Academic literature on the topic 'Accusative pronouns'

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Journal articles on the topic "Accusative pronouns"

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Weiss, Michael. "The Genitive-Accusative of the Personal Pronouns in Old Church Slavonic." Indo-European Linguistics 3, no. 1 (2015): 118–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00301005.

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In those Slavic languages that retain both a case system and clitic pronominal forms two case-related phenomena partially overlap: (1) Masculine animate nouns and gendered pronouns display differential object marking with sensitivity to the animacy hierarchy. Some subset of these forms with the highest score on the animacy hierarchy show the original genitive form instead of the expected accusative in contexts that otherwise call for that case, the so-called genitive-accusative. (2) Personal pronouns also show instances of the genitive for the accusative but with important differences. In languages with a clitic~stressed contrast for oblique pronominals the accusative forms generally are continued as clitics and the genitive forms as stressed. It is unlikely that the nominal and personal-pronominal gen.-acc. are unrelated. On the other hand, the case choice for nouns and gendered pronouns is sensitive to the animacy hierarchy, but for the personal pronouns the choice between genitive and accusative is phono-semantic. Whatever semantic structure evokes the stressed forms leads to the production of the gen.-acc. I suggest that gen.-acc. began with o-stem masculine personal names, the most prototypical expression of the semantic class [+human, +male, +free, +definite] and was extended to the interrogative pronoun (gen.-acc. kogo). The interrogative pronoun had just those properties that allowed the remapping of an animacy hierarchy into a tonicity distinction.
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Shimanskaya, Elena, and Tania Leal. "Feature Matching Does Not Equal Convergence: Acquisition of L2 French Accusative Pronouns by L1 Spanish Speakers." Languages 6, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6030144.

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Our study aims to determine whether formal similarity between two languages (operationalized via the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis) allows adult L2 learners of French (Spanish native speakers; NSs) to straightforwardly acquire third-person singular accusative clitics in their L2. Additionally, we examined the role of surface similarity, since French and Spanish overlap and diverge in several ways. In terms of formal similarity, third-person accusative clitic pronouns in Spanish are almost perfect analogues of their French counterparts. In terms of surface similarity, however, while the feminine accusative pronouns are identical (“la” [la]), the masculine ones differ in Spanish (“lo” [lo]) and French (“le” [lǝ]). Participants included French NSs (n = 26) and Spanish-speaking L2 French learners (n = 36). Results from an offline forced-choice picture selection task and an online self-paced reading task did not support the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis because learners showed considerable difficulty with the interpretation and processing of these pronouns, revealing that, unlike French NSs, their interpretations and processing are guided by the feature [±Human] and, to a lesser degree, by gender, which might be due to the surface-level similarity between feminine accusative clitic pronouns in both languages.
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Foursha-Stevenson, Cassandra D., Katy-Ann E. Blacker, Jennifer B. Austin, and Gretchen A. Van de Walle. "Who is kissing whom? Two-year-olds’ comprehension of pronouns, case and word order." Psychology of Language and Communication 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/plc-2021-0002.

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Abstract Two-year olds’ comprehension of pronouns in transitive sentences was examined. Previously, children at this age have been shown to comprehend transitive sentences containing full nouns and pronouns in subject position (Gertner et. al. 2006; Hirsh-Pasek & Golinkoff 1996;), but little is known about when children begin to comprehend the nominative and accusative case in pronouns. Using a preferential looking task, we found that 27-month-old children were able to comprehend transitive, grammatical sentences that had subject-verb-object (SVO) word order and nominative pronouns in subject position or accusative pronouns in object position, but 19-month-old children did not demonstrate this comprehension. Furthermore, neither group showed a consistent interpretation for ungrammatical sentences containing pronouns, in contrast to adult participants. Our results suggest that the ability to use pronouns as an aid to understanding transitive sentences develops by 27 months, before children are capable of producing these pronouns in their own speech.
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Li, Wenchao. "Old Chinese as an Inflectional Language: With Evidence from the Personal Pronoun System." International Journal of Linguistics 8, no. 3 (June 20, 2016): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v8i3.9634.

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<p>This paper reviews the nature of Old Chinese (OC) by exploring the morpho-syntactic feature of the personal pronoun system. It carried out a statistic analysis of the frequency of 吾, 我,予,余,朕,印,台; 爾,汝;彼, 其, 之 being used as person pronouns. The findings reveal that 吾 never appears in an accusative position; 予 never appears in a genitive position; An order of preference as regards case function of 我 runs from nominaitve, to accusative, genitive, down to dative. 其 conveys an accusative or a genitive, but never denotes a nominative. 之 denotes a generic third person or non-person and often marries up with 吾. This might suffice to draw the conclusion that OC was probably an inflectional language in the pre-Qin period.</p>
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van Gelderen, Elly. "Reflexive pronouns in the Lindisfarne glosses." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 72, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 220–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00028.gel.

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Abstract Old English uses personal pronouns, demonstratives, and limited null subject for reference to previously mentioned nouns. It uses personal pronouns reflexively and pronouns modified by ‘self’ identical in form with an intensive. This use of a pronoun modified by self has been attributed to British Celtic influence. Other changes in the pronominal system have been attributed to Scandinavian influence, e.g. the introduction of the third person plural pronoun they. This paper looks at the use of the specially marked reflexives in the glosses to the Lindisfarne Gospels, a northern text where both British Celtic and Scandinavian influence may be relevant. It provides lists of all of the self-marked forms and shows, for instance, that Matthew and Mark have reflexives based on an accusative/dative pronoun followed by self and they don’t have this form as an intensifier. British Celtic of this period has an intensifier but has no special reflexives and has lost case endings, so the Lindisfarne language is unlike British Celtic. Luke and John have intensives and reflexives, with ‘self’ modifying case-marked pronouns, again unlike British Celtic. In addition to contributing to the debate on external origins, the paper adds to the authorship debate by comparing the use of reflexives in the different gospels.
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Al-Bataineh, Hussein. "The syntax of Arabic vocatives." Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 12, no. 2 (January 27, 2020): 328–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01202100.

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Abstract This paper examines the syntactic structure of Arabic vocatives, focusing on case-marking of vocatives. The assignment of accusative and nominative-like case can be accounted for in the light of Hill (2017)’s proposal which provides the basic structure of the vocative phrase. This paper argues that in Arabic vocatives (i) the particle YAA is a transitive probe with valued [ACC-Case] and unvalued [2nd] and [Distance] features; (ii) The D has the unvalued case feature [u-Case], and it has both the [2nd] and [+Distance] features if it is a free pronoun and (iii) The vocative noun carries the valued [2nd] and [+/-Distance] features. Based on these assumptions, I argued that indefinite vocatives are assigned accusative case only if they are merged with an overt D -n, otherwise a nominative-like case surfaces on the noun by default. Proper names have the same analysis since the presence of the indefinite article -n is a prerequisite for accusative case assignment. Concerning vocatives as heads of Construct States, N-to-D movement takes place in order to assign [+def] feature to D and is assigned accusative case by YAA. Regarding vocatives in demonstrative phrases, the existence of a null D prevents the vocative noun from being assigned an overt accusative case. Concerning vocative pronouns, only accusative case is assigned since the determiner carrying the [u-Case] feature is overt.
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Ramelli, Ilaria. ""Simon Son of John, Do You Love Me?" Some Reflections on John 21:15." Novum Testamentum 50, no. 4 (2008): 332–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853608x303525.

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AbstractIn John 21:15 the much-debated expression αγαπας με πλεoν τoυτων; ought to be interpreted "Do you love me more than you love these things?," i.e. all the rest. This conclusion is strongly supported by compelling arguments concerning grammar (primarily the absence of συ as a subject and the frequently attested use of πλεoν τoυτων in the sense of πλεoν η ταυτα [accusative]), Johannine, NT and first-century linguistic usage (in John and the NT nominative personal pronouns are always expressed whenever emphasis lies on them, even when they are not particularly stressed, and in John the only other occurrence of πλεoν + genitive precisely corresponds to πλεoν η + plural accusative neuter pronoun), context and sense, ancient versions of this passage (Latin, Coptic, and Syriac), and some Patristic interpretations.
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AL-BERMANI, Muhannad Nasir Hussein. "THE INTENTIONALLY USE OF PRONOUNS IN THE ARABIC GRAMMAR." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 03 (March 1, 2021): 331–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.3-3.30.

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The metaphor of the pronoun is the substitution of a pronoun with another pronoun that differs from it in connotation and in the Arabic position, such as the occurrence of the accusative pronoun subject to the raised pronoun or the accusative pronoun subject to the accusative pronoun, and so on, such as the saying of the one who said: "You passed by me" and it was better for him to say: "You passed by me." It is correct to say: "I honored him I followed in this research tagged with (Intentionally borrowing the pronoun in Arabic grammar) A clear approach to explaining its issues, as I present the issue and clarify its forms and list the opinions of scholars about it and the evidence that back it up, then explain its relationship to the main topic, which is the metaphor of the conscience. I devoted the second topic to explaining the places of the metaphor of the conscience and its applications in Arabic, and then the conclusion in which I presented a number of results reached by the research, including: The metaphor of the conscience was mentioned in the Holy Qur’an, Qur’anic readings and hadiths in addition to its inclusion in Arabic poetry and the sayings and words of Arabs, then some Wills, the last of which is a list of the names of sources and references.
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Santoro, Maurizio. "Second language acquisition of Italian accusative and dative clitics." Second Language Research 23, no. 1 (January 2007): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658307071603.

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This experimental study investigates the acquisition of Italian accusative and dative clitics by English adult speakers. These pronouns are non-existent in English. Results from a grammaticality judgement task show that Italian accusative and dative clitics develop slowly but gradually in Italian second language (L2) grammars. Interestingly, the placement properties appear to develop earlier than their case properties. The possible implications of these findings for theories of the L2 initial state are considered.
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KIRJAVAINEN, MINNA, ANNA THEAKSTON, and ELENA LIEVEN. "Can input explain children's me-for-I errors?" Journal of Child Language 36, no. 5 (February 16, 2009): 1091–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000909009350.

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ABSTRACTEnglish-speaking children make pronoun case errors producing utterances where accusative pronouns are used in nominative contexts (me do it). We investigate whether complex utterances in the input (Let me do it) might explain the origin of these errors. Longitudinal naturalistic data from seventeen English-speaking two- to four-year-olds was searched for 1psg accusative-for-nominative case errors and for all 1psg preverbal pronominal contexts. Their caregivers' data was also searched for 1psg preverbal pronominal contexts. The data show that the children's proportional use of me-for-I errors correlated with their caregivers' proportional use of me in 1psg preverbal contexts. Furthermore, the verbs that children produced in me-error utterances appeared in complex sentences containing me in the input more often than verbs that did not appear in me-for-I errors in the children's speech. These findings are discussed in the context of current explanations for children's case marking errors.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Accusative pronouns"

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Stocco, Garcia Flavia. "The use of third person accusative pronouns in spoken Brazilian Portuguese: an analysis of different TV genres." 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/31009.

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This thesis presents an analysis of third person accusative pronouns in Brazilian Portuguese. With the aim to analyze the variation between the use of standard (prescribed by normative grammar) and non-standard pronouns found in oral language, I gathered data from three kinds of TV show (news, non-scripted and soap-opera) in order to determine which form of pronoun is more common and if there is any linguistic and/or sociolinguistic factors that will influence on their usage. Based on data collected, I demonstrate that non-standard forms are favored in general and that the rules prescribed by normative grammar involving standard forms are only followed in specific contexts. Among all the variables considered for the analysis, the ones that showed to be significant were the kind of show, the context of the utterance, the socio-economic status of the speaker and verbs in the infinitive. Considering my results, I provide a discussion regarding to which extent the distribution of the 3rd-person pronouns on TV reflect their use by Brazilians and a brief discussion of other issues related to my findings conclude this work.
February 2016
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Books on the topic "Accusative pronouns"

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Hagstrom, Paul. Case and Agreement. Edited by Jeffrey L. Lidz, William Snyder, and Joe Pater. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199601264.013.18.

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Children’s use of case and agreement morphology offers a window into the structure of their developing grammatical systems. Children acquiring English commonly produce accusative pronouns in subject position, and use verb forms lacking agreement morphology. The systematic patterns in these errors and correlations between them have been the subject of a great deal of research over the past few decades. This chapter lays out some of the results to date and the theoretical interpretations they have led to, as well as points of debate on methodology. The discussion centers around English, with other languages considered where predictions differ, and the topics include a general overview of the relation of case and agreement, optional/root infinitives, default case, and morphological access.
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Book chapters on the topic "Accusative pronouns"

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Grossmann, Maria, and Anna M. Thornton. "Chapter 15. Overabundance in Hungarian accusative pronouns." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 223–39. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.252.15gro.

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"Direct object pronouns; prepositional pronouns (accusative)." In Basic Polish, 51–54. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315754529-18.

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"Double Accusative Constructions in Yaqui, 1989." In Pronouns, Presuppositions, and Hierarchies, 329–40. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203068236-20.

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"Unit 10 Direct object pronouns; prepositional pronouns (accusative)." In Basic Polish, 55–59. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203464823-16.

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Miller, D. Gary. "The nominal system." In The Oxford Gothic Grammar, 58–101. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813590.003.0003.

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Nouns are inflected for gender (masculine, feminine, neuter), number (singular and plural), and case: nominative, accusative, genitive, dative. Except in -u- stems, the vocative has the form of the accusative and/or is syncretized with the nominative. Demonstratives and pronominals have a residual instrumental, e.g. þe (by this), and ablative, e.g. jáinþro (from there). Adjectives are similarly inflected but also have strong and weak forms. Comparatives and nonpast participles are weak. The precise syntactic status of D-words (demonstratives, determiners, and articles) is impossible to test. Personal pronouns of the first and second person are inflected for singular, plural, and dual, and have no gender distinction. The third person pronoun has all three genders but only singular and plural number. Interrogative and indefinite pronouns are morphologically identical. Gothic has a rich negative polarity system. Numerals are partly inflected and partly indeclinable. Deictic adverbs belong to an old local case system.
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Haig, Geoffrey. "Grammaticalization and inflectionalization in Iranian." In Grammaticalization from a Typological Perspective, 57–78. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198795841.003.0004.

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The oldest attested Iranian languages underwent erosion and loss (or at least simplification) of much of their inherited inflectional morphology. These processes, echoing similar developments elsewhere in Indo-European, affected the categories of gender, case, aspect, person, and modality. The modern languages have since restored the old categories to varying degrees, providing a rich source for observing the mechanisms of grammaticalization. This chapter focuses on the innovation of inflectional person marking, based on erstwhile clitic pronouns. While person indexing for subjects may adhere to the predicted pathway for the grammaticalization of agreement, yielding obligatory verb-bound agreement markers in some languages, the grammaticalization of object indexing does not progress beyond the stage of clitic pronouns, despite the same etymological origin as the subject pronouns, and an even longer time-depth. The chapter also discusses the grammaticalization of a new accusative case marker in Persian, and of an innovated progressive aspect.
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Nevskaya, Irina, and Lina Amal. "The nominal group, possessive agreement, and nominal sentences in the Transeurasian languages." In The Oxford Guide to the Transeurasian Languages, 587–603. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198804628.003.0034.

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This chapter deals with some of the most salient syntactic features of nominal groups and nominal sentences in Transeurasian languages; e.g. agreement in person and number between the heads and the modifiers expressed by adjectives, numerals, and demonstrative pronouns within nominal groups; formal and semantic properties of the “possessive noun + noun” adnominal possession construction; the morphology and syntax of reflexive possessive constructions. Special attention is paid to the inalienable/alienable possession split, observed in the existence of specialized possessive morphology, or of the double nominative and double accusative constructions of “external possession” in individual Transeurasian subbranches or languages. The chapter also describes the main types of Transeurasian nominal sentences, correlation of their formal and semantic types, and agreement between their subjects and predicates.
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"Auf dem Campingplatz. Talking about family life and camping. Accusative relative pronouns. Seit + dative. Tun. DaB. Imperative forms for du/ihr. Accusative personal pronouns mich/ihn etc. as direct objects and after prepositions." In Let's Talk German, 208–13. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315832579-43.

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Dumas, Alexandre. "LXVIII whitehall." In Twenty Years After. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199537266.003.0069.

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The Parliament condemned Charles Stuart to death, as it was easy to foresee. Political trials are always empty formalities, for the same passions which bring the accusation pronounce the judgment also. Such is the terrible logic of revolutions.* Although our friends expected this result,...
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Kalnača, Andra, and Ilze Lokmane. "Defective Paradigms of Reflexive Nouns and Participles in Latvian." In Defective Paradigms. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264607.003.0004.

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This chapter discusses the defective paradigms of the reflexive nouns and participles in the Latvian language. In Latvian, the reflexiveness of the nouns and the verbs functions as a complex derivational and inflectional system. In this language, the reflexive verbs, participles, and nouns are formed through the fusion of verbal or noun forms with enclitic accusative form of the reflexive pronoun. Reflexive verbs have full person, tense and mood paradigms whilst reflexive nouns and participles have defective paradigms in Latvian. Although the rationale behind defectiveness of the paradigms of the reflexive nouns and participles are difficult to pinpoint, there are several types of compensation for the defectiveness in the Modern Latvian. These include the use of non-standard forms, the use of corresponding non-reflexive participle and noun forms, and the use of other forms of paradigms in lieu of the missing ones. These alternative paradigms depend however on the syntactic function of the word-form. Some topics discussed herein include: derivation and semantics of reflexive nouns; paradigmatic system of reflexive nouns and participles; and functioning of the paradigms of reflexive nouns and participles.
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