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Journal articles on the topic 'Accusative pronouns'
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Weiss, Michael. "The Genitive-Accusative of the Personal Pronouns in Old Church Slavonic." Indo-European Linguistics 3, no. 1 (2015): 118–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00301005.
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In those Slavic languages that retain both a case system and clitic pronominal forms two case-related phenomena partially overlap: (1) Masculine animate nouns and gendered pronouns display differential object marking with sensitivity to the animacy hierarchy. Some subset of these forms with the highest score on the animacy hierarchy show the original genitive form instead of the expected accusative in contexts that otherwise call for that case, the so-called genitive-accusative. (2) Personal pronouns also show instances of the genitive for the accusative but with important differences. In languages with a clitic~stressed contrast for oblique pronominals the accusative forms generally are continued as clitics and the genitive forms as stressed. It is unlikely that the nominal and personal-pronominal gen.-acc. are unrelated. On the other hand, the case choice for nouns and gendered pronouns is sensitive to the animacy hierarchy, but for the personal pronouns the choice between genitive and accusative is phono-semantic. Whatever semantic structure evokes the stressed forms leads to the production of the gen.-acc. I suggest that gen.-acc. began with o-stem masculine personal names, the most prototypical expression of the semantic class [+human, +male, +free, +definite] and was extended to the interrogative pronoun (gen.-acc. kogo). The interrogative pronoun had just those properties that allowed the remapping of an animacy hierarchy into a tonicity distinction.
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Shimanskaya, Elena, and Tania Leal. "Feature Matching Does Not Equal Convergence: Acquisition of L2 French Accusative Pronouns by L1 Spanish Speakers." Languages 6, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6030144.
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Our study aims to determine whether formal similarity between two languages (operationalized via the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis) allows adult L2 learners of French (Spanish native speakers; NSs) to straightforwardly acquire third-person singular accusative clitics in their L2. Additionally, we examined the role of surface similarity, since French and Spanish overlap and diverge in several ways. In terms of formal similarity, third-person accusative clitic pronouns in Spanish are almost perfect analogues of their French counterparts. In terms of surface similarity, however, while the feminine accusative pronouns are identical (“la” [la]), the masculine ones differ in Spanish (“lo” [lo]) and French (“le” [lǝ]). Participants included French NSs (n = 26) and Spanish-speaking L2 French learners (n = 36). Results from an offline forced-choice picture selection task and an online self-paced reading task did not support the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis because learners showed considerable difficulty with the interpretation and processing of these pronouns, revealing that, unlike French NSs, their interpretations and processing are guided by the feature [±Human] and, to a lesser degree, by gender, which might be due to the surface-level similarity between feminine accusative clitic pronouns in both languages.
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Foursha-Stevenson, Cassandra D., Katy-Ann E. Blacker, Jennifer B. Austin, and Gretchen A. Van de Walle. "Who is kissing whom? Two-year-olds’ comprehension of pronouns, case and word order." Psychology of Language and Communication 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/plc-2021-0002.
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Abstract Two-year olds’ comprehension of pronouns in transitive sentences was examined. Previously, children at this age have been shown to comprehend transitive sentences containing full nouns and pronouns in subject position (Gertner et. al. 2006; Hirsh-Pasek & Golinkoff 1996;), but little is known about when children begin to comprehend the nominative and accusative case in pronouns. Using a preferential looking task, we found that 27-month-old children were able to comprehend transitive, grammatical sentences that had subject-verb-object (SVO) word order and nominative pronouns in subject position or accusative pronouns in object position, but 19-month-old children did not demonstrate this comprehension. Furthermore, neither group showed a consistent interpretation for ungrammatical sentences containing pronouns, in contrast to adult participants. Our results suggest that the ability to use pronouns as an aid to understanding transitive sentences develops by 27 months, before children are capable of producing these pronouns in their own speech.
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Li, Wenchao. "Old Chinese as an Inflectional Language: With Evidence from the Personal Pronoun System." International Journal of Linguistics 8, no. 3 (June 20, 2016): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v8i3.9634.
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<p>This paper reviews the nature of Old Chinese (OC) by exploring the morpho-syntactic feature of the personal pronoun system. It carried out a statistic analysis of the frequency of 吾, 我，予，余，朕，印，台; 爾，汝；彼, 其, 之 being used as person pronouns. The findings reveal that 吾 never appears in an accusative position; 予 never appears in a genitive position; An order of preference as regards case function of 我 runs from nominaitve, to accusative, genitive, down to dative. 其 conveys an accusative or a genitive, but never denotes a nominative. 之 denotes a generic third person or non-person and often marries up with 吾. This might suffice to draw the conclusion that OC was probably an inflectional language in the pre-Qin period.</p>
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van Gelderen, Elly. "Reflexive pronouns in the Lindisfarne glosses." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 72, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 220–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00028.gel.
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Abstract Old English uses personal pronouns, demonstratives, and limited null subject for reference to previously mentioned nouns. It uses personal pronouns reflexively and pronouns modified by ‘self’ identical in form with an intensive. This use of a pronoun modified by self has been attributed to British Celtic influence. Other changes in the pronominal system have been attributed to Scandinavian influence, e.g. the introduction of the third person plural pronoun they. This paper looks at the use of the specially marked reflexives in the glosses to the Lindisfarne Gospels, a northern text where both British Celtic and Scandinavian influence may be relevant. It provides lists of all of the self-marked forms and shows, for instance, that Matthew and Mark have reflexives based on an accusative/dative pronoun followed by self and they don’t have this form as an intensifier. British Celtic of this period has an intensifier but has no special reflexives and has lost case endings, so the Lindisfarne language is unlike British Celtic. Luke and John have intensives and reflexives, with ‘self’ modifying case-marked pronouns, again unlike British Celtic. In addition to contributing to the debate on external origins, the paper adds to the authorship debate by comparing the use of reflexives in the different gospels.
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Al-Bataineh, Hussein. "The syntax of Arabic vocatives." Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 12, no. 2 (January 27, 2020): 328–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01202100.
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Abstract This paper examines the syntactic structure of Arabic vocatives, focusing on case-marking of vocatives. The assignment of accusative and nominative-like case can be accounted for in the light of Hill (2017)’s proposal which provides the basic structure of the vocative phrase. This paper argues that in Arabic vocatives (i) the particle YAA is a transitive probe with valued [ACC-Case] and unvalued [2nd] and [Distance] features; (ii) The D has the unvalued case feature [u-Case], and it has both the [2nd] and [+Distance] features if it is a free pronoun and (iii) The vocative noun carries the valued [2nd] and [+/-Distance] features. Based on these assumptions, I argued that indefinite vocatives are assigned accusative case only if they are merged with an overt D -n, otherwise a nominative-like case surfaces on the noun by default. Proper names have the same analysis since the presence of the indefinite article -n is a prerequisite for accusative case assignment. Concerning vocatives as heads of Construct States, N-to-D movement takes place in order to assign [+def] feature to D and is assigned accusative case by YAA. Regarding vocatives in demonstrative phrases, the existence of a null D prevents the vocative noun from being assigned an overt accusative case. Concerning vocative pronouns, only accusative case is assigned since the determiner carrying the [u-Case] feature is overt.
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Ramelli, Ilaria. ""Simon Son of John, Do You Love Me?" Some Reflections on John 21:15." Novum Testamentum 50, no. 4 (2008): 332–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853608x303525.
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AbstractIn John 21:15 the much-debated expression αγαπας με πλεoν τoυτων; ought to be interpreted "Do you love me more than you love these things?," i.e. all the rest. This conclusion is strongly supported by compelling arguments concerning grammar (primarily the absence of συ as a subject and the frequently attested use of πλεoν τoυτων in the sense of πλεoν η ταυτα [accusative]), Johannine, NT and first-century linguistic usage (in John and the NT nominative personal pronouns are always expressed whenever emphasis lies on them, even when they are not particularly stressed, and in John the only other occurrence of πλεoν + genitive precisely corresponds to πλεoν η + plural accusative neuter pronoun), context and sense, ancient versions of this passage (Latin, Coptic, and Syriac), and some Patristic interpretations.
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AL-BERMANI, Muhannad Nasir Hussein. "THE INTENTIONALLY USE OF PRONOUNS IN THE ARABIC GRAMMAR." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 03 (March 1, 2021): 331–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.3-3.30.
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The metaphor of the pronoun is the substitution of a pronoun with another pronoun that differs from it in connotation and in the Arabic position, such as the occurrence of the accusative pronoun subject to the raised pronoun or the accusative pronoun subject to the accusative pronoun, and so on, such as the saying of the one who said: "You passed by me" and it was better for him to say: "You passed by me." It is correct to say: "I honored him I followed in this research tagged with (Intentionally borrowing the pronoun in Arabic grammar) A clear approach to explaining its issues, as I present the issue and clarify its forms and list the opinions of scholars about it and the evidence that back it up, then explain its relationship to the main topic, which is the metaphor of the conscience. I devoted the second topic to explaining the places of the metaphor of the conscience and its applications in Arabic, and then the conclusion in which I presented a number of results reached by the research, including: The metaphor of the conscience was mentioned in the Holy Qur’an, Qur’anic readings and hadiths in addition to its inclusion in Arabic poetry and the sayings and words of Arabs, then some Wills, the last of which is a list of the names of sources and references.
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Santoro, Maurizio. "Second language acquisition of Italian accusative and dative clitics." Second Language Research 23, no. 1 (January 2007): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658307071603.
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This experimental study investigates the acquisition of Italian accusative and dative clitics by English adult speakers. These pronouns are non-existent in English. Results from a grammaticality judgement task show that Italian accusative and dative clitics develop slowly but gradually in Italian second language (L2) grammars. Interestingly, the placement properties appear to develop earlier than their case properties. The possible implications of these findings for theories of the L2 initial state are considered.
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KIRJAVAINEN, MINNA, ANNA THEAKSTON, and ELENA LIEVEN. "Can input explain children's me-for-I errors?" Journal of Child Language 36, no. 5 (February 16, 2009): 1091–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000909009350.
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ABSTRACTEnglish-speaking children make pronoun case errors producing utterances where accusative pronouns are used in nominative contexts (me do it). We investigate whether complex utterances in the input (Let me do it) might explain the origin of these errors. Longitudinal naturalistic data from seventeen English-speaking two- to four-year-olds was searched for 1psg accusative-for-nominative case errors and for all 1psg preverbal pronominal contexts. Their caregivers' data was also searched for 1psg preverbal pronominal contexts. The data show that the children's proportional use of me-for-I errors correlated with their caregivers' proportional use of me in 1psg preverbal contexts. Furthermore, the verbs that children produced in me-error utterances appeared in complex sentences containing me in the input more often than verbs that did not appear in me-for-I errors in the children's speech. These findings are discussed in the context of current explanations for children's case marking errors.
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Rezac, Milan. "Mihi est from Brythonic to Breton I." Indogermanische Forschungen 125, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 313–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-013.
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AbstractMiddle Breton (MB) presents a singular anomaly of pronominal argument coding. Objects are accusative proclitics save in two constructions, where coding is split by person: 3rd unique enclitics ~ 1st/2nd accusative proclitics. The constructions are HAVE, from Insular Celtic mihi est, where the new coding replaces inflectional nominatives (cf. Latin mihi est ~ sunt); and imperatives, where it replaces accusative enclitics in V1 (cf. French aide-moi ~ ne m’aide pas). The evolution is traced in light of a crosslinguistic construction type that suggests its nature, noncanonical subject + 3rd nominative ~ 1st/2nd accusative object. Part I: (1) Decomposition of HAVE as dative clitic + BE from Brythonic throughout “conservative” varieties of Breton. (2) Breton-Cornish innovation of nonclitic datives for mihi est and their subjecthood. Part II: (3) Brythonic unavailibility of mesoclisis in V1 and Breton-Cornish nonagreement with nominative objects, resulting in independent > enclitic pronouns for accusative objects of imperatives and nominative objects of mihi est. (4) MB alignment of imperatives with mihi est in 3rd person, restriction on nominative enclitics, and recruitment of 1st/2nd person accusative proclitics upon loss of mesoclisis. (5) Transition to accusative objects in “innovative” varieties and subject-object case interactions.
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Gamble, Geoffrey L. "Reconstructed Yokuts Pronouns." Diachronica 5, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1988): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.5.1-2.04gam.
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SUMMARY Relationships among the most southern languages and dialects of Yokuts, a native American language family of California, are made clearer through an examination of demonstrative and personal pronouns. Reconstructions of Proto-Yokuts personal pronouns for first and second person in nominative, genitive and accusative/oblique cases and changes several languages and dialects are assumed to have undergone are presented to demonstrate details of a proposed Stammbusch for this part of the Yokuts family. This proposal differs from one suggested earlier by Whistler & Golla (1986). RÉSUMÉ Les rapports entre langues et dialectes méridionales du Yokuts, une des families des langues indigenes des Indiens de la Californie, deviennent plus claires par l'étude des pronoms démonstratifs et personnels. Les reconstructions des pronoms personnels Proto-Yokuts pour la premiècre et la deuxième personne au nominatif, au génitif et à l'accusatif, et les changements que plusieurs langues et dialectes ont subi, sont exposés pour dénontrer les détails d'un Stammbusch proposé pour cette partie de la famille Yokuts. Cette proposition différe sensiblement de celle suggérée récemment par Whistler & Golla (1986). ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die Verwandtschaftsverhältnisse zwischen den am weitesten siidlich gelegenen Sprachen und Dialekten des Yokuts, einer einheimischen Sprach-gruppe in Kalifornien, werden deutlicher durch die Untersuchung der Demonstrativ- und Personalpronomina. Die Rekonstruktion der 1. und 2. Person in den Fallen des Nominativs, des Genitivs und des Akkusativs der Personal-pronomen des Proto-Yokuts und die Veränderungen, die in mehreren Sprachen und Dialekten offenbar stattgefunden haben, werden mithilfe eines (hier erstmalig eingeführten) Stammbuschs fur diesen Teil der Sprachgruppe aufgestellt Diese Darstellung unterscheidet sich wesendich von der in jüngster Zeit von Whister & Golla (1986) vorgeschlagenen.
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Prévost, Philippe, Laurice Tuller, Racha Zebib, Marie Anne Barthez, Joëlle Malvy, and Frédérique Bonnet-Brilhault. "Pragmatic versus structural difficulties in the production of pronominal clitics in French-speaking children with autism spectrum disorder." Autism & Developmental Language Impairments 3 (January 2018): 239694151879964. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396941518799643.
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Background and aims Impaired production of third person accusative pronominal clitics is a signature of language impairment in French-speaking children. It has been found to be a prominent and persistent difficulty in children and adolescents with specific language impairment. Previous studies have reported that many children with autism spectrum disorder also have low performance on these clitics. However, it remains unclear whether these difficulties in children with autism spectrum disorder are due to structural language impairment or to pragmatic deficits. This is because pragmatics skills, notoriously weak in children with autism spectrum disorder, are also needed for appropriate use of pronouns. Use of pronouns without clear referents and difficulty with discourse pronouns (first and second person), which require taking into account the point of view of one’s interlocutor (perspective shifting), have frequently been reported for autism spectrum disorder. Methods We elicited production of nominative, reflexive and accusative third and first person pronominal clitics in 19 verbal children with autism spectrum disorder (aged 6–12, high and low functioning, with structural language impairment, or with normal language) and 19 age-matched children with specific language impairment. If pragmatics is behind difficulties on these elements, performance on first-person clitics would be expected to be worse than performance on third person clitics, since it requires perspective shifting. Furthermore, worse performance for first person clitics was expected in the children with autism spectrum disorder compared to the children with specific language impairment, since weak pragmatics is an integral part of impairment in the former, but not in the latter. More generally, different error patterns would be expected in the two groups, if the source of difficulty with clitics is different (a pragmatic deficit vs. a structural language deficit). Results Similar patterns of relative difficulties were found in the autism spectrum disorder language impairment and specific language impairment groups, with third person accusative clitics being produced at lower rates than first-person pronouns and error patterns being essentially identical. First-person pronouns did not pose particular difficulties in the children with autism spectrum disorder (language impairment or normal language) with respect to third-person pronouns or to the children with specific language impairment. Performance was not related to nonverbal intelligence in the autism spectrum disorder group. Conclusions The elicitation task used in this study included explicit instruction, and focus on perspective shifting (both visual and verbal), allowing for potential pragmatic effects to be controlled. Moreover, the task elicited a variety of types of clitics in morphosyntactic contexts of varying complexity, providing ample opportunities for employment of perspective shifting, which may have also curtailed perseveration of third person over first person. These properties of the task allowed for the grammatical nature of children’s difficulties with third-person accusative clitics to emerge unambiguously. Implications Assessment of structural language abilities in children with autism spectrum disorder requires careful consideration of task demands. The influence of pragmatic abilities on structural language performance can be circumvented by making the pragmatic demands of the task explicit and salient. Filtering out this potential influence on structural language performance is fundamental to understanding language profiles in children with autism spectrum disorder and thus which children could benefit from which kinds of language intervention.
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Ratkus, Artūras. "Gothic possessives, adjectives, and other modifiers in-ata." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 27, no. 3 (August 17, 2015): 238–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542714000233.
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The paradigm of some possessive pronouns, adjectives, and some other modifiers in Gothic contains an instance of morphological variation in the neuter nominative and accusative singular, where the bare stem of the modifier alternates with the pronominally inflected form in-ata(for example,juggversusjuggata‘young’). In an effort to account for this morphological variation, this paper examines the evidence for the competition between the bare stem and inflected forms in-ataattested in the Gothic New Testament. Further, it assesses the synchronic and diachronic implications of the variation with a view to gaining a better understanding of the development of the Germanic strong modifier inflection. It demonstrates that-atais a stylistically charged form observed in specific contexts and grammatical environments. From a diachronic point of view, the evidence of-atasheds light on the development of the Germanic strong modifier inflection, pointing toward a lexical diffusion-type development, with the inflection of demonstrative pronouns spreading across the lexicon of modifiers through possessive pronouns and quantifiers to adjectives and participles.*
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Geană, Ionuț. "Case Marking in Istro-Romanian." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 65, no. 4 (October 30, 2020): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2020.4.11.
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Case Marking in Istro-Romanian. This paper focuses on the key elements of case marking in Istro-Romanian (IR). Similar to Daco Romanian, IR has a four-case system (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative), added by the vocative (not to be dealt with specifically in this paper). As a member of the so called Balkan Sprachbund, IR nouns oppose nominative-accusative to genitive dative. Pronouns, on the other hand, show a full paradigm, with specific forms for each case (in line with all other Eastern Romance varieties). For the oblique, IR has both stressed/strong and non-stressed/clitic forms, however they have a different distribution than in standard and sub standard Daco-Romanian. Differential object marking is virtually unheard of (with minor cases in northern IR). Indirect object doubling is rare(r), with possibly different pragmatic values than in Daco Romanian.
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De Oliveira, Cândido Samuel Fonseca, and Ricardo Machado Rocha. "The Acceptability Of Clitic And Tonic Accusative 3rd Person Pronouns In Written Brazilian Portuguese." Revista Diadorim 19 (October 30, 2017): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.35520/diadorim.2017.v19n0a13604.
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Com base na Teoria de Princípios e Parâmetros (CHOMSKY, 1995), apresento uma análise diacrônica das interrogativas-Q do Português Europeu (PE) seguida de uma comparação com as mesmas estruturas no Português Brasileiro (PB). Paralelamente, faço uma breve análise dos padrões de interrogativas-Q em entrevistas sociolinguísticas gravadas em dois momentos (anos 1970/80 e 2010). A hipótese inicial, a partir de descrições recentes de base teórica, era a de que a ordem QVS no PE seria a mais frequente, enquanto a ordem QSV estaria sempre condicionada à presença da clivagem. Sujeitos de 1ª. e 2ª. pessoas bem como os anafóricos seriam preferencialmente nulos no PE, um sistema descrito como de sujeito nulo consistente. Nesse aspecto, o PE teria um comportamento diferente do PB, que perdeu a ordem QVS, hoje atestada apenas em estruturas com verbos inacusativos, desde que o sujeito seja um DP lexical, uma mudança paralela à remarcação do valor do Parâmetro do Sujeito Nulo no PB. A amostra analisada para o estudo diacrônico é constituída de peças portuguesas escritas ao longo dos séculos 19 e 20, comparável à amostra brasileira que nos serve de ponto comparação. No caso das entrevistas sociolinguísticas, foram utilizadas as amostras NURC e Concordância para o PB, e Cordial-Sin e Concordância para o PE. A metodologia para o tratamento dos dados segue o modelo variacionista (TAGLIAMONTE, 2006; GUY E ZILLES, 2007). Os resultados mostram que o PE prefere o padrão QV, com sujeitos nulos; quanto aos sujeitos expressos, a ordem QVS é o padrão preferido; observamos, no entanto, uma curva descendente no último quartel do século 20, sugerindo o início de uma competição com QSV, desencadeada pela entrada da clivagem, a partir da segunda metade do século 19. Uma vez introduzida no sistema, a clivagem se expande para os três padrões de interrogativas-Q, o que é confrmado pelos dados da fala contemporânea.
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Cohen, Ohad. "A Bird's-Eye View of Personal Pronouns and Accusative Markers in Ancient Semitic Languages." Journal of Semitic Studies 63, no. 1 (2018): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgx034.
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Celano, Giuseppe G. A. "A computational study on preverbal and postverbal accusative object nouns and pronouns in Ancient Greek." Prague Bulletin of Mathematical Linguistics 101, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pralin-2014-0006.
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Abstract Many studies try to determine whether Ancient Greek is an OV or VO language. All of them, however, fail to conduct a research whose method is entirely clear. This paper presents the first attempt to quantify the number of verbs governing preverbal or postverbal accusative object nouns or pronouns in single or coordinate independent clauses in Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey, Herodotus’ Histories, and the New Testament, by providing results which are fully verifiable and reproducible. I prove that as for the parameter OV vs. VO there is great variation in the texts, which suggests a change over time from OV order in Homer to VO order in the New Testament. The figures for Herodotus’ Greek prove a quasi-exact match between OV order and VO order.
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Rispoli, Matthew. "The mosaic acquisition of grammatical relations." Journal of Child Language 18, no. 3 (October 1991): 517–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900011235.
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ABSTRACTThe view that grammatical relations have substantial essence, designated as ‘subject’ or ‘object’ has difficulty in accounting for the variety of naturally acquirable grammatical relations. The acquisition of grammatical relations is examined from a theoretical framework, ROLE AND REFERENCE GRAMMAR, in which grammatical relations are decomposed into two separate types of structure: logical (semantic) structure and information (pragmatic) structure. The acquisition of grammatical relations from four languages is compared: (1) the definite accusative suffix and pragmatically motivated word order of Turkish; (2) Kaluli verb agreement, case and focus marking postpositions, and pragmatically motivated word order; (3) Hungarian definite and indefinite verb conjunction; and (4) Italian participial agreement and anaphoric, accusative case pronouns. Two conditions on structures are found to cause difficulty: the neutralization of a semantic or pragmatic distinction by interfering structures (e.g. Kaluli and Italian), and global case marking which forces the child to discover relevant semantic characteristics of both the actor and the undergoer (e.g. Hungarian and Kaluli). Structures that encode semantic or pragmatic distinctions independently are more easily acquired (e.g. Turkish). Piecing together discrete structures in a mosaic fashion, the child can acquire the great variety of grammatical relations that exist in human languages.
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Prazeres, Robert, and Stephen Levey. "Between you and I." English World-Wide 35, no. 2 (June 2, 2014): 193–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.35.2.03pra.
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Variable case marking of pronouns in coordinate noun phrases (CoNPs) is a well-documented phenomenon which has elicited prescriptive censure for centuries. Drawing on the framework of variationist sociolinguistics, this study presents a detailed quantitative analysis of variable case marking in CoNPs in the Quebec English Corpus (Poplack, Walker and Malcolmson 2006), a massive compendium of vernacular speech. Operationalizing a number of extralinguistic and linguistic factors that are claimed to condition variable case marking in CoNPs, multivariate analysis revealed that speaker age and education as well as the syntactic position of the CoNP are key predictors in determining the case of pronouns in these constructions. An important finding is that case marking in CoNPs is highly variable for speakers, suggesting that the Sisyphean efforts of the prescriptive enterprise to impose uniformity on this area of the grammar have been to little avail as far as spontaneous usage is concerned. Comparison of the results with variable case marking in CoNPs in other varieties of English, as well as with diachronic patterns of variability, also raises the possibility that the accusative is increasingly assuming the role of default case in coordinate constructions.
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Luo, Tianhua. "Abstracts of the Chinese papers in English." Chinese as a Second Language Research 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 295–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caslar-2015-0016.
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A typological study of the clause structure of ergative languagesAbstract: This paper presents a typological study of the clause structure of ergative languages by examining a sample of 78 languages. It focuses on three structures, namely (the alignment of case marking and verbal person marking of) the core argument structures, the antipassive constructions, and the ditransitive constructions.In this study, “ergativity” refers both “ergative” languages and the “active” languages. In particular, 75 languages in the sample are the “ergative” or “active” ones in Comrie (2013a, 2013b) and Siewierska (2013a), three languages not labeled as ergative or active in Dryer & Haspelmath (2013), namely Dyirbal, Kham, and Tibetan, are also included. The features of core argument structures, antipassive constructions, and ditransitive constructions are collected from Dryer & Haspelmath (2013) and various other literature.This study adopts a customary typological approach and proposes sixteen (groups of) universals or tendencies of morphological and/or syntactic features of ergative languages on the basis of frequency analysis, most of which in the form of implicational universals. To list but a few: (I) Most (if not all) ergative languages are split in alignment; (II) Ergativity is more commonly found in the case marking of full noun phrases than in pronouns (which prefer accusative alignment); (III) Ergative markers are more commonly found on the As, but accusative markers on the Ps; (IV) The alignment of case marking of the full noun phrases or pronouns cannot be predicated by verbal person marking, although most ergative languages prefer to have person marking of both A and P; (V) The languages with “mixed object construction” (Haspelmath 2013) are found in various alignment types, although there are close relationships between ditransitive constructions and ergative alignment; (VI) There is no close relationships between antipassive/passive constructions and ergativity; on the contrary, ergative languages show a considerably low ratio of both constructions.In the light of this study, this paper dispels the ergativity myth in Mandarin Chinese. It proposes that the so-called Chinese ergative constructions, e.g. ergative verbs, the ba construction, are invariably unaccusative in nature.
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Weitkamp, Linnéa. "Die Flexion der Indefinita jemand und niemand." Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik 49, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 209–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zgl-2021-2028.
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Abstract This article investigates the inflection of the German indefinite pronouns jemand and niemand in the accusative and dative. The pronouns are used both with inflectional suffix (jemanden/jemandem, niemanden/niemandem) and without (jemand, niemand) and are thus an example of current variation in contemporary German. The grammars take an unusually liberal stance and describe both forms as correct, partially even with preference to the uninflected form. A corpus study which examines conceptually written data of the DeReKo (German reference corpus) and conceptually oral data of the DECOW16B (German web corpus), shows that over 90 % of occurrences are inflected. But almost 10 % of uninflected forms show that these formations are no arbitrary errors either. To find out what influences the presence or absence of the inflectional ending, a binary logistic regression model was calculated. The following factors proved to be significant influencing factors for inflection: the degree of formality (DeReKo vs. DECOW16B), the lexeme (jemand vs. niemand), the case (acc vs. dat), government by preposition vs. government by verb and the following nominalized adjective (jemand anderen). With regard to the different inflectional suffixes, the frequent use of -en in the dative stood out in particular. Although this form is classified as erroneous in all grammars, almost 30 % of the dative occurrences in informal DECOW16B data are formed in this way.
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Krasteva, Hristiana. "Сравнение на прозодичните особености на клитичния комплекс в съобщителни и въпросителни изречения в българския език / A Comparison of the Prosodic Features of the Clitic Cluster in Bulgarian Declarative and Interrogative Sentences." Journal of Bulgarian Language 67, no. 03 (November 30, 2020): 112–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47810/bl.67.03.09.
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This article provides a comparison between some cases of the realization of the cli-tic cluster (the short forms of the personal pronouns in the accusative and the dative case and the forms of the verb ‘to be’ in copulative sentences and sentences where ‘to be’ is used as an auxiliary verb) in wh-questions and declarative sentences. The main goal is to study the prosodic and intonational features of these sentences from a clitic cluster’s perspective. In order to achieve this, the author uses comparison and analysis of the structures and their tonic graphs. The study focuses on examples of double realization of interrogative markers (with the addition of the question particle li) in relation to the prosodic organization. Cases of negation (with the addition of the negation particle ne) are touched upon in brief. Keywords: prosody, intonation, prosodic organization, wh-questions, clitics, clitic clusters, negation
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Sasaki, Yoshinori. "Material and presentation condition effects on sentence interpretation task performance: methodological examinations of the competition experiment." Second Language Research 13, no. 1 (January 1997): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/026765897666381479.
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Ten native English learners of Japanese, ten intermediate native English learners of Japanese and ten native Japanese speakers of English each were requested to report what they thought was the subject or actor of a series of English NVN word strings, in which case marking and lexical-semantics cues were systematically manipulated. These NVN strings were aurally presented first alone, and subsequently the same strings were presented for the second time together with noncanonical NNV and VNN strings. Similarly, their counterpart Japanese NNV strings were first presented alone, and secondly with noncanonical VNN and NVN strings. The results revealed that 1) a greater animacy effect (‘animacy noun as a subject’ bias) was detected when the sentence verb was see rather than eat(or each of their Japanese counterparts); 2) English accusative pronouns generally created greater case biases than nominative ones; and 3) native English speakers interpreting Japanese word strings responded differently under the two presentation conditions.
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Casti, Francesco. "La distribuzione diatopica di alcuni predicati complessi sardi." Romanistisches Jahrbuch 71, no. 1 (November 18, 2020): 33–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/roja-2020-0002.
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AbstractThe aim of this paper is to examine the diatopic variation of some Sardinian complex predicates, mainly from a morphosyntactic (and, secondarily, a semantic) perspective. I will discuss (i) the distribution of Camp(idanese) ai / Log(udorese)-Nu(orese) àere a + inf(initive), lit. ‘to have to’ + inf., and of the agglutinated and univerbated forms of Log.-Nu. dèvere/dèppere + inf., lit. ‘must’ + inf., both constructions expressing (different types of) future time reference; (ii) the diffusion of person and number in the modal complex predicate Camp. fai / Log.-Nu. fàghere/fàchere a + inf., lit. ‘to do to’ + inf., with the sense of ‘being able/allowed to do something’; (iii) cases of double accusative marking of clitic pronouns expressing causee/beneficiary and undergoer, and agreement between these pronouns and the past participle of ‘make’/‘let’ in the causative constructions Camp. fai / Log.-Nu. fàghere/fàchere + inf., lit. ‘to make’ + inf., and Camp. lassai / Log.-Nu. lassare/(dassare) + inf., lit. ‘to let’ + inf.; (iv) the ongoing diffusion of the reiterative and/or purposive values of Camp. torrai a/po / Log.-Nu. torrare a/pro + inf., lit. ‘to return to’ + inf.; (v) the ongoing diffusion of the aspectual complex predicate Camp. (am)megai / Log.-Nu. (am)megare de/a + inf., conveying progressive aspect, according to Blasco Ferrer (1991; 2002) and my data. In conclusion, I will argue that isoglosses of morphosyntactic variation of Sardinian complex predicates seem to be more ‘conservative’ (in the sense of Virdis 1988) and to englobe wider and more homogenous areas, if compared to phonological isoglosses.
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Bielecki, Robert. "Voice and case in finnish in the light of Zabrocki’s theory of person." Lingua Posnaniensis 54, no. 1 (October 1, 2012): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10122-012-0002-4.
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Abstract Robert Bielecki. Voice and Case in Finnish in the Light of Zabrocki’s Theory of Person. Lingua Posnaniensis, vol. L IV (1)/2012. The Poznań Society for the A dvancement of the Arts and Sciences. PL ISSN 0079-4740, ISBN 978-83-7654-103-7, pp. 21-34. This paper attempts to demonstrate the properties of the categories of voice and case in Finnish in the light of Zabrocki’s theory of Person. The presented morphosyntactic, syntactic and semantic properties of words taking part in diathesis lead us to formulate sentences (theorems) belonging to the sphere of the postulated grammar of person of this language. In Finnish, particular personal meanings undergo both lexicalization (in the form of appropriate personal pronouns) and grammaticalization (in the form of personal endings). Moreover the Finnish language seems to operate with a collective personal meaning, where three particular communicative statuses do not undergo differentiation. This kind of personal meaning seems to be only grammaticalized in Finnish; it lacks a pronoun lexifying such a collective personal meaning. Because of the high degree of syncretism of the nominative and (endingless) accusative on the one hand and the passive and impersonal voice on the other, Finnish contains significant overlapping between passive structures - where the three personal meanings undergo specification - and impersonal structures - where the three personal meanings undergo unification. Notwithstanding, only in sentences of the type Kana on tapettu ‘One has killed the hen’, ‘The hen has been killed’ (and with smaller probability Kana tapetaan ‘One kills (will kill) the hen’, (‘The hen is (will be) killed’)) do we encounter total ambiguity in respect of the personal meaning semified by the predicate (the collective person vs. third person).
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Nkollo, Mikołaj, and Alexandra Fiéis. "The não interpolation in Classical and early Modern European Portuguese and the mapping between syntactic and phonological structures: An empirical study." Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 13, no. 1 (May 27, 2020): 115–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/shll-2020-2023.
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AbstractThe central topic of the paper is clitic-verb non-adjacency (interpolation) in Classical and early Modern European Portuguese (EP). Throughout that period, the negative marker não was the only expression likely to disrupt the continuity of clitic-verb sequences. The aims of the study are twofold. First, previous assumptions on the syntax of this pattern are matched against data retrieved from the texts stored in the Biblioteca Nacional Digital. The present analysis demonstrates, first, that clitic-verb adjacency and non-adjacency had divergent distributions depending on whether they occurred in obligatory proclisis contexts or in X-V-cl/X-cl-V variation ones. Whereas interpolation was the default choice in the former, clitic-verb adjacency was prevailing in the latter in the period under discussion. The second aim is to account for the overrepresentation, underpinned by corpus data, of 3rd person accusative pronouns in clauses with interpolation. In previous works, the origin of clitic-verb non-adjacency was couched either in semantic terms (the contribution of não to the meaning of the VP) or in terms of clitic movement and increasing constraints on the status of Neg (Neg and clitic are both assumed to be affixes). In the present paper, interpolation is shown to have had an interface nature, with phonological factors playing a central role. The discontinuity of clitic-Verb sequences is thought to have helped speakers to get rid of the affixal attachment of the o, a, os, as series to the preceding non-verbal sound material (nasal diphthongs in não, quem, ninguém, etc, coercing preverbal pronouns into taking a nasal onset quem no, não no, etc.). As a consequence, in present day standard EP, clitic-specific allomorphy has become earmarked for enclisis.
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Makarova, Veronika. "Ex-neuter-gender nouns in Canadian Doukhobor Russian." Russian Linguistics 43, no. 3 (October 24, 2019): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11185-019-09218-6.
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Abstract This paper addresses the morpho-syntactic forms of ex-neuter-gender of Canadian Doukhobor Russian nouns. Doukhobor Russian is a near-extinct variety of Russian spoken by a small group of elderly Doukhobors (a religious and ethnic minority of Russian origins) residing mostly in British Columbia, Saskatchewan and Alberta. While Standard Russian has three noun genders (feminine, masculine and neuter), this paper demonstrates that in Doukhobor Russian, a neuter gender erosion has been taking place, whereby ex-neuter-gender nouns have been shifting their declension paradigms mostly to feminine F1 declension forms. Ex-neuter-gender words in Doukhobor Russian also mostly agree with pronouns, attributives, and numerals in feminine gender. They also predominantly agree in feminine gender with preterite verb forms. Two major subclasses of ex-neuter-gender nouns are identified: those in which the stem is stressed and those in which the stress is on the inflectional vowel. A stressed vowel in an inflectional suffix of the nominative and the accusative blocks the paradigm shift of ex-neuter-gender nouns, but does not prevent female gender agreement with attributives and preterite verb forms. The discussion identifies parallels of neuter-gender erosion in Doukhobor Russian with similar processes found in 19th and 20th century Russian dialects.
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Massot, Benjamin. "Patterns of 1st and 3rd person marking in Oïl-Galloromance." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 41, no. 1 (August 27, 2018): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.00014.mas.
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Summary This article is a contribution to the long-standing discussion of subject marking in Romance. Its originality lies in its systematically considering data from Oïl-Galloromance dialects, i.e. non-pro-drop varieties, which had been ignored because they were thought to pattern like French. On the contrary, a detailed survey of the means of 1sg and 3sg.m. Marking in these dialects reveals that the obligatoriness of the subject clitics in all grammatical persons does not guarantee the absence of ambiguous marks, since cases of syncretism between these two persons were found, besides cases of marking even more redundant than in French. I then conclude that it is yet another refutation of the now generally abandoned wisdom according to which the subject pronouns exactly compensate the loss of verb endings. Moreover, the results make the pro-drop parameter and parametric theory hard to maintain, as has been observed from other microvariational studies. I also argue against a functionalist interpretation of the correlation between the different means of subject marking based on the assumption of avoidance and repair strategies underlying language change/dialectal fragmentation. My own analysis then relies on the assumption of a strong and stable typological property of accusative languages like Romance, called here the principle of recovery of the subject. The surface microvariation within (Oïl)-(Gallo)romance is simply seen as the result of non-deterministic properties of language change/dialectal fragmentation.
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Ondar, Ch G. "Differential Object Marking in Tuvan language: dependence on the function and nature of the definition." Languages and Folklore of Indigenous Peoples of Siberia, no. 41 (2021): 154–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2312-6337-2021-1-154-162.
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For the Tuvan language, factors influencing Differential Object Marking remain uncovered despite extensive studies on the topic. This is due to the numerous cases of forms of the primary and accusative cases of the direct object replacing each other without noticeably changing the meaning of the sentence. Thus, it is necessary to elucidate all the causes of variation and establish their interactions. The current study focuses on the dependence of the direct object labeling on the function and the nature of the definition in the Tuvan language. The paper highlights the interaction of semantic, syntactic, communicative, and pragmatic factors influencing the choice of labeling. The analysis revealed that the direct object with the definition as a whole does not require a case. Firstly, the semantics of definition occupies a decisive place, as in the case of indexical pronouns (as a means of expressing anaphoric and deictic meanings). Secondly, the communicative role of the defined object in the utterance is of significance. The definition acts as a link between the object defined and the previous reference to that object, indicating information about the object that is already familiar to the addressee. Thirdly, discursive factors are distinct and important, including the speaker’s intention to clarify the referent or generalize by different means the meaning of the referent in the discourse depending on his or her goal. Thus, the referential properties of definitions alone do not allow unambiguously predicting the labeling of the nominal group.
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Boeddu, Daniela. "The Differential Object Marking of The Arborense Dialect of Sardinian in Language Contact Setting." Journal of Language Contact 13, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 17–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-bja10002.
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This paper focuses on the Arborense Differential Object Marking (dom) system, which in line with the typical Sardinian dom system marks the object noun phrases characterized by a high degree of animacy and specificity with the preposition a. This is why the Sardinian dom is also called prepositional accusative. Authors dealing with other Sardinian dialects agree in identifying three domains of distribution of the phenomenon: with personal pronouns and personal names the use of the preposition is mandatory; with inanimate common nouns it is excluded; with common nouns referring animate beings, strong variability occurs. On the basis of an oral corpus of contemporary Arborense, it can be stated that the area of mandatory use of dom is restricted in this dialect and that the optionality area turns out to be more extensive than assumed in traditional descriptions of this Sardinian phenomenon. Since all the Arborense speakers of the oral corpus are bilingual (Sardinian-Italian), the data reflect the situation of dom in a contact setting scenario where Sardinian and both Standard and Regional Italian interact. According to Putzu (2005) and Blasco Ferrer and Ingrassia (2010), the extensive area of optionality for the use of the Sardinian dom should be the result of the influence of Standard Italian. However, two facts must be considered that make this idea questionable: first, in the language contact scenario of Modern Sardinian not only Standard Italian but also Regional Italian (with a widespread use of the dom) play a role; second, the synchronic variation observed in contemporary Arborense replicates the same variation which characterizes historical data from texts of the 12th–19th centuries.
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Spraunienė, Birutė. "The category of definiteness and its investigation in Lithuanian linguistics." Lietuvių kalba, no. 2 (December 29, 2008): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lk.2008.22893.
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The paper analyses the concept of definiteness and the semantics and formal expression of the category of definiteness. It also offers an overview of the concept of the category and its investigation in Lithuanian linguistics. Definiteness helps solve problems of the referent identification in the course of communication and is a universal semantic/pragmatic category. In languages with a grammatical expression of definiteness and formally marked by articles, the category of definiteness is grammatical. Articles mainly serve as a means of coordinating reference; however, eventually their usage might become wider and the number of functions might increase. As a result, they gradually seep into indefinite contexts. Since languages manifest a varied expression of definiteness, in contrastive studies only the semantic content of the category can serve as a tertium comparationis. It can be broadly defined in the following way: the semantics of definite description is characterised by its referent which is known to the addressee or can be easily and unambiguously identified and is the only one (unique and maximum) in a certain pragmatic set. The semantics of indefinite description is characterised by an addressee who/which is unable to identify the referent and in respect to uniqueness such description is neutral. The expression of definiteness in Lithuanian can hardly be treated as grammatical, with the pronominal morpheme of the definite form of adjectives being the only formal marker of definiteness. Previous research has been fairly scarce in identifying the contrast, distribution and functions of definite and indefinite forms in Lithuanian. For example, there has been no research done when the definite form is obligatory, when it is optional or when its usage is ungrammatical. Definiteness in Lithuanian is also expressed by demonstrative pronouns; and some of them, according to Albertas Rosinas, have become dysfunctional and presently perform the function of definite markers in spoken language. Definiteness also correlates with the functional sentence perspective and word order as well as the opposition between the nominative /accusative vs the genitive case. However, in Lithuanian to finally discriminate between the definite and the indefinite interpretation is only possible by referring to context.
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Torres Sánchez, Nadiezdha. "El sistema pronominal de objeto directo del español en contacto con el zoque de Chapultenango." Anuario de Letras. Lingüística y Filología 9, no. 2 (July 4, 2021): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.adel.2021.9.2.47364.
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This research aims to describe the Spanish language in contact with the Chapultenango’s Zoque language. Specifically, it provides evidence around the neutralization of the gender mark in the accusative pronominal system, showing a two-case simplified system in which the direct object pronoun (OD) is lo(s) and the indirect object pronoun is le(s), both of them without gender distinction. Likewise, it shows that this neutralization is an indirect contact-induced change in which internal variation of Spanish interacts with the grammatical structure of the Zoque.
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SHIELDS, KENNETH. "THE GERMANIC PERSONAL PRONOUN ACCUSATIVES IN*-kAND THEIR INDO-EUROPEAN ORIGINS." Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (PBB) 123, no. 3 (January 2001): 343–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bgsl.2001.123.3.343.
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Jap, Bernard A. J. "Pronoun Production Order in a Gender-Neutral Language: A Single Case Study of a Typically Developing Indonesian Child." Paradigma, Jurnal Kajian Budaya 3, no. 2 (February 16, 2016): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v3i2.37.
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<p>Research in children with normal language development has shown that there is a certain order in the production and learning of pronominal forms. To one’s knowledge, there has yet to be a study on the pronoun development of Indonesian speaking children whose native language do not distinguish<br />between the nominative-accusative form (e.g. in English, I/me – Indonesian, <em>saya</em>/<em>saya</em>) and at the same time being gender neutral (e.g. in English, he/she – Indonesian, <em>dia</em>/<em>dia</em>). The present study follows the personal pronoun development of a (Jakarta) Indonesian-speaking child from 24 months to 46 months of age.</p>
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افراح مجيد هادي الانصاري, مدز. "Die Modalverben im Deutschen und Arabischen." لارك 1, no. 40 (December 31, 2020): 1124–01. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol1.iss40.1694.
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ان مقارنة قواعد اللغة الألمانية مع لغة سامية كاللغة العربية تفضي الى حجم الهوة والاختلافات الكبيرة بين قواعد وأنظمة اللغة العربية مقارنة باللغة الألمانية. فموضوع البحث يتناول مقارنة افعال الكيفية في اللغة الألمانية وما يقابها باللغة العربية. أفعال الكيفية هي عبارة عن ستة الفعال لها قواعد تركيبية خاصة تختلف عن الأفعال الأخرى من حيث البناء والتركيب، وهي أفعال شاذة ولها تصاريف معينة مع الضمائر الشخصية سواء في الزمن الماضي او المضارع، فهي تستلزم غالبا ما فعل مصدري يكتب في نهاية الجملة لاتمام المعنى، ويعد هذا الفعل فعلا رئيسيا، وتأخذ هذه الأفعال الموضع الثاني في الجملة وتكون مصرفة حسب الفاعل بينما يأتي الفعل الرئيسي في نهاية الجملة دون أي تصريف، وهذه الأفعال هي: يَسمَح، يَستطيع، يَوَد أو يَرغَب، يَجب، يَنبغي، يُريد.
الفعل في قواعد اللغة العربية يدل على معنى في نفسه فمنه المعرب ومنه المبني وله اوزان محددة، والفعل الثلاثي الماضي على وزن فَعَلَ تعد أساسا للميزان الصرفي، فعند ترجمة أفعال الكيفية حسب الميزان الصرفي تكون أرادَ وانبغى واستطاع .. الخ. أفعال الكيفية في اللغة الألمانية تقابلها في اللغة العربية أنْ المصدرية الناصبة والتي تدخل على الجمل الفعلية وتفيد الحال والاستقبال اذا دخلت على الفعل المضارع. وقد تترجم الجمل والنصوص الى اللغة العربية بالصدر المؤول من (أنْ والفعل) او بالمصدر الصريح، وبعضها يرتبط بحرف جر مثل سُمِحَ( لَه)ُ و وَجَبَ (على)، وهناك الكثير من المفردات والاستخدامات اللغوية تم ذكرها بالبحث.
Comparing the grammar of the German language with a Semitic language such as the Arabic language leads to the size of the gap and the big differences between the rules and systems of the Arabic language compared to the German language. The topic of this research deals with comparing the qualitative verbs in the German language and the equivalent in the Arabic language. Modal verbs are six active verbs that have special syntactic rules that differ from other verbs in terms of construction and composition. They are irregular verbs and have specific conjugations with personal pronouns, whether in the past or present tense, they often require an infinitive verb written at the end of the sentence to complete the meaning. This verb is a main verb, and these verbs take the second position in the sentence and are inflected according to the subject, while the main verb comes at the end of the sentence without any conjugation, and these verbs are: allow, can, wish or desire, should, should, want.
The verb in the grammar of the Arabic language denotes a meaning in itself, from which it is expressed, and from it that is based and has specific weights, and the past triple verb on the weight of فَعَلَ is the basis for the morphological balance, so when translating modal verbs according to the morphological scale, they are أراد ، انبغى and أستطاعَ ... etc. Verbs of modal in the German language correspond to it in the Arabic language that the أنْ accusative infinitive, which is entered into the verbal sentences, and benefits the adverb and the reception if entered into the present tense. Sentences and texts may be translated into Arabic with the source of (أنْ and verb) or with the explicit source, and some of them are related to a preposition such as allowed (for him) and obligatory (on), and there are many vocabulary and linguistic uses mentioned in the research.
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Arar, Mahdi. "Structural Relationships and Polysemy in the Qur'an: Examples and Causes." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 18, no. 1 (February 2016): 201–177. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2016.0232.
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This study explores the structural relationships in the Qur'an and their effect on polysemy (taʿaddud al-maʿānī). It first explores the definitions of this phenomenon, adducing various citations. Then it discusses pertinent examples of these, such as the relationship of the pronoun to its antecedent; circumstantial clauses; the relationship of the accusative to its referent; adverbs of time and space in relation to the noun they qualify; the connection between various sentences and phrases and what they refer to; the relationship of the adjective to the noun it qualifies; and so on. In addition, this study attempts to uncover the underlying causes of the phenomenon of polysemy.
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Kail, Michèle, and Agnès Charvillat. "Local and topological processing in sentence comprehension by French and Spanish children." Journal of Child Language 15, no. 3 (October 1988): 637–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900012605.
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ABSTRACTThis cross-linguistic study investigates the relative importance of validity in terms of the strengths of syntactic cues and cue processing cost in sentence comprehension by French and Spanish children (4; 6–6; 6). The notion of cue cost refers to the distinction between local and topological processing types. Choices of the agent (cue strength) and latencies (cue cost) were collected through the acting out of sentences containing different syntactic cues. These cues (word order, clitic pronoun, verbal agreement plus accusative preposition a in Spanish) are ordered on a continuum from the most topological (word order) to the most local (preposition a). The analysis of cue strengths reveals that, while for French children a linguistic cue is all the stronger the more topological it is (verbal agreement < clitic pronoun < word order), for Spanish children a cue is all the stronger the more local it is (word order < clitic pronoun < verbal agreement < preposition a). The fact that Spanish children's latencies are always shorter (2150 msec) than those of French children (3110 msec) must be related to the effect of the preposition a which permits efficient role assignments with minimal cost. These results stress the importance of locality in sentence processing. On the other hand, a comparison with our similar adult cross-linguistic data demonstrates that the impact of cue cost changes over time.
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SHALA, Flamur, and Xhafer BEQIRAJ. "The Use of Contracted Forms of Albanian Language in Electronic Media Texts." PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 4, no. 3 (December 31, 2020): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v4i3.182.
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The contracted forms of literary Albanian are of dative case of all persons singular and plural and of the accusative case in the third person singular and plural. In certain syntactic constructions they merge and thus form connected contracted forms. When used near each other, the first is dative, while the second is accusative. Their use according to the norm are correct. Their topic in the sentence is arranged and a linguist or a lecturer should not miss the omissions in texts with short, separate, or connected forms. On the contrary, we encounter misuses of short forms of Albanian in texts of published and electronic media. They are incorrectly used in some syntactic constructions, marked by case in case, one by one. Contracted form locations and their referral to a different pronoun or name as a repetition of an object appear to be harmonized with the respective forms as an object or its repetition. They are placed in front of the verb forms of each tense. Except in imperative they have a double topic. The contracted forms during usage in the dative and accusative cases directly mark direct or indirect object. The contracted forms of the first and second person singular and plural, in the dative case, are often used to mark directly the indirect object. (p. 226) The misuse of the contracted forms is more common in the third person of the dative case when i.e. singular (i) is used instead of plural (u). We also encounter the incorrect use of the contracted forms of the second person plural of the dative case (juve) you instead of (atyre u). This research reveals the wrong use of contracted forms in the texts of some electronic media (portals) in Pristina and Tirana.
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Bacskai-Atkari, Julia. "English relative clauses in a cross-Germanic perspective." Nordlyd 44, no. 1 (October 12, 2020): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.5213.
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The article talk examines the distribution of relativising strategies in English in a cross-Germanic perspective, arguing that English is quite unique among Germanic languages both regarding the number of available options and their distribution. The differences from other Germanic languages (both West Germanic and Scandinavian) are primarily due to the historical changes affecting the case and gender system in English more generally. The loss of case and gender on the original singular neuter relative pronoun facilitated its reanalysis as a complementiser. The effect of the case system can also be observed in properties that are not evidently related to case. Specifically, choice between the pronoun strategy and the complementiser strategy is known to show differences according to the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy. While English shows a subject vs. oblique distinction in this respect, matching its nominative/oblique case system, German dialects show a subject/direct object vs. oblique distinction, matching the nominative/accusative/oblique case setting in the language. The particular setting in English is thus not dependent on e.g. a single parameter but on various factors that are otherwise present in other Germanic languages as well, and it is ultimately the complex interplay of these factors that results in the particular setup.
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Afros, Elena. "Exeter Book Riddle 6, Lines 7–8." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 80, no. 4 (March 24, 2021): 433–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340206.
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Abstract One of the very few ‘rules’ that operate (almost) without exceptions in Old English prose and poetry is that in se-relatives, se is preceded by the preposition that governs it. In the entire Old English corpus, Mitchell (1985: §2244) finds only one counterexample in the Exeter Book Riddle 6, lines 7–8. In this relative clause, the preposition on governing the demonstrative þa that functions as both antecedent and relative is postposed. The present article suggests grouping the preposition on (7b) with the adverb feorran ‘far’ (8a) that immediately follows it and analysing the main verb of the relative clause as transitive. As a result, the relative clause follows the ‘rule’: the preposition on is no longer postposed, and the pronoun þa, which functions as a direct object in the principal and relative clauses, is assigned accusative by the main verbs of both clauses.
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Hubers, Ferdy, Thijs Trompenaars, Sebastian Collin, Kees De Schepper, and Helen De Hoop. "Hypercorrection as a By-product of Education." Applied Linguistics 41, no. 4 (February 5, 2019): 552–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/applin/amz001.
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AbstractPrescriptive grammar rules are taught in education, generally to ban the use of certain frequently encountered constructions in everyday language. This may lead to hypercorrection, meaning that the prescribed form in one construction is extended to another one in which it is in fact prohibited by prescriptive grammar. We discuss two such cases in Dutch: the hypercorrect use of the comparative particle dan ‘than’ in equative constructions, and the hypercorrect use of the accusative pronoun hen ‘them’ for a dative object. In two experiments, high school students of three educational levels were tested on their use of these hypercorrect forms (nexp1 = 162, nexp2 = 159). Our results indicate an overall large amount of hypercorrection across all levels of education, including pre-university level students who otherwise perform better in constructions targeted by prescriptive grammar rules. We conclude that while teaching prescriptive grammar rules to high school students seems to increase their use of correct forms in certain constructions, this comes at a cost of hypercorrection in others.
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Possanza, D. Mark. "SERPENTINE CONSTRUCTIONS: LUCRETIUS, DE RERVM NATVRA 3.657–63." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 1 (April 16, 2014): 197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000645.
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The mutilation of the snake provides compelling evidence that the soul and the body form an interconnected structural complex. The verbal complex, however, in which this serpens is articulated, has long been a problematic one. At the heart of the problem is the meaning of serpentis utrumque, a phrase which has been treated with considerable indulgence and is printed in the majority of twentieth-century editions, though it does not yield a satisfactory sense. It is usually interpreted to mean ‘both parts of a snake’, as if utrumque serpentis were equivalent in meaning to utramque partem serpentis. The word ‘parts,’ however, is an evasion of the semantic value of utrumque because it eliminates the ambiguity, in this context, of the pronoun ‘each of two,’ the reference of which should be made clear by the context, and supplies instead the very thing that is in question here, a clearly defined object, ‘both parts,’ for discidere. This may seem a small point but ‘both parts’ greatly obscures the nature of the problem. If we take a more literal approach to utrumque, we will get a better sense of the frustrated linguistic expectation caused by the pronoun: ‘of a snake with a darting tongue, quivering tail, long body, to cut up each of the two’. The question immediately arises: to what does ‘each of the two’ refer? According to the normal usage of uterque the answer should be apparent. In 3.658 it is not. It has long been assumed that utrumque refers to cauda and corpore but such a reference is not at all clear from the syntax. In the description of the snake we do not find, and this is the essential point, two clearly defined components of the snake to which utrumque (‘each of the two’) can refer in accordance with its meaning and the syntax of the sentence. Instead, we find three components, expressed in three parallel ablative phrases, uibrante lingua, micanti cauda and procero corpore, all of equal importance in delineating the snake. And since the whole construction is dependent on one verb, discidere, the normal expectation would be that, whatever words are the antecedent of utrumque, those words would be in the accusative as well; the shift from cauda and corpore in the ablative to utrumque in the accusative, in what is essentially an appositional relationship, is syntactically jarring.
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Tomaz, Margarida, Maria Lobo, Ana Madeira, Carla Soares-Jesel, and Stéphanie Vaz. "Omissão e colocação de clíticos por crianças bilingues Português-Francês." Revista da Associação Portuguesa de Linguística, no. 5 (November 21, 2019): 385–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.26334/2183-9077/rapln5ano2019a25.
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This study investigates clitic omission and clitic placement in Portuguese-French bilingual children. Using two elicited production tasks, we show that the global pattern of development is very similar to the one found in monolingual acquisition: bilingual children are sensitive to the type of clitic (more omission in accusative contexts than in reflexive contexts), syntactic context (higher rates of pronoun production in islands than in simple sentences), and animacy (the rates of omission are always higher with inanimate antecedents). As for clitic placement, although the developmental path is similar to monolinguals, we find higher rates of proclisis in the bilinguals both in enclitic and in proclitic contexts, which may be caused by language transfer from French, although there are individual differences. We also show that a smaller group of Portuguese-French bilingual children who are speakers of the Brazilian Portuguese variety and exposed to European Portuguese in school context (and who are thus not only bilingual, but also bilectal) differ from the European PortugueseFrench bilinguals both in the rates of clitic production and in clitic placement patterns.
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Nolan, Brian. "Word Order Alignment in Three-Argument Constructions of Irish." Roczniki Humanistyczne 69, no. 11 Zeszyt specjalny (2021): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh216911-8s.
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This study examines the ordering of the actor (A), theme (T) and recipient (R) arguments in three-argument clauses, the prepositional ditransitive constructions of Irish. The ordering of the A, T and R arguments in three-argument clauses is an area where linguistic complexity is manifest in the Irish grammar. Across languages, the factors which influence word order adjustments, from a basic word order of A-T-R, are known to include iconicity, information structure and topicalisation, the distinction between given and new information, the effects of the various referential hierarchies, and syntactic weight. We show that some, but not all, of these apply to the Irish data. Under certain conditions, the word order of these Irish three-argument clauses changes in a different alignment. Specifically, if the T is an accusative pronoun then the word order alignment changes and consequently the T occurs after the R in clause final position, yielding an A R-T word order. We argue that post-positioning of the theme PN is due to the alignment effects that can be explained by reference to the nominal and person hierarchies, and their intersection with the principle of syntactic weight. The Irish grammar seems to be disposed to place the accusative object PN T in clause final position in word order, adding an imposed salience. We characterise the effects of the nominal and person hierarchies, and syntactic weight, on word order within these constructions. We use elements of the functional model of Role and Reference Grammar in this characterisation. These word alignment effects raise important questions of the distribution of linguistic complexity across the grammar of Irish, and the interfaces between semantics, and syntax, as well as information structure.
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Mladenovic, Radivoje. "Deklinacija zamenica Z.R.JD. u govorima jugozapadnog dela Kosova i Metohije." Juznoslovenski filolog, no. 65 (2009): 181–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi0965181m.
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Dans la pr?sente ?tude nous analysons les formes de la d?clinaison des pronoms f?minins au singulier dans les parlers du Sud-Ouest du Kosovo et de la Metochie. Dans les limites de la zone ?tudi?e, on distingue deux corpus dialectiques: a) Celui de Prizren - Sud de la Morava qui pr?sente dans la d?clinaison des pronoms f?minins au singulier certaines formes nouvelles caract?ristiques des parlers du type Kosovo - Resava; b) celui du Nord de la montagne Sara, dans lequel n'apparaissent pas ces nouvelles formes. Nous ?tudions s'il existe ou non analogie morphologique entre les formes des substantifs f?minins au singulier et celles des pronoms et adjectifs s'accordant avec eux ( dadi stare zene: dadi starejzi zene dadi stari zeni: dadi starojzi zeni: dadi starojzi zene; ot stare zene: ot starejzi zene: ot starejze zene / ot staru zenu). En analysant les relations morphologiques dans la d?clinaison des pronoms nous avons accorde une attention particuli?re au nouveau ph?nom?ne d'assimilation des formes du g?nitif fem.sing./datif fem.sing./locatif fem.sing., la forme du datif a particule s'?tendant au g?nitif sing. et au locatif sing., ainsi qu'au ph?nom?ne d'assimilation du datif sing. et accusatif sing./ cas r?gime avec la forme du datif qui s'?tend a l'accusatif. .
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Bentley, Delia. "Grammaticalization of subject agreement on evidence from Italo–Romance." Linguistics 56, no. 6 (November 27, 2018): 1245–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2018-0022.
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AbstractIn this paper we consider the grammaticalization of subject agreement adducing first-hand synchronic evidence from presentational VS constructions in Italo-Romance dialects. While the existing literature has placed emphasis on the pragmatic properties of the controller, we explore its semantic properties. We argue that variation in subject agreement can only be fully captured with reference to an independently established semantic scale of subjecthood that is based on the position of arguments in semantic representation, and hence on their lexical entailments.Unaffected actoris the default controller in accusative alignment. The patterns of dialect microvariation arise, in our analysis, from variation in macrorole assignment in presentational focus. Our proposal formalizes at the discourse-semantics-syntax interface the idea that, in presentational VS constructions, the core argument S may be treated as part of the predicate, thus failing to control grammatical subject agreement. This happens in presentational focus because the predication is about an implicit topic. The latter can trigger a type of pronominal agreement that is comparable to Bresnan and Mchombo’s (Bresnan, Joan & Sam A. Mchombo. 1987. Topic, pronoun and agreement in Chichewa.Language63. 741–782) anaphoric agreement. This study provides robust arguments in support of an understanding of subject agreement as the grammaticalization of semantic-relation contrasts, as well as pragmatic-role distinctions.
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Fanego, Teresa. "The Great Complement Shift revisited." Structure of the English NP 23, no. 1 (June 9, 2016): 84–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.23.1.05fan.
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This paper examines the history of the ACC-ing gerundive, a subtype of verbal gerund differing formally from both bare gerundives (I enjoyed reading the paper) and POSS-ing gerundives (I was surprised at Jane’s arriving late) in having an overt subject argument either in the common case, if it is a full noun phrase (Two people worrying about each other, with no external diversion, brews a deadly atmosphere) or in the accusative case, if it is a personal pronoun (You can’t prevent me telling the truth). Findings from a corpus-based study show that early instances of ACC-ing gerundives most often functioned as preverbal sentential subjects and served as arguments to causative predicates such as brew, make and oblige. Based on this evidence, it is argued that ACC-ing gerundives have emerged as an intersection of a number of pre-existing constructions, most especially a subtype of absolute participle, now obsolete, that encoded causative (factive) semantics and preceded its superordinate clause. The development of the new gerundive subtype from this participial source, which proceeded as a succession of small discrete steps, can be fruitfully accounted for as a case of constructional change, along the lines proposed in Hilpert (2013) and Traugott & Trousdale (2013).
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Bishop, D. V. M. "Grammatical errors in specific language impairment: Competence or performance limitations?" Applied Psycholinguistics 15, no. 4 (October 1994): 507–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716400006895.
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ABSTRACTSpeech samples from twelve 8- to 12-year-old children with specific language impairment (SLI) were analyzed. The feature deficit hypothesis maintains that SLI children may produce morphological markers (e.g., plural -s) correctly, but they do not appreciate their role in marking grammatical features. Rather, they treat them as meaningless phonological variants. Findings from the present study were incompatible with this hypothesis: (a) production of morphological markers was not random; errors were unidirectional, in almost all cases involving omission of an inflection in an obligatory context; (b) overregularization errors were sometimes observed; (c) grammatical features differed in difficulty; (d) substitution of stems for inflected forms occurred with irregular as well as regular verbs; and (e) errors of pronoun case marking were common and always involved producing an accusative form in a context demanding the nominative. Children who used a specific inflectional form correctly in some utterances omitted it in others, suggesting a limitation of performance rather than competence. There were few obvious differences between utterances that did and did not include correctly inflected forms, though there was a trend for grammatical errors to occur on words that occurred later in an utterance. It is suggested that slowed processing in a limited capacity system that is handling several operations in parallel may lead to the omission of grammatical morphemes.
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Lazer-Pankiv, Olesia, and Kostiantyn Riabtsev. "PECULARITIES OF EXPRESSING PERSUASIVENESS IN DEMOSTHENES’ PHILIPPICS." Studia Linguistica, no. 15 (2019): 125–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/studling2019.15.125-139.
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The article is devoted to the study of peculiarities of persuasiveness expression in the Demosthenes’ speeches on the material of the first and second Philippics. The analysis of the text of these speeches made it possible to distinguish a number of linguistic and rhetorical means used by the author to increase the level of persuasiveness of the speeches. In particular, emphasis is placed on the Demosthenes’ usage of numerous particles and conjunctions (with different meanings: conditionality, amplification, negation and opposition), syntactic constructions (Genetivus absolutus, Accusativus / Nominativus cum infinitivo), emphatic usage of the personal pronoun in the first person. The rhetorical techniques by which the speaker convinces the audience are identified and commented upon: alternation of direct and impersonal appeals to the audience; paradox, hyperbole, metaphor, erothema, antithesis, rhetorical question, as well as syntactic and semantic pleonasm. Demosthenes combines different principles according to Aristotelian categories of logos (logical reasoning and sequences, calculations of costs), ethos (oaths to Zeus, gods; usage of one’s authority for persuasion; emphasis on service to the common good as the main principle) and pathos (pathetic, sometimes even angry appeals; appeal to strong emotions of listeners).