Relevant bibliographies by topics / Abdication, 1947

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Academic literature on the topic 'Abdication, 1947'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Abdication, 1947"

1

Rotaru, Marina Cristiana. "Uses of the Throne Hall in the former Royal Palace in Bucharest from 1947 to 2019: a social semiotic perspective." Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 3, no. 1 (April 17, 2020): 188–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v3i1.20432.

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate, from a socio-semiotic perspective, the manner in which the political regimes installed after the forced abdication of King Mihai I (on 30 December 1947) used the Throne Hall in the former royal palace in Bucharest to meet their own needs. In December 1947, Romania was illegally turned from a constitutional monarchy into a popular republic, with the help of the Red Army. Then, the popular republic was transformed into a socialist republic, in fact, a communist dictatorship. In December 1989, the communist regime collapsed and was replaced by a post-communist one, a regime which did not seem willing to leave behind the communist ideological legacy, manifest, in the 1990s, in the brutal repression of anti-government protesters in University Square in Bucharest, or in the Romanian Mineriads of 1990 and 1991. The political regimes that succeeded to power after 1947 deprived the Throne Hall of its monarchic symbolism and used it in ways incongruent with its inherent function, albeit for official purposes. The manner in which the communist regime made use of this particular place is indicative of its intent and success in reinventing traditions or adapting older traditions to its ideological goals, in order to alienate Romanians from their recent past, in disrespect for the nation’s heritage. Although the former royal palace was completely transformed into a national museum of art after 1990, a cultural institution meant, by its very purpose, to save at least part of the nation’s memory, political decision makers ignored the symbolism of a national museum such as the National Museum of Art of Romania, known to many Romanians as the former royal palace. In bewildering, yet not unprecedented fashion, the Throne Hall has been recently used, by the Romanian government, as a dining hall in a series of events that preceded the takeover of the presidency of the EU Council by Romania in January 2019. We claim that the government’s decision can be circumscribed to Jean Baudrillard’s concept of consumerism, characterized by the rule of sign value as a status symbol. In addition, Jan Blommaert’s and Barbara Johnstone’s taxonomies further the argument that the Throne Hall is not a mere space, but a place, its function having been perverted by both ideological manipulation and aggressive consumerism.
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2

LUNG, Mădălin-Sebastian. "ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS DISPARITIES IN THE APUSENII SĂLAJULUI FROM COMMUNISM TO CAPITALISM." Revista Română de Geografie Politică 23, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30892/rrgp.231102-345.

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The aim of this study was to achieve an evolutionary-temporal analysis of demographic evolution, ethnic and confessional structure in Apusenii Sălajului. The period subjected to the study begins with the abdication of King Mihai I and the establishment of communism in Romania in the year 1948. The two demographic structures have undergone significant influences from the regime, contributing decisively to their modification. Unfortunately, the confessional structure had the most to suffer because of the atheism promoted by the communists. In Apusenii Sălajului there is an important confessional diversity due to several ethnicities that populate the mountain space. The most destructive confessional community in the Apusenii Sălajului was the Greek Catholic. In the year 1948, the regime banned this confession, with the population constrained to convert to the Orthodox confessional. Priests who did not obey, were arrested and convicted, many dying in prisons, as was the case of bishops. Because of these repression, the population passed to the Orthodox confession. All confessions were compelled to pass to the Orthodox cult, being the only cult accepted by the regime. Five censuses were used to carry out the study, from 1941, 1956, 1977, 1992 and 2011. The census of 1956 and 1977 are those of the Communist period that did not record the confession. Thus, in order to be able to analyze and observe the significant changes we used the data from the census in the year 1941.
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3

LUNG, Mădălin-Sebastian. "ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS DISPARITIES IN THE APUSENII SĂLAJULUI FROM COMMUNISM TO CAPITALISM." Revista Română de Geografie Politică 23, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30892/rrgp.231102-345.

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The aim of this study was to achieve an evolutionary-temporal analysis of demographic evolution, ethnic and confessional structure in Apusenii Sălajului. The period subjected to the study begins with the abdication of King Mihai I and the establishment of communism in Romania in the year 1948. The two demographic structures have undergone significant influences from the regime, contributing decisively to their modification. Unfortunately, the confessional structure had the most to suffer because of the atheism promoted by the communists. In Apusenii Sălajului there is an important confessional diversity due to several ethnicities that populate the mountain space. The most destructive confessional community in the Apusenii Sălajului was the Greek Catholic. In the year 1948, the regime banned this confession, with the population constrained to convert to the Orthodox confessional. Priests who did not obey, were arrested and convicted, many dying in prisons, as was the case of bishops. Because of these repression, the population passed to the Orthodox confession. All confessions were compelled to pass to the Orthodox cult, being the only cult accepted by the regime. Five censuses were used to carry out the study, from 1941, 1956, 1977, 1992 and 2011. The census of 1956 and 1977 are those of the Communist period that did not record the confession. Thus, in order to be able to analyze and observe the significant changes we used the data from the census in the year 1941.
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4

Forughi, Mohammad-Ali. "The History of Modernization of Law." Journal of Persianate Studies 3, no. 1 (2010): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471610x505942.

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AbstractMohammad Ali Khan, Zokā’ al-Molk, later Forughi, became Minister of Justice in December 1911 (until June 1912 and again from August 1914 to April 1915), following Moshir al-Dawla Pirniā and continuing the legal reform the latter had initiated in 1911. Forughi also served as Prime Minister of Iran several times, lastly in 1941-42 (1320), when he arranged the abdication of Reza Shah and the succession of his son, Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi, shortly before his death in November 1942. This lecture was given at the Faculty of Law and Political Science at the new University of Tehran is an important historical document that throws considerable light on the early stage of the modernization of Iran’s legal system. We are therefore publishing it in a translation which preserves the lecture format with only slight abridgement. Forughi’s informed account of legal modernization is prefaced by acute observations on the intrusion of modernity into the culture of Iran in the early twentieth century. (The Editor)
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5

Hall, John R. "Abdication, Collective Alignment, and the Problem of Directionality." Social Science History 34, no. 1 (2010): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200014115.

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In Ruling Oneself Out Ivan Ermakoff (2008) addresses the puzzle of what amounts to collective political suicide: why would any constitutional body pass legislation that in effect cedes all its power to another entity—an autocrat? Constitutional rule rules itself out, closing off any pathway back to constitutional rule. Ermakoff explores this unusual but not unique development in two cases of the utmost significance for World War II: the March 1933 decision by the German Reichstag to give power to Adolf Hitler to modify the Weimer constitution without further recourse to parliament, and the French National Assembly’s decision in Vichy in July 1940 to transfer all state powers to Marshall Philippe Pétain.Ermakoff has woven a fabric of many threads—some historical, some methodological, some theoretical—drawn together in complex patterns. His analysis begins by artfully turning what in many books would be a historiographical review of previous work into a deep and thorough consideration of three alternative explanations of abdication.
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6

Okolotin, Vladimir S., and Svetlana A. Orlova. "THE EXPERIENCE OF CREATING THE INSTITUTION OF CONSTITUTIONAL SUPERVISION IN PRE-REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA: RESULTS AND LESSONS." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 3 (2020): 63–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2020-26-3-63-67.

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The establishment of the institution of constitutional oversight in Russia has a long history. With the adoption of the «Fundamental State Laws» on April 23, 1906 (the first constitution of Russia), the functions of constitutional supervision were assigned to the First Department of the Governing Senate. In this paper, we examined the key decisions of the Governing Senate as a body of constitutional oversight during the Monarchy after the Coup of June 3, 1907; as well as February Revolution; and October Revolution. Our research has shown that at the said critical moments in Russian history, the First Department of the Senate adopted political decisions that did not comply with the provisions of the «Basic State Laws» on April 23, 1906, and had long-term negative consequences for the history of Russia. This concerned both the publication of the electoral laws of June 3, 1907, and the acts on the abdication of Nicholas II as emperor and on Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich’s refusal of power. In the last ruling, which was held by the Governing Senate on November 23, 1917 as a body of constitutional supervision, the Soviet power was considered to be illegal and criminal. The Senate refused to obey its pending of the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. The decisions of the Governing Senate analysed in the article make it possible to conclude that it is necessary to observe the principle of legality when exercising constitutional supervision.
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7

Adut, Ari. "Interest, Collusion, and Alignment." Social Science History 34, no. 1 (2010): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200014103.

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Ivan Ermakoff ’s Ruling Oneself Out focuses on two major instances of voluntary surrender of power in Western history: the March 1933 bill that empowered Adolf Hitler with the right to amend the Weimar Constitution and the transfer of full executive, legislative, and constitutional authority to Marshal Philippe Pétain in July 1940. The first event inaugurated the Third Reich, the other Vichy France. Much ink has been spilled over these events. But Ermakoff finds various problems with the existing accounts and advances his own theory of collective abdication in their stead. Moreover, his theory is geared to analyze all kinds of political crises and breakdowns where collective abdication plays a role—as it often does in such contexts. Ermakoff ’s theory is a formal one. It can hold for any situation in which a group confronts the possibility of collective persecution and has to decide whether to resist or abdicate. It is not confined to formally defined collectivities or to parliamentary settings: the dynamics that it reveals are independent of specific group configurations and institutional contexts.
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8

Leont'eva, Tatiana. ""Revolutionary Church" or "Church Revolution"? Some Recent Studies on the History of the Russian Orthodox Church in 1917." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 36, no. 2 (2009): 182–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/107512609x12460110596941.

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AbstractContemporary Russian scholars usually try to abstain from any criticism to Russian Orthodox Church' actions in past and present. Meanwhile a situation in 1917 was very confused: the Holy Synod supported the abdication of its formal head – the Tsar. So historians discussed: what it was – "revolutionary Church" or "revolution inside Church"? One of them insists that bishops become "liberals", another argue that they operated accordingly old religious canons. In reality the full scale revolution inside Church took place: believers tried to overthrow the "reactionary" and "counterrevolutionary" bishops and priests as "serfs of old regime", rank and file clergy supported them.
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9

Chemakin, Anton. "The South Russian Youth Union: Kiev Gymnasium Pupils during the Revolution and the Civil War." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 12-4 (December 1, 2021): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202112statyi100.

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The focus of the article is the South Russian Youth Union (SRYU) - the organization of Kiev gymnasium pupils, which appeared soon after the February Revolution of 1917. Having united the Kievan youth with monarchist views, in late April 1917 SRYU organized the demonstration, which became, perhaps, the only legal pro-monarch public act during the first months after the abdication of Nicholas Ii. The article dwells upon the biography of the leader of the Union B.V. Sokolov, the programme of SRYU and its attitude to the Ukranian question. The names of certain high gymnasium pupils-members of the organization are also mentioned. The author of the article pays particular attention to the involvement of SRYU members in the defence of Kiev against Petliura’s troops in late 1918, drawing certain analogies between Kiev gymnasium pupils-monarchists and the characters of M.A. Bulgakov’s “White Guard”.
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10

Ronen, Yaël. "Iran and the Bomb: The Abdication of International Responsibility: Térèse Delpech." Digest of Middle East Studies 17, no. 2 (October 2008): 114–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2008.tb00253.x.

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Books on the topic "Abdication, 1947"

1

Focșeneanu, Eleodor. Două săptămâni dramatice din istoria României: 17-30 Decembrie 1947. București: All Educational, 1997.

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2

László-Herbert, Márk. És mit mondanak a dokumentumok a király lemond(at)ásáról?: Végjáték I. Mihály román király körül amerikai, brit és francia dokumentumok tükrében. Csíkszereda: Pallas-Akadémia, 2008.

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László-Herbert, Márk. Abdicarea regelui Mihai I: Documente diplomatice inedite. București: Humanitas, 2010.

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Istoricheskai︠a︡ drama v Pskove: (mart 1917 goda). Pskov: Administrat︠s︡ii︠a︡ Pskovskoĭ oblasti, 2003.

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Senin, A. S. (Aleksandr Sergeevich), editor, ed. Posledniĭ reĭs Nikolai͡a Vtorogo. Moskva: Gosudarstvennai͡a publichnai͡a istoricheskai͡a biblioteka Rossii, 2014.

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Shaĭri︠a︡n, G. P. (Georgiĭ Pavlovich), author, ed. Otrechenie, kotorogo ne bylo... Ostanki, kotorykh net... Gde iskatʹ naslednika prestola... Moskva: Russkiĭ izdatelʹskiĭ t︠s︡entr, 2018.

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Pepel. Moskva: Spet︠s︡kniga, 2009.

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Stéphany, Pierre. Les dessous de la régence, 1944-1950. Bruxelles: Editions Racine, 2003.

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Krugom izmena, trusostʹ i obman: Podlinnai︠a︡ istorii︠a︡ otrechenii︠a︡ Nikolai︠a︡ II. Moskva: AST, 2013.

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10

V, Tretʹi͡a︡kova, ed. Otrechenie Nikolai͡a︡ II: Vospominanii͡a︡ ochevidt͡s︡ev, dokumenty. Moskva: Terra--Knizhnyĭ klub, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Abdication, 1947"

1

"The Abdication of Nicholas II." In The February Revolution, Petrograd, 1917, 529–48. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004354937_026.

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"Rebellion, Malaysia, and Abdication, 1959–1967." In A History of Brunei, 177–96. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315029573-25.

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"The Abdication of Emperor Akihito and the Fragility of the Imperial Line." In Japan's Imperial House in the Postwar Era, 1945-2019, 327–47. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9781684176168_010.

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"The Abdication of Emperor Akihito and the Fragility of the Imperial Line." In Japan's Imperial House in the Postwar Era, 1945-2019, 327–47. Harvard University Asia Center, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1503fx2.14.

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Riasanovsky, Nicholas V. "Russia from the Death of Nicholas I to the Abdication of Nicholas II, 1855–1917." In Russian Identities, 167–210. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195156508.003.0009.

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Wight, Martin. "Review of Friedrich Meinecke, Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d’état and its Place in Modern History (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1957)." In International Relations and Political Philosophy, 317–18. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848219.003.0025.

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Wight praised Meinecke’s Die Idee der Staatsräson, translated as Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d’état and its Place in Modern History, as ‘by any odds the most important and enduring book on international relations published in the 1920s, and perhaps between the wars’. It is, Wight wrote, ‘an essay in the historiography of human thought, a study of how Machiavelli’s principles infiltrated into European statecraft, how thinkers and politicians who most strenuously repudiated him found it necessary to borrow from him, and how the idea of raison d’état developed to guide the greatest statesmen from Richelieu to Bismarck, until it was swamped by the ignorant popular passions of 1918’. Meinecke was preoccupied, Wight observed, with (in Meinecke’s words) ‘that tragic duality which came into historical life through the medium of Machiavellism—that indivisible and fateful combination of poison and curative power which it contained’. Moreover, Wight added, the tension between ‘necessity’ and ‘moral traditions’ has been recognized by some statesmen ‘as the central experience of international politics’. Wight noted that ‘Meinecke, despite his honourable retirement under the Nazis, was infected with the German heresy of idealizing State power and fatalistically abdicating personal responsibility. … Yet it was easier for a Burckhardt or an Acton, in the security of nineteenth-century Switzerland or Britain, to condemn power as evil without qualification.’
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