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Bakar, Ismail bin Haji. "The role of the ʻūlamā during the ʻAbbāsid caliphate : with special reference to the period of Harūn al-Rashīd and Al-Māʻmūn." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1987. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=130770.
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A clearly significant objective of political Islam is to assist Muslims to establish a lawful government or caliphate which is in turn capable of safeguarding the interests of the Ummah and the purity of religion as well. Since religion is a most sensitive issue to the Muslim, and more especially to the `Ulama, we find that many of the disturbances and great political unrest occurring in the world of Islam have been, to a large extent, due to the failure of the ruling government to attain this objective. The achievement of the `Abbasid party in the overthrow of the Umayyads in the early decades of the second century Hijri (eight century Masihi) was very much related to such a failure. Thus, this change not only substituted one dynasty for another, but further had substantial and far-reaching political, religious and social consequences. Inasmuch as this study is deeply concerned with the fundamental task of the `Ulama, I have therefore attempted to view and inspect all circumstances in accordance with the orthodox standpoint. Hence, in chapter one of this study, I endeavour to examine the causes which brought the `Abbasids to power, as well as the reasons for the fall of the Umayyad caliphate. Since it is apparent that this change could hardly have succeeded without the cooperation and support of the `Ulama who controlled the masses at that time, in chapter two, a full discussion of the nature, purpose and institution of the `Ulama in the contemporareous Muslim community is provided. This reveals the true features and characteristics of the `Ulama in a real religious sense rather than in the ordinary meaning of `learned men' or `scholars'. Yet, assuming the roles and activities of the `Ulama were extremely wide (while, of necessity, space here is limited), discussion has accordingly been focussed in the following chapters on scrutinizing the central role of the `Ulama in the field of jurisprudence. Thus, in chapter three, the historical development of the different schools of law, as well as the various methodologies introduced and employed by each school, are examined. The effect of these developments is treated in chapter four, where we consider the growth of the four orthodox madhhabs and the points of difference between these schools of law. Chapter five deals exclusively with the development of ijtihad, the key factor which keeps the legal system of Islam functioning, flexible and acceptable. The rise of various problems in the community forced the `Ulama to adopt new solutions, and this made the process of ijtihad alive and variable. But, the glory of this development was disturbed when Caliph al-Ma'mun moved from orthodoxy to rationalism, and started to persecute those who opposed him. The result of this mihnah (inquisition) raised enmity and controversy between the Traditionalists and the Rationalists which consequently effected the development of ijtihad. This is carefully discussed in chapter six in which we also try to review the idea of taql{i}d that seems to have gained ground in the Muslim community at that time. Since this concept was entirely traditionalist, it is therefore hard to accept it as a legitimate rule of shar{i}'a. Thus, in summing up this study, it is concluded that ijtihad was not only important in keeping the law of shar{i}'a up to date, but also served as an effective channel through which the `Ulama could exercise their mental capacities as well as contributing their services to the Ummah.
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Tholib, Udjang. "The reign of the caliph al-Qādir billāh (381/991-422/1031) /." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38524.
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This dissertation tries to study the reign of al-Qadir billah, the `Abbasid caliph who assumed power in 381/991. It deals with political, economic and religious aspects of his reign in an attempt to give a balanced description of his achievement.When al-Qadir was appointed caliph the `Abbasid caliphate had already declined politically and economically. The political decline was caused mainly by the soldiers' intervention in politics since the reign of al-Mutawakkil (232/847--247/851) onwards and the take over of the state administration and military control by the amir al-umara. The economic decline resulted from two important factors: first, it was caused by a great decrease in revenues coming from the lands since they were now held by the newly emerging principalities. Second, it was due to the military iqṭas which prevailed during Buwayhid rule and damaged the lands so badly that they could no longer be cultivated.
With this political and economic decline al-Qadir was unable to face the encroachment of the Buwayhids. However, with the support of the Ghaznavids and the increasing weakness of the Buwayhids, al-Qadir tried to exert himself. In 390/1000 he sent a letter to the new qaḍi of Jilan asking him to exhort the people to be loyal to the caliph. He rejected Baha' al-Dawla's appointment of the Sharif al-Musawi to the post of the qaḍi al-quḍat in 394/1003. In 401/1010 he ordered Baha' al-Dawla to crush a deviant ally of the `Abbasids, Qirwash b. Muqallad. He criticized Musharrif al-Dawla's initiative to renew the oath of allegiance of the soldiers in 414/1023 without his permission. And during the conflicts in (419/1028) between the soldiers and the Buwayhid amirs, he succeeded in reconciling both parties and prevented them from fighting. Finally, al-Qadir was also able to appoint his successors without first consulting the Buwayhid amirs.
Realizing that his temporal power was limited, al-Qadir embarked on the Sunnite restoration and made a serious attempt for this purpose. In 408/1017 he demanded that the Ḥanafite-Mu`tazilite jurisconsults and qaḍis make public renounciation of Mu`tazilism and Rafid&dotbelow;ism and banned any Discussion and instruction of all other allegedly Deviant Doctrines. In 420/1029 he wrote three epistles in which he acknowledged the excellence of Sunnite orthodoxy, condemned Mu`tazilism and declared that those who believed in the createdness of the Qur'`ān as fasiq. All these epistles which were obviously inspired by the ideas of the Ḥanbalite Traditionalists were called al-I`tiqad al-Qadiri (the Profession or Creed of al-Qadir).
In maintaining his caliphate, al-Qadir established good relations with scholars of the four schools of law, most significantly with the Malikite al-Baqillani, the Shafi`ite al-Mawardi and the H&dotbelow;anbalite Abu Ya`la. Finally, al-Qadir contributed to the literary Development of the theory of the Sunnite imamate.
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Moore, Katharine T. "Al-Andalus, the Umayyads, and Hispano-Islamic Art:The Influence of the Abbasids and Northern Christians on the Art of Muslim Patronage in the Iberian Peninsula from the 8th to 11th Centuries." Walsh University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=walshhonors1587323490141253.
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Andersson, Tobias. "Governance and Economics in Early Islamic Historiography : A comparative study of historical narratives of ‘Umar’s caliphate in the works of al-Baladhuri and at-Tabari." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för kultur-, religions- och utbildningsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-13884.
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The thesis examines the level of historical analysis in the works of two third/ninth century Muslim historians, al-Baladhuri and at-Tabari, including their underlying legal, political and socio-economic concerns as manifested in their narratives. By comparing and contextualising their histories regarding the caliphate of ‘Umar, in relation to their social institutions and scholarly disciplines, the purpose is to highlight the subjective agency of the historians as well as the structure of the historiographical discourse in which they formulated their narratives. Based on the notion of discourses as well-defined areas of social fact that defines the forms of (historical) knowledge in societies, the thesis applies de Certeau’s theory of discourses in order to analyse the formation of historical discourses in relation to social institutions and scholarly traditions. By linking the narrative differences to the historians’ scholarly contexts and political concerns, the thesis also show their subjective agency to form certain narratives of history depending on political and scholarly interests, although expressed in the form of the khabar-tradition of ‘Abbasid period. It is argued that the narratives represent attempts to explain social and economic factors involved in civilisational history by means of the accumulated body of what in modern scholarship is labeled “religious knowledge”. Thereby, it also problematises current debates on the level of analytical thinking in early Muslim historiography and suggest new approaches to the subject by discourse analysis.
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Zaman, Muhammad Qasim. "Early Àbbāsid religious policies and the proto-Sunnī ùlamā'." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28557.
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This dissertation studies the evolving relationship of the early 'Abbasid caliphs with the proto-Sunni 'ulama'. By the time of Harun al-Rashid, the 'Abbasids had aligned themselves with the emergent proto-Sunnitrends; a pattern of state - 'ulama' relations, with the caliph's view of his function approaching that of the 'ulama ', had begun to emerge. al-Ma'mun was uncharacteristic of the early 'Abbasids in claiming religious authority for himself, apparently to challenge the 'ulama's influence and authority. That effort proved abortive, and confirmed in its failure the earlier pattern of state - 'ulama' relations. The pattern was one of collaboration between the caliphs and the 'ulama'. Proto-Sunni scholars were among the beneficiaries of extensive caliphal patronage, and it was their viewpoints which caliphal interventions in religious life upheld. Owing perhaps to the effects of 'Abbasid patronage, but also to the implications of certain proto-Sunni viewpoints, proto-Sunnis were generally favourable towards the 'Abbasids. A convergence is discernible in the interests of the Caliphs and the 'ulama', and partly explains not only the latter's pro-'Abbasid sentiment but also why it was the proto-Sunni viewpoints that the 'Abbasids came to patronize.
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Tagourramt, El Kbaich Abdallah. "Los límites del papel de la traducción en el tejido del pensamiento árabe en sus fases clásica y moderna." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671828.
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Los límites del papel de la traducción en el tejido del pensamiento árabe en sus fases clásica y moderna constituyen el tema principal de la presente investigación. En ambos periodos la traducción desempeñó una función primordial a la hora de transmitir las ideas y moldear los fundamentos del pensamiento árabe. No solo se trata de una mera operación traductora, sino también de un movimiento cultural integrado en los paradigmas del proyecto de la “registrografía” cultural árabe que tuvo lugar en los siglos VIII, IX y X, así como en el proyecto cultural de la nahḍa árabe moderna. Muchos factores ideológicos, políticos, confesionales y lingüísticos condicionaron el desarrollo de ambos proyectos e hicieron que el primero liderase constantemente la vida cultural árabe desde los albores del islam hasta la
época moderna. Por eso, la transmisión al árabe de las ciencias de los antiguos se tuvo que someter al control cultural de los salaf; del mismo modo, la traducción del conocimiento científico innovador elaborado en Europa tuvo que hacer frente a dicho control. Además, la construcción cultural en el ámbito árabe-islámico se hizo bajo la sombra del papel intermediario de otras culturas, como la siríaca y la persa en el periodo clásico o como la francesa y la turco-otomana en la época moderna. Esta diversidad cultural desarrollada entre fuerzas centrípetas y centrífugas generó fenómenos traductológicos como la apropiación del conocimiento o la arabización de los textos objeto de traducción. Asimismo, dio lugar a la aparición de nuevas corrientes como el orientalismo europeo y el occidentalismo árabe, que utilizan la traducción como recurso práctico para definir respectivamente Oriente y Occidente. Siguiendo un método analítico y crítico, esta investigación aborda el estudio de los límites de este complejo proceso traductor para aportar rasgos pertinentes que permiten entender cómo se urdieron los distintos rumbos del pensamiento árabe-islámico en sus fases clásica y moderna, sin perder de vista el patrimonio cultural de los salaf.The limits of the role of translation within the fabric of Arab thought in its classical and modern periods are the primary focus of this study. In both periods, translation proved instrumental in the transmission of ideas and played a key role in shaping the foundations of Arab thought. This was not merely about the activity of translation per se, but also about a cultural movement integrated into the paradigms of two overarching projects: the Arab cultural “registrography” of the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries, and the later cultural project of the Arab Renaissance or Naḥda. A host of ideological, political, religious and linguistic factors had an important impact on the two projects and led the earlier one to carry on a continuing leadership role in Arab cultural life from the dawn of Islam into the modern era. As a result, the transmission of the sciences of antiquity was necessarily subjected to cultural control by the Salaf, as were later translations of innovative scientific knowledge arriving from Europe. In addition, cultural construction in the Arab–Islamic world took place in the shadow of the intermediary role played by other cultures, such as the Syriac and Persian cultures in the classical period and the French and Ottoman-Turkish cultures in the modern era. This cultural diversity, which developed amid both centripetal and centrifugal forces, produced translation phenomena such as the appropriation of knowledge and the Arabicization of texts in translation. Similarly, it spurred the emergence of new currents of thought, such as European Orientalism and Arab Occidentalism, which employed translation as a practical resource to define the East and West, respectively. The present study, which adopts a critical analytical method, seeks to examine the limits of the complex process of translation in order to identify the traits that are important for understanding how the diverse strands of Arab–Islamic thought fit together in its classical and modern periods without losing sight of the cultural legacy of the Salaf.
تشكل إنجازات وحدود دور الترجمة في النسيج الفكري العربي قديما وحديثا الموضوع الأساسي لهذا البحث. ذلك أنه في كلتا الفترتين لعبت الترجمة دورا رئيسا في نقل الأفكار وفي وضع اللبنات الأساسية للفكر العربي عموما. لا يتعلق الأمر فقط بنقل النصوص من لغة إلى لغة وفقا للمفهوم التقليدي للترجمة، بل بحركة فكرية انخرطت أولا في مشروع التدوين الثقافي العربي خلال العصر الكلاسيكي، الذي يمتد من القرن الثامن الميلادي إلى القرن العاشر، وثانيا في بناء النهضة الثقافية العربية خلال العصر الحديث. ولا شك أن العديد من العوامل الأيديولوجية والسياسية والعقدية واللغوية قد ساهمت في إنجاز المشروعين الفكريين وجعلت من الأول أنموذجا للحياة الثقافية لدى الشعوب الناطقة بالعربية منذ فجر الإسلام إلى العصر الحديث. إذ أن نقل علوم الأوائل قديما أو ترجمة التطور العلمي المنجز في أوروبا حديثا إلى اللغة العربية كان يخضع وجوبا للراقبة الثقافية الممارسَة من طرف رواد السلف.بالإضافة إلى ذلك، يلاحظ أن بناء الثقافة العربية الإسلامية ساهمت فيه أيضا الثقافات الأخرى التي لعبت دور الوساطة اللغوية في الترجمة كالسريانية والفارسية في العصر القديم أو الفرنسية والتركية العثمانية في العصر الحديث. ووسط هذه التجاذبات الناتجة عن التعدد الثقافي، بزغت ظواهر ترجمية تستهدف الأصول لتعريبها أو لتحويلها إلى مكتسبات معرفية. كما ظهرت تيارات فكرية جديدة، كالاستشراق الأوروبي والاستغراب العربي، جعلت من الترجمة عنصرا براغماتيا يُعتمد عليه لتحديد رموز الشرق والغرب.باتباعنا لمنهجية التحليل النقدي، تسعى هذه الأطروحة إلى تقديم دراسة مفصلة لهذا السياق الترجمي المعقد لفهم تطورات النسيج الفكري العربي الإسلامي واتجاهاته قديما وحديثا، وما لعبه من دور في ذلك التراث الثقافي للسلف خلال أبرز مراحله. الكلمات المفتاحيةالفكر العربي، الترجمة ونقد الترجمة، العباسيون، النهضة، الاستشراق، الحضارة الغربية.
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Borroni, Massimiliano <1986>. "Il nawrūz nelle fonti letterarie dell'età abbaside." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/6549.
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La
ricerca svolta nel corso di questo dottorato riguarda la festa di origine iranica del nawrūz, così come essa si presentava di età
islamica. È stato condotto uno spoglio sistematico delle fonti in lingua araba di età abbaside ( VIII-XI secolo) relative all'argomento, che
ha permesso lo studio delle modalità di diffusione del nawrūz, dell'incidenza che esso ebbe nella politica ideologica califfale e sul
funzionamento dell'erario. A ciò si aggiunge una migliore comprensione delle caratteristiche assunte dalle celebrazioni del nawrūz in
ambito popolare.
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Caswell, Fuad Matthew. "The Qiyan in the early Abbasid period." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:07aceede-1eff-429b-83e6-2c2d5c60f9d0.
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The thesis deals with the legal status of the qiȳan as slaves in Islam; describes their nationalities, education and training as singers, instrumentalists and versifiers. It considers their place in the cultural life of the host society. A substantial part of their poetry with particular attention to some of the leading figures is reproduced in translation. A review of that poetry is included, showing the bulk of it to consist of clever epigrams exchanged in public or semi-public maj̄alis, bearing the hallmark of virtuosity and social jousting or party games. Another theme is that the introduction of the qiȳan into the Abbasid cultural life led to the development of elegiac-erotic poetry. A parallel review of the musical scene, with special reference to some leading exponents, shows the influence of the qiȳan in the development of new “popular”, unconventional styles of singing. The institution of the qiȳan in all its artistic manifestations is viewed as essentially a business catering for men in pursuit of pleasure: caliphs, aristocrats and, most commonly, the class of cultured well-to-do chancery scribes. The bulk of the poetry which the established men poets composed in praise of the qiȳan is seen as publicity material, and substantially produced to commission. The effect of the qiȳan on the free-born women of their age, as well as historically, is considered; and some comparison is drawn between them as poets and singers. By way of further comparison the geisha and the hetaira of Ancient Greece are alluded to. A chapter is devoted to the decline and fall of the qiȳan institution in the East and its partial transfer to Arab Spain.
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Kimber, Richard Arthur. "Harun Al-Rashid and the Abbasid succession." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272629.
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Al, Ani Marwan. "La représentation architecturale de l'habitation domestique (Maison) dans les miniatures d'Al Hariri (XIIIe siècle) : comparaisons aux données archéologiques et aux textes." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01H207.
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L'étude est divisée en trois parties : La première partie est consacrée à un résumé historique de la Maqamat et de ses miniatures ainsi qu'un bref aperçu de l'art du livre arabe et de l'intérêt européen qu'il suscite. La deuxième partie présente les types de maisons trouvées suite aux fouilles archéologiques des sites de l'époque islamique. La troisième partie est consacrée aux différents types de maisons et d'aménagements intérieurs, décrits par les miniatures de Maqamat al HaririThe purpose of this work is to study the shape of the houses at the end of the Abbasid period, after five illustrated manuscripts of the Maqamat al-Hariri, historically attributed to the last period of the reign of the Abbasids . The images are in miniatures, containing details of various parts of the house, we have exploited in an attempt to configure and visualize the shape of the house that dates back to this period. The study is divided into three parts. The first part is devoted to a historical summary of the Maqamat and miniatures, as well as a brief overview of the Arabic art of the book, and the European interest.The second part is devoted to types of houses found in the excavations of various Islamic archaeological sites. The third part is devoted to various forms and portions of the house, shown by the miniatures of the Maqamat of al Hariri
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Dossani, Khairunessa. "Virtue and veiling| Perspectives from ancient to Abbasid times." Thesis, San Jose State University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1547087.
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This thesis establishes a link between conceptions of female virtue and the practice of veiling by women from ancient to medieval times in the Mediterranean region. This is evidenced by the consistent advocacy and prescription of veiling in ancient and medieval theological texts, including Jewish, Christian, Zoroastrian, and Islamic texts. Veiling practices are shown to have a religious foundation, grounded in the ideas of honor and virtue. These notions were reflected in society over time with veiled aristocratic noblewomen and unveiled marginalized classes. While acknowledging class-based theories of female veiling, the thesis concentrates on the religious factors for veiling, particularly for medieval Muslim societies. The argument of this thesis is that while veiling did not originate in Islamic societies, Muslims validated the practice through their own literature and laws. The paper also includes evidence of female seclusion, which co-exists with the spread in the practice of veiling by women.
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Al-Naimi, Haya. "Bahrain since the prophet's time to the Abbasid period." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503607.
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Sakhnini, Issam Muhammad. "The Abbasid regime under al-Saffah and al-Mansur." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303127.
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Al-Mufti, Elham Abdul-Wahhab. "Shakwa in Arabic Poetry during the c Abbasid Period." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503481.
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Koraca, Ena <1986>. "La città abbaside: evoluzione urbana di Samarra, Raqqa e Rusafa." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2327.
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Legendre, Marie. "La Moyenne-Égypte du VIIe au IXe siècle : apports d’une perspective régionale à l’étude d’une société entre Byzance et l’Islam." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040164.
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Cette thèse propose une étude régionale des deux premiers siècles de l’Islam au cœur de la vallée du Nil. Elle se concentre sur la Moyenne-Égypte, plus précisément sur deux divisions administratives byzantines au moment de la conquête de l’Égypte par l’armée de ‘Amr b. al-‘Āṣ : celle de la capitale de la province de Thébaïde, Antinoé, et une de ses dépendances, la pagarchie d’Hermopolis Magna. Nous suivons dans cet espace les situations de contact entre conquérants et conquis au niveau local, entre les VIIe et IXe siècles, afin d’interroger l’évolution de ces deux catégories d’acteurs jusqu’à l’arrivée des Tulunides (868). Le corpus disponible pour cette étude est formé principalement par des papyrus arabes, grecs et coptes, alors que les sources littéraires s’intéressent très peu à la région. Ce riche ensemble documentaire permet de bien connaître la région et sa population à la fin de l’époque byzantine ainsi que de proposer un point de vue local sur l’histoire de la conquête. Un intérêt particulier est porté au développement d’une administration islamique locale née de la refonte du système régional byzantin en place au milieu du VIIe siècle. Au sein du développement de cette nouvelle structure administrative et provinciale au cours de la période umayyade, Antinoé perd tout statut administratif provincial. Elle prend le nom arabe d’Anṣinā, et Hermopolis celui d’Ašmūn(ayn). Cette dernière devient le principal échelon administratif de la Moyenne-Égypte islamique. En parallèle, nous pouvons suivre le développement d’une communauté musulmane de Moyenne-Égypte, impliquée à partir du VIIIe siècle dans l’administration et au cours de la période abbasside dans la propriété terrienne et dans la vie citadine et villageoise de la régionThis thesis offers a regional study of the two first centuries of Islam in the heart of the Egyptian Nile valley. It concentrates on Middle Egypt, precisely on the administrative divisions of the Byzantine system at the time of the conquest of Egypt by the armies of ‘Amr b. al-‘Āṣ (642) : the capital of the province of the Thebaid, Antinoe, and one of its dependencies, the pagarchy of Hermopolis Magna. Particular focus is given to the relationships between conquerors and conquered in this region between the 7th and the 9th century, the goal being to question the evolution of those two categories until the rise of the Tulunid dynasty (868). The sources available for this research are mainly non-literary papyri written in Arabic, Greek, and Coptic, as literary sources rarely express interest in this region. This rich documentary corpus allows us to examine in detail the administrative geography of the region and its population before the conquest and to offer a local point of view on the history of the conquest. Particular attention is given to the development of a new administrative and provincial structure during the Umayyad period in which the Thebaid is suppressed and Antinoe loses its place in the provincial structure of Egypt. It then appears under the Arabic name of Anṣinā and Hermopolis, as Ašmūn(ayn). The latter becomes the main administrative centre of Middle Egypt in the Islamic period and even supervises Anṣinā. In parallel, we can follow the development of the Muslim community involved in the administration of the region from the 8th century, in landholding and in city and village life in the Abbasid period
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Al-Mutairi, Rakan. "Military organization under the early 'Abbasid Caliphate (AH 132-228)." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/24520.
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Bousliman, Fadwa. "La femme de l'entourage des califes abbassides." Paris 4, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA040103.
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8les femmes arabes libres et les djawari sont devenues des adversaires luttant pour qui brillera le plus et le mieux. Ce conflit entre les deux categories de femmes, a ete benefique du point de vue culturel. Mais il a ete aussi a l'origine de beaucoup de drames qui plongerent quelquefois le harem dans le chaos. Cette lutte feroce n'empechait cependant pas les femmes arabes et les djawari de co-habiter et de se supporter les unes les autres. Les femmes arabes et les djawari qui etaient devenues meres consideraient l'avenir de leur progenitures avec angoisse et mefiance c'est ainsi qu'elles furent melees a des litiges politiques. Elle manoeuvraient en jouant de leur feminite, leur ruse et leur intelligence pour assurer l'avenir de leur rejeton ou leur protege. Leurs agissements, avaient des retentissements cert -ains sur le deroulement des evenements. Les califes ne pouvaient que subir les consequences de telles manoeuvres et parfois reagir selon la personnalite dont ils jouissaient chacun. En fait la femme de l'entourage des califes abbassides a toujours su imposer sa personnalite. Tantot, elle fut douce (zubayda) tantot autoritaire (al-khayzuran), tantot sage (buran). La femme abbasside faisait preuve d'une intelligence indeniableThe free arabe women and the djawari have became opponent fighting for being the better. Culturally speaking, this conflit between two categories of women has been benefic, but is also generated many dramas which led at time the harem to the chaos. Despite this fierce fight, those two groups of women lived together and bore each other. Those of the aragbe women and djawari who had children were anxious and suspicious of the future of their progenitures, that's how they took part in political disputes and manoeuvred while using their feminity, their trickey and their intellegence. Their doing couldn't but influance the going of the events. The califs could only go through those manoeuvre and sometimes afford to react according to to their own personnality. As a matter of fact, women living in the environment of the abbassid caliphs have always known how to impose their personnality. Sometimes they were sweet (zubayda) some other times they were dictatorial, (al-khayzuran) or quiet, or even machiave lic. The abbasside women was ideniably clever
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Arafa, Abdelsalem. "L'Organisation du pouvoir politique à l'époque abbasside." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1985. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375940888.
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Alajmi, Abdulhadi. "Transcending legitimacy : Al-Awza'i and his interaction with the 'Abbasid state." Thesis, Durham University, 2004. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1736/.
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Rissanen, Seppo. "Theological encounter of oriental Christians with Islam during Early Abbasid Rule /." Åbo : Åbo akademis förlag, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36956164r.
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Andersson, Tobias. "Ibn Khaldun om Banu Umayya : Historieskrivningen om det umayyadiska kalifatet och dess återgivelse i al-Muqaddima." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för kultur-, religions- och utbildningsvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-11964.
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The history of Banu Umayya has since the collapse of the caliphate occupied a major part in Islamic historiography. The present thesis analyses the presentation of the Umayyads in Ibn Khaldun’s al-Muqaddima and its relation to previous historical traditions. The thesis examines the social and intellectual context in which Ibn Khaldun stood and how it is represented in his historiography, while also providing an overview of the various socio-political, intellectual and historiographical developments in Islam. The theoretical perspectives are based on the concept of agency, examining the intellectual room for manoeuvre that the historian disposed of while composing the works. The relation between the past-as-history and the historical past is emphasised and analysed by examination of narrative arrangements and content in relation to the historians’ contexts. Rather than viewing Ibn Khaldun as an exception, the study clarifies his contextual representativity by analysing his views on the Umayyads. The thesis also discusses the historiographical significance of the Umayyad history for the later development of Islam, while thereby attempting to open the field of research regarding the Umayyad history and its importance as self-definitions among later movements, historians and traditions of Islam.
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Hallett, Jessica. "Trade and innovation : the rise of a pottery industry in Abbasid Basra." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365566.
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Lucas, Noëmie. "Le pouvoir de la terre : essai d'histoire de la société bas-iraqienne au IIe/VIIIe siècle." Thesis, Paris 1, 2020. https://ecm.univ-paris1.fr/nuxeo/site/esupversions/04e122c6-6794-4ba7-b5b7-078703297eb5.
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Cette thèse propose un essai d’histoire de la société du sud de l’Iraq au IIe siècle de l’Hégire (VIIIe siècle) à partir d’une réflexion sur le pouvoir de la terre. Elle se concentre sur la région de Basse-Mésopotamie caractérisée par un paysage organisé par le Tigre et l’Euphrate et leur système de canaux, ainsi que par des marais. Nous y étudions la société bas-iraqienne en prenant en considération son hétérogénéité religieuse et sociale. Nous mettons en particulier l’accent sur les relations de cette société de la terre avec l’État au IIe/VIIIe siècle, période pendant laquelle deux dynasties se succédèrent, les Omeyyades jusqu’en 132/750 puis les Abbassides, et nous interrogeons ce changement de pouvoir pour l’histoire foncière de la région. À partir d’un corpus littéraire, composé en grande partie de sources narratives à intention historique et de sources à vocation normative, en particulier portant sur la jurisprudence fiscale, et qui ne sont, le plus souvent, pas contemporaines de la période envisagée, nous proposons une histoire qui prend en considération la formalisation littéraire et la dimension socio-économique. Ce travail sur la mise en récit de l’histoire et du droit permet de proposer un double tableau de la société foncière bas-iraqienne au IIe/VIIIe siècle : à la fois celui que les sources présentent et celui qui déborde de leur projet historiographique. Un intérêt particulier est porté à l’analyse du processus historique de la genèse de l’État. Nous montrons comment le pouvoir agit sur la terre bas-iraqienne tout en devant, pour cela, composer avec les gens de la terre. Nous interrogeons donc la manière dont la région est gouvernée, pour considérer particulièrement la question fiscale et la propriété de la terre. Nous mettons l’accent sur les acteurs (les administrateurs, les propriétaires, les paysans) et les processus : les modalités d’acquisition de terres (héritage, achat, concession, revivification), les conflits fonciers, l’exploitation des domaines. Nous observons comment le pouvoir de la terre dans le Bas-Iraq au IIe/VIIIe siècle s’exprime notamment par la capacité d’action des populations à se défendre et à agir sur le pouvoir de l’État sur leurs terresThis thesis offers an attempt at a social history of Southern Iraq during the second/eight century based on a discussion of the power of the land. It concentrates on the region of Lower Mesopotamia, which is characterized by a landscape organized by the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and their system of canals, as well as by marshes. We study Lower Iraqi society, taking into account its religious and social diversity. Particular focus is given to the relationship of this land-related society with the state in the 2nd/8th century, a period during which two dynasties followed one another, the Umayyads until 132/750 and then the Abbasids. This change of power for the land history of the region is then questioned. Based on a literary corpus, composed largely of later narrative historical sources and normative sources, especially concerning fiscal jurisprudence, we suggest a history that takes into consideration literary forms and the socio-economic aspect. This work on the writing of history and law allows us to propose a twofold portrait of the landed society in Lower-Iraq in the 2nd/8th century: both the one presented by the sources and the one that goes beyond their historiographical project. Of particular interest is the analysis of the historical process of the formation of the state. We show how power acts in the land of Lower-Iraq, while at the same time having to cope with the “people of the land” in order to do so. We therefore examine how the region is governed, with a particular focus on the fiscal issue and land ownership. We focus on the actors (administrators, owners, peasants) and the processes: the modalities of land acquisition (inheritance, purchase, grants, revivification), land conflicts, and the exploitation of estates. The power of land in Lower Iraq in the 2nd/8th century is demonstrated by the capacity of people to defend themselves and to act on the power of the state over their land
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Vaiou, Maria. "Diplomatic relations between the #Abbasid Caliphate and the Byzantine Empire : methods and procedures." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248991.
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Kasassbeh, Hussein F. S. "The office of qadi in the early Abbasid caliphate (132-247/750-861)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246884.
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Drews, Wolfram. "Die Karolinger und die Abbasiden von Bagdad Legitimationsstrategien frühmittelalterlicher Herrscherdynastien im transkulturellen Vergleich." Berlin Akad.-Verl, 2007. http://d-nb.info/991758536/04.
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Othman, Laila Ali Issa. "Aspects of the history of Bilad al-Sham (Syria) during the early Abbasid period." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248085.
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Heidemann, Stefan. "Das Aleppiner Kalifat (A. D. 1261) : vom Ende des Kalifates in Bagdad über Aleppo zu den Restaurationen in Kairo /." Leiden : E. J. Brill, 1994. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37714742k.
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Tillier, Mathieu. "Les cadis d'Iraq à l'époque abbaside : organisation administrative et rapports au pouvoir (132/750-334/945)." Lyon 2, 2004. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2004/tillier_m.
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À l'époque médiévale, les cadis se trouvent à la croisée de deux mondes : celui des institutions étatiques et celui des juristes privés. Cette thèse tente d'analyser les rapports entre les cadis d'Iraq et le pouvoir entre la révolution ‘abbâside en 132/750 et l'arrivée des Bûyides en 334/945. Nous nous interrogeons dans un premier temps sur le lien de délégation qui unit les cadis aux gouverneurs, puis aux califes, en essayant de voir dans quelle mesure la nouvelle dynastie réforme l'administration judiciaire, et quels sont les critères qui président au choix des cadis. L'étude des districts judiciaires conduit par ailleurs à se demander dans quelle mesure la justice des cadis couvre l'ensemble du territoire iraqien, et à analyser les structures hiérarchiques qui les relient au pouvoir central. Certaines déficiences constatées sont compensées par l'élaboration de procédures destinées à assurer une continuité géographique et temporelle de la judicature. Le rôle de Bagdad, qui s'affirme peu à peu comme le centre nerveux du système judicaire iraqien, est également analysé. Nous étudions enfin les relations quotidiennes entre la judicature et le pouvoir, et tentons de voir dans quelle mesure les cadis sont instrumentalisés par leurs délégants à des fins politiques. Face à aux interventions du pouvoir dans le domaine judiciaire, de plus en plus considérées comme illégitimes, la réflexion des cadis et des autres savants conduit à modifier sensiblement le statut du cadi au sein de la sociétéDuring the medieval period, the qâdîs are situated between two worlds: that of state institutions and that of private lawyers. This thesis seeks to analyze relationships between the Iraqi qâdîs and state power between the ‘abbâsid revolution in 132/750 and the establishment of the bûyid dynasty in 334/945. We first consider the structure of delegated power that links the qâdîs with the governors, then to the caliphs; we then attempt to establish the degree to which the new dynasty reforms the judicial administration, and examine the criteria that govern the choice of the qâdîs. Having considered the Iraqi judicial districts, we turn to consider the extent to which the juridical authority of the qâdîs covers all the Iraqi territory, and analyze the hierarchical structures that connect them to the central organization of power. Certain deficiencies are shown to be compensated by the elaboration of procedures intended to ensure their geographical and temporal continuity. As Baghdad progressively affirms itself as the nervous center of the Iraqi judicial system, its role in these processes is also analyzed. Finally, we explore the daily relationship between the judicature and power, and attempt to discover the means by which the qâdîs may be used by their délégants for political purposes. Given the intervention of political power in the judicial field, which are increasingly perceived to be illegitimate, the thought of the qâdîs and other scholars lead to an important re-consideration of the qâdî's status in society
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Tillier, Mathieu Bianquis Thierry. "Les cadis d'Iraq à l'époque abbaside organisation administrative et rapports au pouvoir (132/750-334/945) /." Lyon : Université Lumière Lyon 2, 2004. http://demeter.univ-lyon2.fr:8080/sdx/theses/lyon2/2004/tillier_m.
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Alchomari, Alaa Aldin. "Monnaies abbassides en Al-Djazira (Syrie) : le trésor de Buseyra (Karkisiya)." Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010614.
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L'objet de cette recherche est le trésor monétaire de Buseyra (Karkïsïya), ce trésor couvre une grande période étalée de la période du souverain sassanide Khusrô II jusqu'à l'année 331H/941. La composition générale de ce trésor 3108 dirhams, dont 531 sont fragmentaires, est la suivante : 3 pièces Sassanides, un dirham Arabo- sassanide, 3 pièces Umayyades réformées, 2 pièces Umayyades d'Espagne, 2762 pièces (Abbasides, un dirham Tülünide, un dirham Hamdânide, 9 pièces Dulafides, 45 pièces Saffârides, 40 pièces banü Bânidjür, 201 pièces Sâmânides, 2 pièces Sadjides, 2 pièces Zaydites en Djurdjan, 36 monnaies indéterminées (monnaies totalement usées ou flans non frappés). Le trésor de Buseyra est l'un des trésors du Xème siècle découvert dans le domaine du califat abbâside qui nous fournit le nombre entier des fragments qu'il contient. Ce trésor est conservé au musée de Deir az-Zour en Syrie.
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Dahmani, Fatma. "Une réévaluation du matériel peint du palais des califes abbassides à Samarra." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010550.
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Le matériel peint du Palais califal de Samarra est issu d'une fouille datant de 1913, il a traversé deux guerres mondiales et a été distribué sur plusieurs institutions à travers le monde. En outre la seule publication significative dont il a fait objet date de 1927 (Malereien) et il n'a pas été réévaluée depuis à l'exception de quelques études (iconographiques pour la plupart) aux interprétations divergentes. Ce travail fait d'abord une mise au point sur l'état actuel des peintures murales et des jarres peintes issues de ce Palais. Une analyse combinant l'observation directe de ce qui est conservé avec les données des archives et la confrontation avec ce qui est publié est ensuite proposée. En prenant en compte les travaux récents dont le Palais a fait objet et les publications plus ou moins récentes sur des témoignages archéologiques, techniques ou iconographiques pertinents au contexte, une étude argumentée tente de clarifier certaines questions d'interprétation de ce matériel et de sa datation. Le recours aux sources textuelles apporte de façon ponctuelle un appui au propos. Loin d'avoir résolu toutes les questions, ce travail a d'abord démontré que, bien qu'incontournable, le recours au Malereien devrait être complété par un retour aux archives et au matériel conservé. Ensuite l'analyse a révélé que ces peintures relèvent essentiellement d'une tradition locale, notamment pour leurs techniques. Une mixité de références est cependant décelable dans le vocabulaire iconographique où l'ancrage local reste plausible mais où d'autres pistes d'interprétations sont également envisageablesThe painted material uncovered at the Caliphal Palace of Samarra comes from an old excavation dating back to 1913, it went through two world wars and was distributed over several institutions throughout the world. Besides it has not been reassessed since then, apart from few studies (mainly iconographical) with divergent interpretations. The present study first provides an update on the present state of the murals and painted jars discovered at this Palace. It then offers an analysis combining observation of the preserved pieces and the study of archival data and a comparison with the already published information and analysis. Taking into account recent works and studies that have dealt with the Palace as well as recent publications related to archaeological, technical or iconographical evidence relevant to the context, a reasoned study attempts to clarify issues related to the interpretation of this material and its dating. Literary sources are sometimes used to support the arguments. Far from having resolved ail the questions, this study has first demonstrated that, although unavoidable, the Malereien shouldn't be the only source to rely on and that archival data and preserved material should also be taken into account. Then, the analysis has shown that this material stems principally from a local tradition, particularly as far as its techniques are concerned. However, the iconographic vocabulary reveals diverse references where local roots remain plausible but other interpretations are also possible
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HADJAR, TAHAR. "La poesie politique sous le regne des abbassides (132-334 750-946)." Paris 4, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA040235.
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Cette these traite l'impact des evenements politiques sur la poesie arabe durant les deux premiers siecles du regne abbaside. Dans la premiere partie intitulee "poesie et pouvoir", l'accent est mis sur l'attitude des poetes vis a vis du califat abbaside et ses problemes interieurs et exterieurs a commencer par la polemique du legitimisme, autrement dit la lutte pour le pouvoir, d'abord entre les partis politiques de l'epoque, puis entre les membres de la famille au pouvoir. Les problemes des institutions et de l'administration en general comme le vizirat, la justice, l'armee etc. . . Sont egalement traites dans cette partie. Les relations exterieures de l'etat abbaside avec les emirats dissidents et les autres monarchies trouvent aussi des repercussions favorables sur la poesie politique de cette periode. Dans la seconde partie, la poesie de l'opposition doctrinale et populaire a une idee pertinente dans la critique du pouvoir abbaside et la participation active dans le debat general engendre par la polemique de l'autorite qui aboutit generalement, de part et d'autre, au recours a la force. Les revoltes et soulevements perpetuels de cette periode sont largement mis en relief par cette poesie. La troisieme partie est consacree aux caracteristiques generales de la poesie politique souvent enfouie dans les themes traditionnels comme le panegyrique, la satire etc. . . Les deux derniers chapitres sont consacres aux poetes de cour et la chronologie de tous les poetes cites dans la these avec leurs referencesThe present thesis entertains the impact of political events upon the arab poetry during the first two centuries of the abbasid reign. The first part headed "poetry and power" examines the poets behaviour towards the abbasid califate and its internal and external problems through the struggle for power on the one hand among the political parties at that time and among the members of the ruling family on other hand. In addition many other problems related to the governemantal and the managerial institutions like the vizirate, the justice, the army. . . And so on are discussed in this part as well. The external relations of the abbasid state with dissenting emirats and the other monarchies have been influenced in some extent by this political poetry. In the second part, we can see that the doctrinal and popular opposition stresses on, first the ciritics of the abbasid power and second the conception of power on the islamic point of view. The different conflicts are also widely studied by this type of poetry. The third part is entierely devoted to the general characteristics of the political poetry wich are expressed through the traditional thems like panegyric, satire
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Cabrol, Cécile. "Les secrétaires nestoriens dans l'administration des califes abbassides à Bagdad (762-1258)." Bordeaux 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003BOR30047.
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Dès sa fondation en 762 par le calife al-Mansûr, Bagdad devint une capitale administrative cosmopolite peuplée de fonctionnaires et de savants chrétiens parmi lesquels les Nestoriens jouèrent un rôle de premier plan. Le secrétaire ou kâtib était un fonctionnaire, un conseiller privé, un calligraphe, un modèle culturel et un fidèle serviteur occupant des postes de confiance dans les services administratifs des califes. C'est à ce titre que les secrétaires nestoriens étaient appréciés car ils présentaient des valeurs morales et des compétences scientifiques les rendant indispensables. Avant de pouvoir évaluer le rôle des secrétaires nestoriens dans la société abbasside, il était incontournable de dépasser dans un premier temps, le cadre d'une étude socio-culturelle pour toucher aux techniques de l'écriture et de l'administration. Leur condition de dhimmis dans la société soulève de nombreux paradoxes que nous avons pu éclairer, dans un second temps, à la lecture des sources littéraires arabes produites par les auteurs musulmans et chrétiens. Les secrétaires nestoriens occupèrent des positions sociales très élevées et leur rôle politique, religieux et culturel fut déterminant non seulement auprès de leur communauté mais aussi auprès des personnages hauts placés dans la hiérarchie sociale de l'Empire jusqu'à la prise de Bagdad en 1258 par les Mongols. Auxiliaires du pouvoir musulman et intermédiaires privilégiés de la communauté nestorienne, le rôle des secrétaires nestoriens s'inscrit dans le cadre de relations islamo-chrétiennes à l'âge classique de l'IslamSince its foundation in 762 by the caliph al-Mansûr, Baghdad became a cosmopolitan capital where functionaries and Christian scholars played a major role. The secretary, or kâtib was a functionary, a private advisor, a calligrapher, a cultural model and a faithful servant occupying positions of trust in the caliphate's administration. Therefore, Nestorian secretaries showed moral values and scientific skills that made them indispensable. First, before evaluating the role of the Nestorian secretaries in the Abbasid society, it was necessary to go beyond the sociological and cultural context, and explain the methods and techniques of the scribes and the administration. Secondly, their condition as dhimmis in the society created various paradoxes that we were able to clarify on the basis of Arabic references written by both Muslims and Christians scholars. The Nestorian secretaries occupied very high positions; the political, religious and cultural role they played was determinant, not only for their communities but also in regard to the ranked persons in the Empire and that, until the fall of Baghdad to the Mongols in 1258. Auxiliaries of the Islamic power and special intermediaries of the Nestorian community, their role fits in the islamic-christians relations during the classical age in Islam
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Mikhail, Wageeh Yousif Fana. "The missiological significance of early Christian Arab theology with special reference to the Abbasid period (750-1258) /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2004.
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Abbasi, Rabeeh Ayaz [Verfasser]. "Discovering and exploiting semantics in folksonomies / Rabeeh Ayaz Abbasi." Koblenz : Universitätsbibliothek Koblenz, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1009636995/34.
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Al-kazraji, Hussein Talal Mohamed <1984>. "L’Orientalismo tra vocazione imperialista, suggestioni esotiche e omoerotiche. Le rappresentazioni storiche del passaggio tra l’epoca omayyade e abbaside." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2015. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/7087/1/Hussein_Alkazraji_Tesi.pdf.
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Lo studio si tratta di mettere in evidenza il cambiamento che ha subito il termine Oriente nel secolo XX in alcuni testi della letteratura italiana contemporanea. L’opera di Edward Said, L’Orientalismo è un testo di riferimento per i nostri studi. Nel quale abbiamo focalizzato l’attenzione su alcuni aspetti salienti: il concetto di orientalismo; l’interesse nei confronti dell’Oriente sul piano politico, scientifico, letterario; l’impossibilità di separare lo studioso dalle circostanze biografiche e sociali. Siamo riusciti, quindi, a stabilire che il cambiamento dell’immagine orientale dipende da tre fattori: lo scrittore (emittente), il soggetto (la fonte) ed il lettore (destinatario), dai quali si origina l’oggetto (il testo). Basandoci su questi tre elementi abbiamo cercato di inquadrare l’interesse letterario per l’Oriente vista da una triplice prospettiva: imperialismo, fascino ed erotismo. Per studiare le prime due prospettive, abbiamo scelto due opere. La prima presenta l’immagine dell’imperialismo, si tratta di Sanya, La moglie egiziana e il Romanzo dell’Oriente Moderno (1927) di Bruno Corra. La seconda prospettiva dove troviamo l’immagine dell’Oriente fascinoso è nello scritto di Annie Vivanti, La terra di Cleopatra (1925). Il punto centrale della tesi si tratta di studiare Annie Messina (1910-1996), è una scrittrice che ha uno stile peculiare ed un approccio tutto suo al tema dell’Oriente. I testi studiati sono : "Il mirto e la rosa" (1982), "Il banchetto dell'emiro" (1997) e "La principessa e il wâlî" (1996), tutti pubblicati dalla casa editrice Sellerio.L’unico pubblicato da Mondadori è "La palma di Rusafa" (1989). L’ultima parte del lavoro abbiamo esposto un profilo storico e socio-religioso della letteratura erotica araba. In cui abbiamo rintracciato le origini dell’immagine erotico dell’Oriente e il tema dell’omosessualità, mettendo a confronto il testo omosessuale di Messina con la letteratura italiana contemporanea.Orientalism between imperialist vocation, exotic suggestions and homoerotic. The historical representations of the passage between the Umayyad and Abbasid eras. What we want to affront in the thesis is from one part the change that has undergone the term orient in the twentieth century in some texts of contemporary Italian literature, from which originate the reflections that has determined the path for our work. The line we traced is primarily a pattern of general reading of travel literature and texts that have treated the orient , noting that the figure was an exotic oriental rich source of inspiration for writers, that reinforced them with creativity. In most cases, therefore ,the Orient has been the subject of literary production, however, it took different forms depending on the circumstances and the individual and collective needs. Despite the fact that oriental style was diffused in contemporary Italian literature, we found it difficult to have unique materials for our study. Finally, we have chosen a writer who has a peculiar style and approach of its own to the topic of the orient. She is Annie Messina (1910-1996), the granddaughter of the author Maria Messina. She made Arabic medieval ambience of tragic stories of love and passion, predominantly homosexual love. As a writer, she is little known and has not been widely studied by critics. Through his heir we could have a material original and three unpublished short stories. The style of writing is banal and repetitive, but it is very important to the setting and scenery Arabic
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Al-kazraji, Hussein Talal Mohamed <1984>. "L’Orientalismo tra vocazione imperialista, suggestioni esotiche e omoerotiche. Le rappresentazioni storiche del passaggio tra l’epoca omayyade e abbaside." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2015. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/7087/.
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Lo studio si tratta di mettere in evidenza il cambiamento che ha subito il termine Oriente nel secolo XX in alcuni testi della letteratura italiana contemporanea. L’opera di Edward Said, L’Orientalismo è un testo di riferimento per i nostri studi. Nel quale abbiamo focalizzato l’attenzione su alcuni aspetti salienti: il concetto di orientalismo; l’interesse nei confronti dell’Oriente sul piano politico, scientifico, letterario; l’impossibilità di separare lo studioso dalle circostanze biografiche e sociali. Siamo riusciti, quindi, a stabilire che il cambiamento dell’immagine orientale dipende da tre fattori: lo scrittore (emittente), il soggetto (la fonte) ed il lettore (destinatario), dai quali si origina l’oggetto (il testo). Basandoci su questi tre elementi abbiamo cercato di inquadrare l’interesse letterario per l’Oriente vista da una triplice prospettiva: imperialismo, fascino ed erotismo. Per studiare le prime due prospettive, abbiamo scelto due opere. La prima presenta l’immagine dell’imperialismo, si tratta di Sanya, La moglie egiziana e il Romanzo dell’Oriente Moderno (1927) di Bruno Corra. La seconda prospettiva dove troviamo l’immagine dell’Oriente fascinoso è nello scritto di Annie Vivanti, La terra di Cleopatra (1925). Il punto centrale della tesi si tratta di studiare Annie Messina (1910-1996), è una scrittrice che ha uno stile peculiare ed un approccio tutto suo al tema dell’Oriente. I testi studiati sono : "Il mirto e la rosa" (1982), "Il banchetto dell'emiro" (1997) e "La principessa e il wâlî" (1996), tutti pubblicati dalla casa editrice Sellerio.L’unico pubblicato da Mondadori è "La palma di Rusafa" (1989). L’ultima parte del lavoro abbiamo esposto un profilo storico e socio-religioso della letteratura erotica araba. In cui abbiamo rintracciato le origini dell’immagine erotico dell’Oriente e il tema dell’omosessualità, mettendo a confronto il testo omosessuale di Messina con la letteratura italiana contemporanea.Orientalism between imperialist vocation, exotic suggestions and homoerotic. The historical representations of the passage between the Umayyad and Abbasid eras. What we want to affront in the thesis is from one part the change that has undergone the term orient in the twentieth century in some texts of contemporary Italian literature, from which originate the reflections that has determined the path for our work. The line we traced is primarily a pattern of general reading of travel literature and texts that have treated the orient , noting that the figure was an exotic oriental rich source of inspiration for writers, that reinforced them with creativity. In most cases, therefore ,the Orient has been the subject of literary production, however, it took different forms depending on the circumstances and the individual and collective needs. Despite the fact that oriental style was diffused in contemporary Italian literature, we found it difficult to have unique materials for our study. Finally, we have chosen a writer who has a peculiar style and approach of its own to the topic of the orient. She is Annie Messina (1910-1996), the granddaughter of the author Maria Messina. She made Arabic medieval ambience of tragic stories of love and passion, predominantly homosexual love. As a writer, she is little known and has not been widely studied by critics. Through his heir we could have a material original and three unpublished short stories. The style of writing is banal and repetitive, but it is very important to the setting and scenery Arabic
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Drews, Wolfram. "Die Karolinger und die Abbasiden von Bagdad : Legitimationsstrategien frühmittelalterlicher Herrscherdynastien im transkulturellen Vergleich /." Berlin : Akademie Verlag, 2009. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9783050045603.
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Mubarak, Abd al-Rahim Yusef al-Shikh. "The tribe of Iyad in pre-Islamic and early Islamic times to the end of the Abbasid period." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496374.
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Eid, Hadi. "Histoire de la controverse religieuse entre Byzance et l'Islam pendant la première époque Abbasside." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010562.
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L'épitre d'Ibn al-Layât adresse au nom du calife Haroun al-Rasid (786-809) à l'empereur byzantin Constantin six que j'ai exhumée est un des éléments majeurs de notre étude intitulée : "histoire de la controverse religieuse entre Byzance et l'Islam pendant la première époque Abbasside". Elle apparait comme le premier ouvrage d'apologétique musulmane que nous possédons, et la seule correspondance royale à cette période. Dans cette lettre, le calife engage une vive polémique en abordant de nombreux points : ce qui dépend de l'unicité de dieu, le caractère prophétique de Muhammad ; le caractère inimitable du coran ; les miracles et les prophéties du Muhammad ; le dogme de la trinité avec ses trois hypostases ; la filiation divine de Jésus, les miracles opérés par lui, et l'annonce de Muhammad par l'ancien et le nouveau testament, et de la falsification des écritures par les chrétiens. A travers toutes ces discussions religieuses, le calife invite l'empereur à choisir entre : la conversion à l'Islam ou, le paiement de la gizya qui doit lui apporter beaucoup d'avantages. Comme auparavant, en cas de refus de celui-ci, l'unique choix pour le calife est la guerre sainte (jihad) contre les byzantinsThe epistle which Ibn al-Layt has addressed on behalf of the caliph Harun al-Rasid (786-809) to the byzantine emperor Constantine six, and which i have unearthed,is one of the major elements of our study entitled : "history of the religious controversy between byeantium and Islam during the first abbasid era". It stands out as the first work of muslim apologetic which we possess, and the only royal correspondence from that period. In that letter, the caliph engages in a lively polemic discussing numerous points : what depends on the uniqueness of god, the prophetic character of Muhammad ;the inimitable character of the Coran ; the miracles and prophetics of Muhammad ; the dogma of the trinity with its three hypostasis ; the divine filiation of Jesus, the miracles which he effected, the announcement of muhammad by the old and new testament, and the falsification of scriptures by the christians. Through all these religious discussions, the caliph invites the emperor to choose between the conversion to Islam or the payment of the gizya which should bring him a lot of advantages. In the case of the emperor's refusal, then, as in the past, the only choice for
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Messaadi, Farhat. "Poésie de la nature à l'âge abbasside (VIII-XIII siècles) : approche analytique et thématique." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019INAL0004.
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Ce travail de recherche explore la place de la nature dans la poésie arabe à l’âge abbasside (VIII-XIII siècles), en s’intéressant plus particulièrement à l’esthétique de la poésie, à l’imaginaire arabe et à l’essence même de la production poétique. Il s’agit de montrer en quoi l’évolution de la poésie descriptive dans la littérature arabe constitue un sujet, non seulement essentiel, mais aussi sous-jacent à la poésie de la nature telle qu’elle est abordée et traitée par d’autres chercheurs dans des périodes différentes. Pour ce faire, cette étude a délibérément respecté la démarche chronologique, afin de proposer une vue synoptique de l’évolution de la représentation de la nature depuis la période préislamique jusqu’à l’âge abbasside, en passant par la période omeyyade, ère durant laquelle ce thème deviendra un thème à part entière et trouvera pleinement sa place, bien ancrée dans le nouvel essor civilisationnel de la vie citadine. Ce mode de vie inédit a invité les poètes abbassides à se tourner vers la description des aspects de la nature dans un langage mieux élaboré, épousant exactement les changements d’inspiration de la société contemporaine et engendrant naturellement une production poétique métamorphosée, fruit d’une débauche d’imagination spontanée, foisonnant de connotations polysémiques imprimant une dynamique enlevée. Cette représentation artistique versifiée en une langue riche et raffinée, ponctuée par un rythme marqué, miroir fidèle de l’environnement intellectuel et culturel de l’époque envisagée, se manifeste chez des poètes abbassides innovants, construisant de longs poèmes sur le thème unique de la nature dans lesquels ils épanchent leurs émotions et leur vécu. Finalement, ce travail de recherche a montré que la poésie avait atteint son apogée esthétique à l’âge abbasside qui, ainsi, devint l’âge d’or de la littérature arabeThe piece of research is exploring the place of Nature in the Arabic poetry during the Abbasside Age (VIII-XIII century), focusing more particularly on the poetical aesthetics, the Arabic imaginativeness as well as the very essence of poetical production. This work aims at showing how the evolution of descriptive poetry in the Arabic literature can be considered as a subject not only essential, but also subjacent to the poetry of Nature itself by the way it has been tackled and treated by other research students in other periods. In this perspective this research has deliberately abided by chronological approach in order to propose a synoptic survey of the evolution of the representation of Nature since the preislamic era until the Abbasside age throughout the Ommeyyade period during which this theme was to become a full one completely inserted into the new civilization development of the urban way of life. Indeed this new way of life invited the Abbasside poets to engage into the use of a more elaborate language for describing the various aspects of Nature, thus, strictly following up the changes in inspiration due to this contemporary society and naturally entailing a deeply transformed poetical production as the fruit of a spontaneous, abundant imagination rich in polysemic connotations inducing a spirited dynamic movement. This artistic representation written in richly refined verses, hammered out in a marked rhythm, faithfully mirrored in the intellectual and cultural milieu of their epoch, is obvious among this Abbasside poets making innovations while building long poems about the subject-matter of nature-in which they pour forth their emotions and their experience-. Last but not least, this piece of research has put in the limelight that poetry had reached its peak of aesthetical perfection during the Abbasside Age that consequently became the Golden Age of the Arabic literature
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Zubani, Alessia. "Les machines du pouvoir : technique et politique entre l’Iran sassanide et le califat abbasside." Thesis, Université Paris sciences et lettres, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020UPSLP055.
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Dans l’Antiquité, la recherche et la réflexion sur la technique permettent les premières réalisations de dispositifs ingénieux, tels que des appareils qui accomplissent une série d’actions par le biais de stimulus externes et de mécanismes cachés. Les organismes politiques et religieux saisissent rapidement la puissance communicative de ces machines, en devenant les promoteurs et patrons privilégiés de leur production. L’Empire sassanide (224-650) ne constitue pas une exception. En effet, les souverains perses consacrent, au moins à l’époque tardive, une grande attention à la conception et au déploiement de dispositifs savants et ingénieux. De même, un siècle plus tard, dans le milieu du califat islamique, les Abbassides (750-1258) semblent également s’entourer de tels dispositifs. La continuité entre les deux empires dans plusieurs domaines, de la théorie politique à l’administration, est bien connue. Cependant, la question de la réutilisation du patrimoine technique et scientifique ancien, et notamment sassanide, par la cour abbasside, demeure encore largement inexplorée. L’étude d’un corpus de sources, aussi vaste qu’hétérogène, rassemblant des ouvrages historiographiques, géographiques, poétiques et d’adab, ainsi que des traités scientifiques et techniques en plusieurs langues, permet d’analyser différents aspects de la production et de l’usage politique des machines. Au sein de la cour sassanide, comme de la cour abbasside, la machine s’avère constituer un véhicule préférentiel de représentation et de diffusion de l’idéologie politique. À travers sa mise en scène publique, elle contribue de manière substantielle à la définition de l’espace du pouvoir, en participant à la création d’une image de la cour comme un microcosme au cœur duquel le Roi des rois, et plus tard le calife, occupaient le rôle cardinal de maître incontesté du monde. La continuité entre l’empire sassanide et l’empire abbasside dans le domaine technique ne se limite donc pas à une récupération de savoirs, mais s’opère aussi sous la forme d’une véritable réactivation d’un patrimoine symboliqueIn the Antique world, research on technology and applied sciences allowed for the construction of the very first ingenious devices, i.e. apparatuses which, through external stimulation and hidden mechanisms, can perform a series of actions and movements. Political and religious organisms quickly came to appreciate the communicative power of such devices, thus actively sponsoring their production. The Sasanian Empire (224-650) is no exception. In fact, at least since the late period, Iranian rulers devoted remarkable attention to the conception and material deployment of ingenious devices. Similar efforts seem to have been taken about a century later by the Abbasids (750-1258). The continuity between these two empires in various domains, such as political theory and administration, is widely acknowledged. However, the issue of the recovery of the ancient – and, particularly, Sasanian – technical and scientific heritage by the Abbasid court is still largely neglected. The study of a various corpus of historiographic, geographic, poetic, and literary sources, as well as of scientific treaties, allows shedding light on various aspects regarding the production and political use of machines at the Abbasid court. Both at the Sasanian and the Abbasid court, ingenious devices prove themselves to be a preferential vehicle of representation and diffusion of political ideology. Through their public display, they substantially contributed to the definition of the space of power, taking part in the creation of an image of the court as a microcosm in which the King of kings, and later on the Caliph, hold the cardinal place of universal world-rulers. The Sasanian-Abbasid continuity in the realm of technology and science thus is not limited to the recovery, by Abbasid scholars, of Sasanian scientific knowledge, but rather takes the form of a true reactivation of a symbolic heritage
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Zubani, Alessia <1991>. "Les machines du pouvoir. Technique et politique entre l'Iran sassanide et le califat abbasside." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2020. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/9550/1/Tesi%20Zubani.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Dans l’Antiquité, la recherche sur la technique permet les premières réalisations de dispositifs ingénieux, tels que des appareils qui accomplissent une série d’actions par le biais de stimulus externes et de mécanismes cachés. Les organismes politiques et religieux saisissent rapidement la puissance communicative de ces machines, en devenant les promoteurs et patrons privilégiés de leur production. L’Empire sassanide (224-650) ne constitue pas une exception. En effet, les souverains perses consacrent, au moins à l’époque tardive, une grande attention à la conception et au déploiement de dispositifs savants. De même, un siècle plus tard, dans le milieu du califat islamique, les Abbassides (750-1258) semblent s’entourer de tels dispositifs. La continuité entre les deux empires dans plusieurs domaines, de la théorie politique à l’administration, est bien connue. Cependant, la question de la réutilisation du patrimoine technique et scientifique ancien, et notamment sassanide, par la cour abbasside, demeure encore largement inexplorée. L’étude d’un corpus de sources, aussi vaste qu’hétérogène, rassemblant des ouvrages historiographiques, géographiques, poétiques et d’adab, ainsi que des traités scientifiques et techniques en plusieurs langues, permet d’analyser différents aspects de la production et de l’usage politique des machines. Au sein de la cour sassanide, comme de la cour abbasside, la machine s’avère constituer un véhicule préférentiel de représentation et de diffusion de l’idéologie politique. À travers sa mise en scène publique, elle contribue de manière substantielle à la définition de l’espace du pouvoir, en participant à la création d’une image de la cour comme un microcosme au cœur duquel le Roi des rois, et plus tard le calife, occupaient le rôle cardinal de maître incontesté du monde. La continuité entre les empires sassanide et abbasside dans le domaine technique ne se limite donc pas à une récupération de savoirs, mais s’opère aussi sous la forme d’une véritable réactivation d’un patrimoine symboliqueIn the Antique world, research on technology and applied sciences allowed for the construction of the very first ingenious devices, i.e. apparatuses which, through external stimulation and hidden mechanisms, can perform a series of actions and movements. Political and religious organisms quickly came to appreciate the communicative power of such devices, thus actively sponsoring their production. The Sasanian Empire (224-650) is no exception. In fact, at least since the late period, Iranian rulers devoted remarkable attention to the conception and material deployment of ingenious devices. Similar efforts seem to have been taken about a century later by the Abbasids (750-1258). The continuity between these two empires in various domains, such as political theory and dministration, is widely acknowledged. However, the issue of the recovery of the ancient – and, particularly, Sasanian – technical and scientific heritage by the Abbasid court is still largely neglected. The study of a various corpus of historiographic, geographic, poetic, and literary sources, as well as of scientific treaties, allows shedding light on various aspects regarding the production and political use of machines at the Abbasid court. Both at the Sasanian and the Abbasid court, ingenious devices prove themselves to be a preferential vehicle of representation and diffusion of political ideology. Through their public display, they substantially contributed to the definition of the space of power, taking part in the creation of an image of the court as a microcosm in which the King of kings, and later on the Caliph, hold the cardinal place of universal world-rulers. The Sasanian-Abbasid continuity in the realm of technology and science thus is not limited to the recovery, by Abbasid scholars, of Sasanian scientific knowledge, but rather takes the form of a true reactivation of a symbolic heritage.
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Hethlain, Sultan Khalid. "Ifta' and the response of prominent Muftis to Umayyad and early 'Abbasid rule A.H.40-243/C.E.661-855." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.497562.
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Scharfe, Patrick. "Portrayals of the Later Abbasid Caliphs: The Role of the Caliphate in Buyid and Saljūq-era Chronicles, 936-1180." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275506456.
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El, Abbassi Karrouk Ibtissam. "Les problemes de la succession et de l'exercice du pouvoir sous les umayyades et les premiers abbassides." Paris 4, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA040318.
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L'institution califienne naquit apres la mort du prophete muhammad, abu bakr devint le premier halifat rasul allah, apres qu'il eut recu la bay a des principaux compagnons du prophete. La periode des quatre premiers califes qu'on appelle rasidun, qui commence avec abu bakr et finie avec ali, differe de la periode qui suivit. Les umayyades, des qu'ils prenaient le pouvoir faisaient du califat une possession familiale et faisaient admettre la realite du principe dynastique. Mu awiya qui fut le premier a accepter d'etre appele halifat allah designa son fils yazid comme son successeur. Avec la dynastie abbaside qui prit le pouvoir en l'an 132 750 de nouvelles modifications furent apportees a la conception du califat. Les califes abbasides qui se presentaient comme appartenant a la famille du prophete, exigerent une obeissance inconditionnelle. L'usage dynastique fut applique de la meme facon que sous les umayyades et aucune regle ne presidait a ce choix. Pendant toute la periode umayyade et une premiere partie de la periode abbaside, le califat presente une caracteristique fondamentale son unicite; il est l'institution unique sur laquelle repose tout l'etat, l'agent unique de la souverainete. L'institution califienne a toujours ete apparemment respectee, et sauf la crise umayyade, qui favorisa l'avenement des abbasides, elle a ete maintenue au profit de la meme dynastie. Cela tient a la fois au renforcement de l'usage dynastique et au developpement du caractere religieux de la fonction combine avec le developpement du caractere sacre de ses titulaires. L'atteinte portee a la dynastie titulaire du califat, apparaitra comme une atteinte a la religion.
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Younes, Farid. "À la découverte d'une architecture sonore, l'analogie entre l'architecture et la musique à l'époque abbasside." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/nq26755.pdf.
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Sokoly, Jochen A. "Tiraz textiles from Egypt : production, administration and uses of tiraz textiles from Egypt under the Umayyad, #Abbasid and Fatimid dynasties." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251508.
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