp.12.211.

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39

Yılmaz, Meltem. "Public Space and Accessibility." Iconarp International J. of Architecture and Planning 6, Special Issue (August 31, 2018): 01–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15320/iconarp.2018.46.

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40

Ammann, L. "Islam in Public Space." Public Culture 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 277–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-14-1-277.

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41

Mitrache, Georgică. "Architecture, Art, Public Space." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 51 (2012): 562–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.08.206.

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42

Mohanty, Pramod Kumar. "Mapping the Public Space." Indian Historical Review 41, no. 2 (November 3, 2014): 235–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983614544574.

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The article intends to give a comprehensive understanding of the colonial urbanisation as a cultural process in colonial Odisha centred at Cuttack city as manifest in the evolving public sphere and in the process contribute to the historical studies on colonialism in one of the neglected regions of South Asia and also from such a neglected perspective in South Asian history. While trying to assess the ‘problematic objectively’, it adopts the theoretical perspectives associated with ‘new cultural history’. Against this backdrop, the article tries to look at the issues of class, community and nationalism and the attendant politics during the ‘decisive phase’ of late nineteenth and early twentieth century of colonial Odisha by trying to explore the emergence of Cuttack as a city, a colonial urban space. As the capital city of Odisha, Cuttack is seen as the site around which ‘evolved and revolved the modern regional cultural tradition of Odisha’ and more crucially so, the ‘citizenry’ including its middle class, constituted the ‘microcosm of Colonial Odisha’. The article examines the issues by negotiating with the growth of the middle class, shaping up of the concept of ‘public space’ and the structuring of ‘public’ as a ‘discursive entity’ along with the crystallisation of cultural politics underlying competing hegemonies and identities.

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43

Mandair, Arvind-Pal S. "SIKHS AND PUBLIC SPACE." Sikh Formations 9, no. 1 (April 2013): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448727.2013.807154.

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44

Bell, David. "Public sex / gay space." Progress in Human Geography 25, no. 1 (March 2001): 132–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030913250102500119.

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45

C., F. "Improving Public-Space Sound." Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Administration Quarterly 36, no. 1 (February 1995): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001088049503600111.

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46

Tamhane, Swapnaa. "Posters and Public Space." Asian Diasporic Visual Cultures and the Americas 2, no. 3 (September 25, 2016): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23523085-00203009.

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47

Darieva, Tsypylma. "Sterilizing the Public Space?" Russian Studies in History 55, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611983.2016.1200356.

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48

Katsavounidou, Garyfallia. "Public Space / Private Money." Thresholds 18 (January 1999): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/thld_a_00505.

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49

LIEBERG, MATS. "Teenagers and Public Space." Communication Research 22, no. 6 (December 1995): 720–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009365095022006008.

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50

Sendra, Pablo. "Rethinking urban public space." City 19, no. 6 (November 2, 2015): 820–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2015.1090184.

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