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Journal articles on the topic 'Abbeys'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Magrini, Ugo, and Anna Magrini. "Measurements of Acoustical Properties in Cistercian Abbeys." Building Acoustics 12, no. 4 (December 2005): 255–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/135101005775219111.

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The work reports the results of measurements of acoustical parameters obtained in six abbeys of the Cistercian order (XIIth century). Three of them, Silvacane, Senanque and Le Thoronet, are in the South of France. They have the original layout both outside and inside the building, and are finished in local stone. The values of the reverberation time RT, measured in these abbeys, are higher than in other religious buildings of almost the same volume. The other three abbeys, at Tiglieto, Morimondo and Chiaravalle, in Northern Italy, have similar characteristics as regards the plan and the simplicity of the interiors, but their inner surfaces are of bricks and stones, in different proportions. The measured RT values are lower than those of the French abbeys. In the abbey at Le Thoronet, the RT values are higher at low and middle frequencies, which corresponds to the range of liturgical and mainly Gregorian choral music, played in Cistercian abbeys without musical instruments. This effect could have been the aim of the Cistercian architects, experienced in architectural acoustics, or is the consequence of the use of a special kind of stone, that has lower absorbing properties than the materials used in the other churches.

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2

Mellinger, Laura. "Politics in the Convent: The Election of a Fifteenth-Century Abbess." Church History 63, no. 4 (December 1994): 529–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167628.

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On 26 May 1434, the sisters of the Abbaye Saint-Georges de Rennes filed into their chapter house. Their abbess had died two days previously, and following her burial in the abbey church the abbey's prioress had called a meeting to plan the election of a new leader for the community.

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3

R.W. Hiebl, Martin, and Birgit Feldbauer-Durstmüller. "What can the corporate world learn from the cellarer?" Society and Business Review 9, no. 1 (February 4, 2014): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sbr-12-2012-0050.

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Purpose – Benedictine abbeys are highly stable organisations that have existed for almost 1,500 years. The extant literature ascribes this stability in part to the notion of Benedictine governance, which centres on the Rule of St Benedict (RB). An integral part of Benedictine governance is the cellarer, who plays a role comparable to that of a chief financial officer (CFO) in a traditional corporation. Unlike corporations, however, in which the CFO has emerged into a more important role over the past few decades, the cellarer has been an official position in Benedictine abbeys since the introduction of the RB in the sixth century. The present paper aims to explore the cellarer's role and assesses which parts of it could be reasonably transferred to the corporate world. Design/methodology/approach – Informed by organisational role theory, the authors conducted a single case study in an Austrian Benedictine abbey. The authors used group discussions and semi-structured interviews as the main research instruments. Findings – The authors find that the cellarer's behaviour shows strong signs of stewardship, which could serve as a role model for corporate CFOs. However, because of the studied abbey's situation of financial distress, the cellarer also experienced severe role conflicts rooted in his obedience to the abbot, the high involvement of the abbey in the local economy, and the cellarer's conscience as a Christian monk. From these findings, the authors describe those aspects of the cellarer's role that should thus be avoided for corporate CFOs. Research limitations/implications – The presented findings are based on a single case study. Therefore, because of the contextual factors idiosyncratic to the abbey under investigation, the results must be interpreted with care. Nevertheless, the findings explain the cellarer's role and depict its potential benefits for the corporate world, which should induce further research. Originality/value – This is the first paper to explore in-depth the cellarer's role as well as one of the first to transfer the potential benefits of single roles rooted in Benedictine governance to the corporate world.

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4

Milecka, Małgorzata, and Seweryn Malawski. "Spatial and ideological transformation of the Abbots’ Garden in Oliwa in the 18th century." Roczniki Humanistyczne 71, no. 4 (June 23, 2023): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh23714.4.

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Ever since the Medieval era, Cistercian monasteries have been the centres of architecture, horticulture, art and craft. Their abbeys were also distinguished by a rich theological program. Within the larger monastic complexes, the abbot occupied a representative building, surrounded by an ornamental garden. In the 15th century, the Abbot’s Palace was erected at the Abbey in Oliwa, which had been founded in 1178. The abbot’s seat was repeatedly expanded by successive abbots, including Kasper Geschkau, Dawid Konarski, Jan Grabiński, Aleksander Kęsowski, and Franciszek Zaleski. Józef Jacek Rybiński in particular made some notable achievements, including building a new Rococo palace surrounded by a Baroque garden, which was characterised by a rich program referring to Christian symbolism. After 1772, Cistercian goods and properties were confiscated by Prussia. In 1782, Prince Karl von Hohenzollern-Hechingen, and then his nephew Prince Joseph, became the new abbots. With the help of the gardener Johann Georg Saltzmann, Prince Karl enlarged the garden with a new English- Chinese section with a rich Oriental program. The article presents the history of the garden, the evolution of its ideological program and layout, the landscape values of the former monastery complex as well as its contemporary resources.

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5

Cligman, Judith, N. J. G. Pounds, and Andrew P. Harris. "Abbeys and Priories." Archaeological Journal 149, sup1 (January 1992): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1992.11770946.

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6

Pouyet, T. "MULTIPLE 3D APPROACHES FOR THE ARCHITECTURAL STUDY OF THE MEDIEVAL ABBEY OF CORMERY IN THE LOIRE VALLEY." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-2/W3 (February 23, 2017): 581–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-2-w3-581-2017.

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This paper will focus on the technical approaches used for a PhD thesis regarding architecture and spatial organization of benedict abbeys in Touraine in the Middle Ages, in particular the abbey of Cormery in the heart of the Loire Valley. Monastic space is approached in a diachronic way, from the early Middle Ages to the modern times using multi-sources data: architectural study, written sources, ancient maps, various iconographic documents… Many scales are used in the analysis, from the establishment of the abbeys in a territory to the scale of a building like the tower-entrance of the church of Cormery. These methodological axes have been developed in the research unit CITERES for many years and the 3D technology is now used to go further along in that field. <br><br> The recording in 3D of the buildings of the abbey of Cormery allows us to work at the scale of the monastery and to produce useful data such as sections or orthoimages of the ground and the walls faces which are afterwards drawn and analysed. The study of these documents, crossed with the other historical sources, allowed us to emphasize the presence of walls older than what we thought and to discover construction elements that had not been recognized earlier and which enhance the debate about the construction date St Paul tower and associated the monastic church.

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7

Quartier, Thomas. "Liturgische Theologie als Praxisreflexion. Qualitative Forschung unter Benediktineroblaten." Yearbook for Ritual and Liturgical Studies 36 (December 31, 2020): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/yrls.36.115-137.

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The relation between liturgical practice and theological reflection is by no means self-evident, especially in a secularized society. How can academic theology be rooted in liturgical life, and how can liturgical involvement play a vital role in the task of theology to reflect on liturgical tradition and practice? Liturgical theology is an attempt to bridge that gap between practice and reflection. The voice of practitioners as part of theological discourse is an important ingredient for this hermeneutical dialogue. Monastic life offers a space where liturgical and theological life can meet, especially in Benedictine abbeys. There, liturgical experience (theologia prima) is directly linked to theological reflection (theologia secunda), which leads to critical impulses for both, liturgy and theology, inside and outside abbey walls. Today, monastic communities are shrinking, but there is a growing interest in liturgical life among affiliated members of abbeys: the number of Benedictine oblates are growing. What is their view on liturgical experience, reflection and criticism? In this article, I present findings from a qualitative survey among fifty-three Dutch Benedictine oblates. Their answers are analyzed by coding procedures and interpreted theologically. They form an example of liturgical theology as practice-reflection.

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8

Marszalska, Jolanta M. "Cysterskie szkoły w Szczyrzycu od 1780 roku do lat trzydziestych XX wieku." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 30 (February 8, 2019): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2013.30.1.

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The goal of this article is to present a school operating as part of the Cistercian abbey in Szczyrzyc. In the 18th century, some Cistercian abbeys assumed the responsibility of establishing and managing elementary schools. It was also the case in Poland provided that the legislation of the respective empire (Russia, Prussia or Austria) allowed for such arrangements. The abbey in Szczyrzyc was in charge of the school facilities and competent teachers. While some of them were the local monks, a respective state authority supervised adherence to the curriculum. The first existing source of information about the school at the Cistercian abbey in Szczyrzyc comes from 1780. Despite numerous obstacles related to the political situation in the partitioned Poland, the abbey educated the local children continuously albeit more or less successfully until the middle of the 20th century, involving the monks in the education process. Keywords: education, cistercians, Szczyrzyc, religious school

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9

Schofield, John. "Abbeys and Priories. By GlynCoppack." Archaeological Journal 163, no. 1 (January 2006): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2006.11020687.

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10

Koestlé-Cate, Jonathan. "Cistercian Adventures in Glass." Religion and the Arts 26, no. 4 (September 20, 2022): 465–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-02604001.

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Abstract Stained glass windows created by Jean-Pierre Raynaud and Pierre Soulages for the Abbeys of Noirlac and Conques employ a minimalistic style sensitive to their Romanesque contexts but also express qualities one might call Cistercian, even though only one of the commissions was created for an actual Cistercian abbey. As a form of monasticism, “Cistercian” signifies values of simplicity, poverty, and austerity presented by the founders of the Cistercian Order as essential to the monastic life and embodied in the rigor of their architecture. Natural light is a key element in Cistercian fenestration, differing significantly from the display of color associated with Gothic stained glass. I argue that a form of neo-Cistercianism is evident in and exemplified by the works of Raynaud and Soulages for their respective abbey commissions, in which an aesthetic of restraint and economy aims, above all, to treat the configuration of light as the primary consideration.

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11

Brazil, Sarah. "Performing Female Sanctity—and Reading it: The Visitatio Sepulchri of Wilton and Barking Abbey." Medieval Feminist Forum 57, no. 1 (2021): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32773/uhat2197.

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This article discusses two traditions of the Visitatio Sepulcri enacted by women religious in late medieval England, based on the exceptional surviving documentation of liturgical performances from the abbeys of Barking and Wilton. Although these documents do not give access to what happened in these Easter morning performances, they do provide evidence for how the agency of the nuns was encoded into every aspect of their respective liturgical tradition. One of the most striking dimensions of this agency is that the abbesses and nuns shaped performance practices to conceptions of their embodiment. I explore how each abbey grounded authority within the bodies of holy women in relation to biblical episodes in which they touch the resurrected body of Christ, and via the teachings of the apostolorum apostola, Mary Magdalene. Of central concern are the critical tools necessary to read the embodied practices that each abbey crafted through their repertoire of movement and use of artifacts.

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12

Sharpe, Richard. "Monastic Reading at Thorney Abbey, 1323–1347." Traditio 60 (2005): 243–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900000271.

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The only records to survive from the annual Lenten distribution of books in English Benedictine abbeys are four years' notes from Thorney abbey. Although not from consecutive years, all date from the period 1324 to 1330, during the early part of the abbacy of Reynold of Water Newton (1323–47). In the last years of his tenure the monks of Thorney were found to be reading material of a less pious character: two visitations discovered that a scandalous book was circulating among them during the years 1345 to 1347. Like the survival of the Lenten distribution records, this story is unique among English monastic archives. These sources provide two distinct, yet complementary, glimpses of the reading culture at Thorney in the time of Abbot Reynold, which are discussed in turn below.

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13

Butler, Lawrence. "Scottish Abbeys and Priories. By RichardFawcett." Archaeological Journal 152, no. 1 (January 1995): 455–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1995.11021439.

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14

Bond, James. "Abbeys and Priories of Medieval Wales." Medieval Archaeology 60, no. 1 (January 2016): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00766097.2016.1147832.

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15

Rost, Katja, Emil Inauen, Margit Osterloh, and Bruno S. Frey. "The corporate governance of Benedictine abbeys." Journal of Management History 16, no. 1 (January 12, 2010): 90–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17511341011008331.

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16

Barrett, Sam. "LATIN SONG AT THE ABBEY OF SANKT GALLEN FROM C. 800 TO THE LIBER YMNORUM." Early Music History 38 (September 11, 2019): 1–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127919000068.

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New light is shed on the song culture of Sankt Gallen almost a century before its earliest notated sources through consideration of the poetic section of a manuscript copied at the Abbey shortly after the year 800, i.e. the second part of Leiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek Vossianus Lat. Q. 69. The predominantly Merovingian accentual Latin verse (rhythmi) and metrical verse by the late-antique poet Prudentius (his Liber Cathemerinon and Liber Peristephanon) were written out in song forms. It is newly proposed that Prudentius’ verse from the Liber Peristephanon was arranged into a liturgical cycle. The poetic section of the Leiden manuscript is accordingly understood as a collection of songs, which prompts reflection on the way in which earlier sung versus at Sankt Gallen may have provided models for the later Liber ymnorum. Witnesses to the song culture of Sankt Gallen in the first half of the ninth century are re-examined and a leading role during this period for the nearby Abbey of Reichenau is proposed. Finally, it is suggested that Iso’s advice to Notker that singulae motus cantilenae singulas syllabas debent habere was at least partly informed by the existing tradition of sung versus at both abbeys.

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17

Cross, Claire. "Monasticism and Society in the Diocese of York 1520–1540." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 38 (December 1988): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3678970.

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ON TRIAL for his life in the spring of 1537 for his part in the Pilgrimage of Grace Robert Aske from the Tower supplied a retrospective explanation of northen resentment at the dissolution of the monasteries, at that stage still very much in progress and nowhere near completion. Of all the recent changes in religion, he in particular grudged against the statute of suppressions, and so did all the country, because the abbeys in the north gave great alms to poor men and laudably served God: in which parts of late days they had small comfort by ghostly teaching. And by the said suppression the service of God is much minished, great number of masses unsaid and consecration of the sacrament now not used in those parts, to the decrease of the faith and spiritual comfort to man's soul, the temple of God ruffed and pulled down, the ornaments and relics of the church irreverently used, tombs of honourable and noble men pulled down and sold, no hospitality now kept in those parts…Also the abbeys was one of the beauties of this realm to all men and strangers passing through the same; also all gentlemen much succoured in their needs with money, their younger sons there succoured and in nunneries their daughters brought up in virtue, and also their evidences and money left to the uses of infants in abbeys' hands, always sure there…

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18

Thornton, David E. "A MYNACH BY ANY OTHER NAME . . . : THE ANTHROPONYMY OF THE WELSH CISTERCIANS, c.1300–1540." Welsh History Review / Cylchgrawn Hanes Cymru 30, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 429–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/whr.30.4.1.

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This paper analyses the forenames and 'surnames' of over 600 monks associated with Cistercian abbeys in Wales between c .1300 and c.1540 in an attempt to determine what these names can reveal about the ethnic identities or identifications of their individual bearers and of their respective houses. The names are compared with those of white monks and other religious in England during the same period, as well as with naming patterns among the laity of contemporary Wales and England. The names of the brethren at different monasteries could vary significantly, and it is argued that this was a result partly of the stronger Welsh identity of the monks at certain Cistercian houses, but was also because the practice of adopting 'monastic bynames' – common at monasteries in late medieval England – was followed at some Welsh abbeys but not all.

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19

Łużyniecka, Ewa. "Architecture of medieval breweries in Cistercian abbeys." Czasopismo Techniczne 1 (2019): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2353737xct.19.003.10043.

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20

Daly, Lowrie J. "The Abbeys and Priories of Medieval England." Manuscripta 30, no. 2 (July 1986): 140–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.mss.3.1193.

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21

Smith, Kathleen M. "ELISABETH ERNESTINE ANTONIE OF SACHSEN-MEININGEN (1681-1766) AND THE GANDERSHEIM ABBEY LIBRARY." Daphnis 42, no. 1 (May 1, 2013): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90001133.

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This essay discusses the library of Gandersheim Abbey in Lower Saxony, Germany, and the important role played by the Abbess Elisabeth Ernestine Antonie von Sachsen-Meiningen (1681-1766) in its later history. In office for many years, Elisabeth Ernestine Antonie contributed actively to its development by soliciting donations, by re-establishing the library and laying out statutes for its use, and in her efforts to make it a useful tool for the abbey’s residents. The priority she placed on improving the library collection demonstrates its value in the life of the abbey as well as the role of books and written texts for the community of women at Gandersheim.

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22

Allen, Richard. "History, Memory and Community in Cistercian Normandy (12th–13th Centuries)." Downside Review 139, no. 1 (January 2021): 44–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580621995456.

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While the textual production of Normandy’s Cistercian abbeys has not lacked for scholarly attention, a detailed study of Cistercian historical writing in the duchy remains to be written. This article looks in small part to fill this historiographical gap by examining those historical works produced in and copied by the Cistercian abbeys of Normandy between the beginning of the 12th and the end of the 13th centuries. In doing so, it aims to shed new light on the sorts of historical texts copied or written by Normandy’s White Monks. It contextualises these works within the historiographical culture of both the duchy itself and the wider Cistercian world, and shows how the Cistercians of Normandy played a distinctive role in the transmission of key historical texts, among them the universal chronicle of Sigebert of Gembloux (c. 1030–1112) and Einhard’s Vita Karoli Magni. It includes a ‘reconstruction’ of the so-called Chronicon Gofferni.

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23

BUYLAERT, FREDERICK, GERRIT VERHOEVEN, TIM VERLAAN, and REINOUD VERMOESEN. "Review of periodical articles." Urban History 45, no. 2 (April 12, 2018): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096392681800007x.

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Historians are held hostage by the sources that are available to them, and for that reason, the historiography of medieval towns is dominated by research on thirteenth-, fourteenth- or fifteenth-century case-studies. In preceding centuries, literacy was largely the monopoly of ecclesiastical milieus, who were often hostile or simply not interested in describing the urban settlements which then emerged all over Europe. An interesting exception, however, is the Breton town of Redon, which took shape around an abbey that was established in 832 with support of the Carolingian Emperor Louis the Pious. By navigating the unusually extensive set of Carolingian cartularies of this abbey, as well as the available cartographic and archaeological evidence, Julien Bachelier has developed an incisive sketch of the development of a town in the shadow of the Carolingian abbey in the eleventh and twelfth centuries (‘Une ville abbatiale bretonne. Redon du IXe au XIVe siècle’, Histoire Urbaine, 48 (2017), 133–54). This case-study confirms once again that the urbanization of medieval Europe was more than a side-effect of the rebirth of long-distance trade as the canonical Pirenne thesis would have it. The Redon case provides a valuable contribution to the revisionist perspective that stresses the importance of local demand from abbeys, episcopal palaces and castles as a stimulus for urban development (see esp. the seminal work of A. Verhulst, The Rise of Cities in North-West Europe (Cambridge, 1999)).

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24

Bonde, Sheila. "English Heritage Book of Abbeys and Priories.Glyn Coppack." Speculum 68, no. 2 (April 1993): 486–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2864567.

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25

Quartier, Thomas. "Monastic Form-of-Life Out of Place: Ritual Practices among Benedictine Oblates." Religions 11, no. 5 (May 18, 2020): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050248.

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Although ritual participation in Christian churches is decreasing in the Netherlands, one of the most secularised countries in the world, monasteries are increasingly attractive to people not committed to a life in an abbey, but who rather transfer monastic practices to their personal life. Guesthouses are full, reading groups conduct meditative reading, and monastic time management is applied in professional arenas. Obviously, the ritual practices conducted beyond abbey walls have a different character than the ritual repertoire of monks and nuns. The ritual transfer is a challenge, as monasteries are secluded spaces, separated from the world. In its history, monasticism has turned out to be especially capable of this process. What does the transfer from one context to the other imply when people ritualise prayer, reading and everyday practices without being monastic? A specific group of people who conduct this transfer intensively are Benedictine oblates, laypersons affiliated to a particular monastery. This article addresses the following main question: which monastic ritual practices do Benedictine oblates in the Netherlands perform, and how do they transfer these to their personal context? To explore this question, the results of a qualitative research among 53 respondents are presented—oblates of three Benedictine abbeys in the Netherlands. The results demonstrate experiences on a new ritual field, with practices that seem to be ‘out of place’ but are highly vivid to the practitioners.

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26

Burton, Janet. "A Tale of Two (or more) Abbeys: The Welsh Cistercian Abbeys of Valle Crucis and Strata Florida and their Appropriated Churches." Studia Celtica 55, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/sc.55.2.

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27

McAleer, J. Philip, and Peter Fergusson. "Architecture of Solitude. Cistercian Abbeys in Twelfth-Century England." Art Bulletin 68, no. 3 (September 1986): 489. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3050985.

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28

Caviness, Madeline H. "Architecture of Solitude: Cistercian Abbeys in Twelfth-Century England." Manuscripta 29, no. 2 (July 1985): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.mss.3.1150.

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29

Berman, Constance. "The Life of Pons de Léras: Knights and Conversion to Religious Life in the Twelfth Century." Church History and Religious Culture 88, no. 2 (2008): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124108x354295.

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AbstractComparing the Life of Pons de Léras with the evidence of charters for a variety of Cistercian abbeys allows us to conclude that the term conversus as applied in the charters to Pons in fact meant “convert to the religious life.” Only in the 1150s did peasant recruits as lay brothers appear at Silvanès and elsewhere. That Pons is referred to as conversus therefore does not require an explanation of humility.

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30

Burton, Janet. "The White Nuns: Cistercian Abbeys for Women in Medieval France." French History 33, no. 2 (June 2019): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crz052.

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31

Conolly, Ann. "Castles and Abbeys in Wales: Refugia for ‘Mediaeval’ Medicinal Plants." Botanical Journal of Scotland 46, no. 4 (January 1994): 628–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13594869409441774.

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32

Silke, John J. "The Cistercian Abbeys of Tipperary by Colmcille Ó Conbhuidhe, OCSO." Catholic Historical Review 86, no. 2 (2000): 316–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2000.0161.

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33

Jordan, Erin. "Female Founders: Exercising authority in Thirteenth-century Flanders and Hainaut." Church History and Religious Culture 88, no. 4 (2008): 535–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124108x426736.

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AbstractThe many houses of Cistercian nuns founded in Flanders and Hainaut by the mid thirteenth century produced large numbers of documents about their female founders and patrons. Although some of these abbeys owed their foundation to the countesses Jeanne and Marguerite of Flanders, analysis here concentrates on the lives and foundations of other noblewomen who continued to have power over property in the thirteenth century. Their religious patronage was often an aspect of their public (rather than private) authority.

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34

Smoluk, Marek. "The Dissolution of the Monasteries and its Impact on Education in Tudor Times." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 14, no. 1 (November 1, 2012): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10223-012-0057-x.

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In 1536 the English Parliament under pressure from Henry VIII and the Lord Chancellor, Thomas Cromwell, gave its consent for the dissolution of the lesser monasteries and abbeys in the king’s realm, and three years later with the sanction of MPs some of the greater religious houses also suffered the same fate. The principal aim of this paper is to assess the importance of this political decision with a view to examining the progress being made in the field of education in England in the middle of the sixteenth century resultant upon this dissolution. The evaluation of the merits and demerits originating from the suppression of the English monasteries is made in terms of both primary and academic education. The answers to these key questions are preceded by a short analysis of the reputation monasteries and abbeys had acquired by that time. Also on a selective basis, some opinions have been presented here to provide an overall picture of the standing of the monks and nuns and their concomitant activities, as perceived through the eyes of English society; the eminent scholars and humanists In particular. Subsequently, before assessing the consequences resulting from the dissolution of the religious houses in England, some consideration is given to the reasoning and rationale which lay behind both Henry VIII and his Lord Chancellor’s political decisions.

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Bruzelius, Caroline A. ""ad modum franciae": Charles of Anjou and Gothic Architecture in the Kingdom of Sicily." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 50, no. 4 (December 1, 1991): 402–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990664.

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The ruined abbeys of S. Maria di Realvalle and S. Maria della Vittoria in southern Italy attest to the use of French Gothic architecture as part of a policy of cultural and political domination over the kingdom conquered by Charles of Anjou in 1266. The Angevin registers document the king's emphasis on Frenchness in all details and provide the names of many of the French masons and sculptors who worked on royal building projects. As in the other territories that fell under French control after the middle of the thirteenth century, such as southwestern France, Gothic from the Ile-de-France was utilized in the Kingdom of Sicily to connote the authority and prestige of the new regime. In insisting not only on the adoption of French architecture at the abbeys, but also on a population of French monks, Charles envisioned the monasteries as strongholds of French culture and prestige. Yet this was a short-lived phenomenon, for the subsequent generations of monuments erected by Charles II and Robert the Wise, especially those in Lucera and Naples, are profoundly different in character, and for the most part references to French models are eliminated. The rejection of the Frenchness promoted by Charles of Anjou and the evolution of a new and distinctly different type of architecture for royal monuments in the last years of the thirteenth century perhaps reflected new attitudes of cultural adaptation that resulted from the outbreak of the War of the Vespers in 1282.

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Olympios, Michalis, and Chris Schabel. "The Cistercian Abbeys of Zaraka and Isova in the Principality of Achaia." Frankokratia 1, no. 1-2 (March 11, 2020): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895931-12340001.

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Abstract The publication of a collective volume on the history, archaeology, and architectural history of the Cistercian abbey of Zaraka in the Peloponnese provides an opportunity to clarify the identification and dating of Zaraka (ca. 1226-ca. 1263) and its sister abbey in the Principality of Achaia, Isova (ca. 1211-1263), both probably founded by Prince Geoffrey I of Villehardouin. This review essay is meant to function as a companion piece to the volume itself, problematizing certain issues while identifying areas for further research.

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Marecki, Józef. "Coats of Arms of the Seraphic Sisters." Folia Historica Cracoviensia 13 (February 23, 2024): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/fhc.1455.

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Social groups, informal communities, and institutions that need to be distinguished often assume a distinctive trademark. This symbol (logo in contemporary parlance) identifies particular members of the group as well as their collective actions. The common mark conveys the sense of unity. This function was fulfilled by the old Christian symbols. The same function over the centuries was played by the identifying symbols of knights, ancestral coats of arms and crests, the arms of guilds and craftsmen’s unions, and coats of arms of abbeys, chapters, and monastic congregations.

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Bucher, François. "Architecture of Solitude: Cistercian Abbeys in Twelfth-Century England. Peter Fergusson." Speculum 61, no. 2 (April 1986): 413–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2854059.

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King, Peter. "Scottish Abbeys and the Cistercian Financial System in the Fourteenth Century." Innes Review 42, no. 1 (June 1991): 68–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.1991.42.1.68.

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Gorman, Michael-M. "The Fate of the Libraries of the Oldest Abbeys in Tuscany." Scriptorium 59, no. 2 (2005): 203–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scrip.2005.4213.

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Berman, Constance H. "Were There Twelfth-Century Cistercian Nuns?" Church History 68, no. 4 (December 1999): 824–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170206.

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It has been a truism in the history of medieval religious orders that the Cistercians only admitted women late in the twelfth century and then under considerable outside pressure. This view has posited a twelfth-century “Golden Age” when it had been possible for the abbots of the order of Cîteaux to avoid contact with women totally. Only later did the floodgates burst open and a great wave of women wishing to be Cistercians flood over abbots powerless to resist it. This paper reassesses narrative accounts, juridical arguments, and charter evidence to show that such assertions of the absence of any twelfthcentury Cistercian nuns are incorrect. They are based on mistaken notions of how the early Cistercian Order developed, as well as on a biased reading of the evidence, including a double standard for proof of Cistercian status—made much higher for women's houses than for men's. If approached in a gender-neutral way, the evidence shows that abbeys of Cistercian women appeared as early as those for the order's men. Evidence from which it has been argued that nuns were only imitating the Cistercian Order's practices in the twelfth century in fact contains exactly the same language that when used to describe men's houses is deemed to show them to be Cistercian. Formal criteria for incorporation of women's houses in the thirteenth century are irrelevant to a twelfth-century situation in which only gradually did most communities of monks or nuns eventually identified as Cistercian come to be part of the newly developing religious order.

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Górecki, Piotr. "Ad Controversiam Reprimendam: Family Groups and Dispute Prevention in Medieval Poland, c. 1200." Law and History Review 14, no. 2 (1996): 213–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743784.

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Shortly after the beginning of his reign in 1201, Duke Henry I the Bearded of Silesia confirmed the past acquisitions of two major Cistercian monasteries in his province—the houses of Lubiąż and Trzebnica—with three long charters in which he described and explained the past transfers of individual holdings to the abbeys, clarified doubts and controversies about them, and added endowment to the estates of each monastery. Both communities were endowed with wealthy areas of settlement and revenue that had prior to the creation of their estates been held under knightly, ducal, and ecclesiastical lordship.

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Williams, David H. "Review of Book: Architecture of Solitude: Cistercian Abbeys in Twelfth-Century England." Downside Review 104, no. 354 (January 1986): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001258068610435416.

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Fraser, K. C. "Churches and Abbeys of Scotland2004113Martin Coventry and Joyce Miller. Churches and Abbeys of Scotland. Musselburgh: Goblinshead 2003. vi + 122 pp., ISBN: 1 899874 29 1 £5.95 Thistle Guides, 1." Reference Reviews 18, no. 2 (March 2004): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09504120410521321.

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Marinković, Čedomila. "Helen Nemanjić (1250–1314)." Encyclopedia 2, no. 1 (December 22, 2021): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/encyclopedia2010002.

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Queen Helen Nemanjić (1250–Brnjaci near Zubin Potok, February 8, 1314) was a Serbian medieval queen and consort of King Stefan Uroš I (r. 1243–1276), the fifth ruler of the Serbian Nemanide dynasty. She was the mother of the kings Stefan Dragutin and Stefan Uroš II Milutin. Today, she is known as Helen of Anjou (Jelena Anžujska in Serbian) although her real name was most probably Heleni Angelina (Ελένη Aγγελίνα). She was the founder of the Serbian Orthodox monastery of Gradac as well as four Franciscan abbeys in Kotor, Bar, Ulcinj, and Shkodër. Together with her sons, Kings Stefan Dragutin and Stefan Uroš II Milutin she helped renovation of Benedictine abbey of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus near Shkodër on Boyana river in present-day Albania. After the death of her husband, she ruled Zeta and Travunija until 1306. She was known for her religious tolerance and charitable and educational endeavors. She was elevated to sainthood by the Serbian Orthodox Church. Along with Empress Helen, the wife of Serbian Emperor Stefan Uroš IV Dušan, Queen Helen was the most frequently painted woman of Serbian medieval art. Six of her portraits can be found in the monumental painting ensembles of the Serbian medieval monasteries of Sopoćani, Gradac, Arilje, Đurđevi Stupovi (Pillars of St. George), and Gračanica, as well as on two icons and one seal. Queen Helen is also the only female Serbian medieval ruler whose vita was included in the famous collection of the “Lives of Serbian Kings and Archbishops” by Archbishop Danilo II, a prominent church leader, warrior, and writer.

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Maquet, Arlette. "Constance Hoffman Berman, The White Nuns. Cistercian Abbeys for Women in Medieval France." Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, no. 246 (April 1, 2019): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ccm.4779.

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Thurlby, Malcolm. "Review: Architecture of Solitude: Cistercian Abbeys in Twelfth-Century England by Peter Fergusson." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 45, no. 4 (December 1, 1986): 411–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990213.

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Lester, Anne E. "Constance Hoffman Berman, The White Nuns: Cistercian Abbeys for Women in Medieval France." Journal of Medieval Monastic Studies 8 (January 2019): 362–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jmms.5.117976.

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Webster, Harriett R. "Constance Hoffman Berman. The White Nuns: Cistercian Abbeys for Women in Medieval France." American Historical Review 125, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 708–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa010.

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Hickey, Daniel. "Sixteenth Century Hospital Reform: Henri IV and the Chamber of Christian Charity." Renaissance and Reformation 29, no. 4 (January 20, 2009): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v29i4.11442.

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Created in 1606, the Chamber of Christian Charity was intended to fund pensions for former army officers and amputated soldiers by reviewing the operations and expropriating surplus revenues from local charitable foundations - abbeys, monasteries, hospices and local hospitals. This article explores the reasons behind Henri IV's initiative and the new methods used - royal commissioners and a centralized approach - to try to resolve what was seen as a traditional problem of corruption and redundancy in French poor relief structures. It will analyse the difficulties encountered by the Chamber and the legal obstacles to the whole effort to intervene in local municipal and ecclesiastical institutions to show that the experiment never produced the anticipated results and was abandoned shortly after the king’s assassination in 1610.

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