Journal articles on the topic 'Acholi culture'

AbstractThe article examines the Anglican identity of two Ugandan immigrant communities in Britain and the congregations they have formed in order to foster their social, culture, and spiritual well-being. The two communities are the Acholi, who hail from the northern part of Uganda, and the Baganda from the central region. The former have formed the Acholi London Christian Fellowship while the latter have formed two distinct, yet similar, congregations in two separate London parishes. These are Okusinza mu Luganda (Worship in Luganda) and Ekkanisa y’Oluganda (the Luganda Church). The second is an offshoot of the first one. This article illustrates that religion and ethnicity are often inextricably intertwined, and that for the immigrants, Anglicanism does not merely displace or replace their native culture, but gives it a new sense of direction as they also shape it in the light of their aspirations. In this sense, we can speak of religious ethnicity, which refers to cases where an ethnic group is linked to a religious tradition shared by other ethnic groups.

Language, which is rarely neutral, shapes perception and behavior. Consequently, it plays an important role in relation to conflict and peace. The language of conflict usually functions on the basis of using differences to promote violence. Interviews conducted on land disputes in the post-conflict context of Northern Uganda, showed that language can be used to reduce these differences and affirm dignity thus diffusing tensions. Our preceding studies of conflict discourse within returnee communities have endeavored to show how language use, by imposing certain misrepresentations as legitimate, undermines efforts of social reintegration, perpetuates conditions of negative peace and can pose a threat of returning to conflict.In this study of Gulu elders dealing with post-conflict disputes, language is perceived as a tool of positive peace. Borrowing from the sociocultural theory of mind and its application to concepts of language, the paper shows how language can foster open and inclusive communication and support the pursuit of peaceful cohabitation within returnee communities. It goes on to demonstrate how language, within the cultural institutions of returnee communities, constitutes power that can be used in “languaging” conflict resolution. According to the study, language has embedded within it actual relations of power, so much so that those who control it exercise an enormous influence on how the communities perceive conflict and peace-building and what behaviors they accept in relation to resolving post-conflict disputes.Consequently, the quick revitalization of traditional arrangements of dispute settlement has been possible in the area of Gulu because language is a strong social institution which has enhanced the efforts of peace maintenance in the Acholi post conflict context. Languaging or talking through disputes as an alternative discourse to conflict should be embraced as a strategy of empowering the voiceless. It is an effective and sustainable cost effective strategy for dealing with cyclic disputes especially when applied as complementary to other dispute settlement approaches.

Abstract:Cement pillars and graves play significant roles as land markers in disputes over land in postconflict northern Uganda. Contemporary land cases from Acholi and Ikland display different histories of land use and conflict. In Acholi, cemented graves constitute concrete indices of belonging in wrangles. In Ikland, national nature authorities have brought cement pillars into the landscape. We explore how cemented graves and cement pillars are used for land claims in societies affected by conflict and displacement and how articulations of belonging are created, with the specific materiality of cement signaling modernity, permanence, and inflexibility.

The article looks at the way Acholi in northern Uganda address war-related matters of “peace” and “justice” beyond the mainstream human rights discourse reflecting some of the basic concepts that are decisive for the way people deal with transitional and local justice. The relationality and the segmentary structure of Acholi society play major roles in categorising “peace” and “war” while being at odds with the globalised standards of human rights that have been brought into play by international agencies, civil society and church organisations as well as the Ugandan state. A major argument is that a one-dimensional understanding of the cosmological underpinnings of rituals as a locally embedded tool of transitional justice (TJ) has an impact on the failure of TJ in northern Uganda. Thus the article highlights the specific cultural dilemmas in which the process of peace currently appears to be stuck.

Abstract:Generational tensions are one of the many forms that land conflicts take in northern Uganda. The convention in Acholiland was that young men gained land-use rights through their fathers and young women gained them through their husbands. This pattern of generational governance has become complicated in the wake of the civil war and decades of internment in IDP camps. Lacking husbands, young women are using land of their patrilateral kin, while young men who grew up with their mothers may use that of their matrilateral relatives. This article, based on fieldwork in the Acholi subregion between 2014 and 2016, explores classic anthropological concerns about gerontocracy and patriliny in a contemporary postconflict situation. It describes the discreet land access strategies of young men and women and the ways in which they seek to complement dependence on relatives by renting or buying land. The image of the “war generation” as morally spoiled is countered by an examination of the consequences of war and internment for young people’s claims to use land.

Com a finalidade de estudar a mistura de tanque mais eficiente com cyanazine em aplicação de pré-emergência na cultura algodoeira (Gossypium hirsutum L.) , foram estudados os seguintes tratamentos: cyanazine + diuron nas doses de 0,8 + 0,8 kg i.a/ha e 1,0 + 1,0 kg i.a/ha; cyanazine+ oryzalin , nas do sés de 1,2 + 0,8 kg i.a/ha e 1,6 + 1,2 kg i.a/h a; cyanazyne + metol a chlor, nas doses de 1,4 + 2,0 kg i.a/ha e 1,75 + 2,52 kg i.a/ ha;cianazine na dose de 1,75 kg i.a /ha; oryzalin na dose de 1,12 kg i.a/ha; metol achlor na dose de 2,52 kg i.a /ha e diuron na dose de 1,6 kg i.a /ha. Para efeito de comparação, utilizou-se uma testemunha sem capina e outra com capina manual. Nenhum tratamento apresentou injúria para as plantas de algodão e não houve diferenças significativas para o "stand" inicial. Já no "stand" final, a testemunha sem capina apresentou o menor número de plantas, sendo que não houve diferenças significativas dos outros tratamentos com a testemunha capinada. Para o rendimento, a mistura cyanazine + metolachior em ambas as doses estudadas, não apresentaram diferenças significativas da testemunha capinada. Quanto à altura da planta, peso de 100 sementes, porcentagem e índice de fibras não houve diferenças significativas entre os tratamentos estudados, somente o peso do capulho foi afetado pelo oryzalin. Pela avaliação visual (EWRC 1 a 9)*, os herbicidas apres entaram um controle satisfatório somente até os 30 dias após aplicação, sendo que a mistura cyanazine + metolachlor foi efici ente quanto a testemunha capinada. No controle da Portulaca oleracea , a mistura cyanazine + oryzalin na maior dose e oryzalin apresentaram 71,4% de controle ate os 30 dias e 79,4% e 82,4%, respectivamente, até 45 dias da aplicação. Para Amaranthus sp., à exceção da cyanazine e cyanazine + diuron nas doses menores, não apresentaram nenhum controle, sendo que os outros herbicidas controlaram com eficiência superior a 70%. Para Centratherium punctatum, o cyanazine apresentou 78,2% e 73,4%, respectivamente, após 50 e 45 dias da aplicação. Para Cyperus sp e & Brachiaria plantaginea, o metolachlor sozinho ou em mistura com cyanazine, apresentou uma eficiência de 90% para Cyperus sp. e de 70% para B. plantaginea até 45 dias da aplicação. Para as espécies não dominantes (maioria dicotiledôneas), o melhor controle foi de cyanazine + metol achlor na dose maior, com 70,5% e 60,2%, respectivamente, após 30 e 45 dias da aplicação. Para o total das espécies, cyanazine + metolachlor, em ambas doses estudadas, apresentaram controle de 66,2% e 67,3%, respectivamente, após 30 dias e 63,3% e 64,3%, respectivamente, após 45 dias da aplicação. Para as análises tecnológicas da fibra, não houve diferenças significativas na maturação da fibra, uniformidade de comprimento, índice Macronaire e índice Pressley. No comprimento da fibra, a mistura de cyanazine + diuron(0,8+ 0,8 kg ia/h a), apresentou o maior comprimento (26,1 mm) e cyanazine+ metol achlor (1,75 + 2,52 kg i.a / ha),o menor comprimento (24,9 mm), sem diferenças significativas com as testemunhas.

El presente trabajo recupera las experiencias de enseñanzas construidas durante el 2017 en un espacio de formación de profesores de Artes audiovisuales de la provincia de Santa Fe. Argentina. La elección del recorte temporal cobra significación en tanto fue el comienzo de la enseñanza de la materia en ese profesorado, que inició su trayecto en el 2015. La organización de esta exposición constará de dos grandes ejes que si bien, se relacionan entre sí, remiten a dos escalas de abordajes distintas:1) refiere a la dimensión curricular, concretamente los descriptores curriculares provinciales, donde abordaremos los sentidos y significados respecto a la Antropología Sociocultural y las problemáticas que se seleccionan para su enseñanza y 2) lo que sucede en el cotidiano áulico cuando esos conocimientos circulan, entre estudiantes que construyen su experiencia formativa por fuera de la especificidad del campo Antropológico. A su vez, ambos ejes estarán abordados retomando los aportes de Elena Achilli (2016:23)[1] sobre el potencial pedagógico-didáctico de determinados núcleos problemáticos de la Antropología Sociocultural como son: la diversidad cultural, la noción de Cultura, el quehacer etnográfico, la cotidianeidad social y la lógica sociocultural de los sujetos.Palabras Claves: experiencias de enseñanza, Antropología Sociocultural, políticas educativas [1] Elena Achilli (2016) “Enseñar Antropología. Una Introducción”. Cerletti y Rúa (comp) La enseñanza de la Antropología. Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. UBA.

Introduction: Nasopharyngeal carcinoma is the most common nasopharyngeal malignancy. In recent decades, it has attracted world-wide attention because of complex interactions of genetic, viral, environmental and dietary risk factors, with an etiological association with the malignancy. Nasopharyngeal carcinoma (NPC) is a rare cancer throughout the world, with the exception of Southeast Asia, Southern China and North Africa. The Epstein-Barr virus (EBV) was discovered 38 years ago by electron microscopy of cells cultured from Burkitt’s lymphoma tissue by Epstein, Achong, and Barr. EBV infection is a common infection in Pakistan due to poor socioeconomic conditions but its association with Nasopharyngeal Carcinoma is yet to be firmly established in Pakistani population and there is scarce local data available. Methods: A total of 100 consecutive cases of Nasopharyngeal Carcinoma, over a period of three years (2009-2011) were retrieved and reviewed from the pathology files at the Section of Histopathology, Aga khan University Hospital. Morphological sub classification of Nasopharyngeal carcinoma was done according to WHO. For the detection of EBV, LMP1 immunostain was used. Results: Among total of 100 cases, the male to female ratio was 3:1, with an age range of 13-78 yrs and an average age of 42 yrs. Similar to other regions of world, Non-keratinizing Carcinoma (92%) is the commonest sub-type with a distinct bimodal age distribution, followed by Keratinizing Squamous Cell Carcinoma (8%) but there were no cases of Basaloid Squamous Cell Cacinoma. EBV-LMP 1 staining was demonstrated in 75/92 cases (81%), while all cases of Keratinizing Squamous Cell Carcinoma were negative for EBV-LMP 1 staining. Conclusion: Prognostic impact of LMP-1 on Nasopharyngeal carcinoma is still unclear and also there are controversial studies regarding the prognostic effect of EBV on chemotherapy and radiotherapy, it is paramount that EBV positive and EBV negative patients be investigated for response to therapy to establish the importance of EBV association in nasopharyngeal carcinoma patients. The association with EBV is also very important because with ongoing research in the etiological basis of the tumors (associated with EBV) patients may also benefit from emerging immunotherapy used in these tumors. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ajms.v5i4.9592 Asian Journal of Medical Sciences 2014 Vol.5(4); 16-20

Objetiva-se, nesse artigo, investigar aspectos da cultura popular que envolvem a relação de consumo e troca presentes na "Feira da Barganha" de Sorocaba. A feira oferece um espaço popular designado à troca e venda de bens de consumo desde 1978. Para tanto, utilizamos a análise de registros fotográficos. Essas imagens permitem uma reflexão pontual a partir de uma abordagem etnográfica sob os conceitos de Achuti (2004). A fotoetnografia, enquanto metodologia adotada permite explorar o potencial significativo das imagens registradas, sobretudo, apreender a manifestação do comércio, o caráter lúdico e a possibilidade de integração social. Com o intuito de contribuir com essas análises, valemo-nos de Maffesoli (2007) para delinear concepções contemporâneas dos relacionamentos sociais e dos conceitos de Hall (2005) sobre a construção da identidade cultural. A relevância deste trabalho está em refletir sobre aspectos da comunicação que caracterizam a manifestação da cultura popular e sua importância na região de Sorocaba.Palavras-Chave: Cultura Popular Contemporaneidade. Feira da Barganha. FotoetnografiaCommunication and popular culture: a photo ethnographic approach regarding the purchasing and exchange at "Feira da Barganha" of SorocabaAbstractThis article aims investigating the aspects of the popular culture involved in the buying and exchanging at the "feira da barganha" of Sorocaba. The fair has offered a designated place for exchanging and buying goods since 1978. Therefore, the analysis of photographic records is being used. These images allow a punctual reflexion from an ethnographic approach under the Achuti (2004) concepts. The photoethnography, when adopted as a methodology allows exploring the significant potential of the registered images, mainly to apprehend the manifestation of trading, the ludic character and the possibility of social integration. With the objective of contributing to these analysis, we make use of Maffesoli (2007) to delineate contemporary conceptions of social relationships, and concepts of Hall (2005) on the construction of cultural identity. The relevance of this paper is to reflect on aspects of communication that characterize the manifestation of popular culture and its importance in the region of Sorocaba.Key words: Popular Culture. Contemporaneity. Feira da Barganha. Photo etnography.

The civil war between the Uganda Peoples' Defence Forces (UPDF) and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rages on in Northern Uganda, leaving behind a trail of kidnappings, death and destruction despite measures to protect civilians. Ultimate security for the Acholi and others who live in the North will only come about with an end to the12-year-old conflict, which would be accomplished by negotiations between the two sides. Unfortunately, misinformation -- and a noticeable lack of information, especially from the LRA--are major impediments to determining the war's root causes and who is responsible for the instability. This paper argues that, for a successful end to the war, the government must cease its propaganda war, which is mainly being played out in an uncritical and biased media, and the LRA must be clear about its message. Honest discussion and analytical reporting will greatly facilitate the negotiation process.

Abstract Background In the parkland agroforestry system of northern Uganda, smallholder farming households rely on a diversity of plant species to fulfil their nutritional requirements, many of which also serve a range of medicinal, cultural, and livelihood functions. The purpose of the study was to assemble an inventory of indigenous plant species used as food in four districts within the Aswa River catchment of northern Uganda, and to document their utilization and management by rural communities. Methods From July 1999 to August 2000, a series of 61 community-based focus group discussions on the utilization of plant biodiversity were conducted in the vernacular language at 34 sites in four districts of northern Uganda, with participation by key informants self-selected on basis of their technical knowledge and personal interest. Of these, 232 respondents subsequently contributed to a collection of herbarium specimens, which were submitted to the Makerere University Herbarium for identification. On receipt of each specimen collected, a structured interview was conducted to document the botanical, ecological, seasonal, and alimentary attributes of each identified taxon, and details of its processing and utilization by the community from which it was obtained. The data analysis was undertaken during 2019 and 2020, including statistical tests to assess the relative importance of the cited taxa using the Relative Importance Index (RI), and to determine the similarity of edible plant use between the four cultures using the Jaccard Index of similarity (JI). Results Key informant interviews yielded 1347 use reports (URs) for 360 identified specimens of 88 indigenous edible plant species. The data describes patterns of use of indigenous edible plants of four cultures of the Aswa River catchment of northern Uganda. RI scores ranged from 0.93 to 0.11, with fruit trees occupying the top 25 taxa (RI 0.45 and above). Jaccard similarity scores ranged from 25.8% between Lango and Acholi, to 15.8% between Acholi and Ethur, indicating that cultural factors appear to be more significant than shared ancestry as determinants of cultural similarity of plant use. Conclusions The data constitute an inventory of on-farm plant species, including cultivated, semi-cultivated, and wild plants, integrated into a parkland agroforestry system in which useful trees and other plant species are sustained and managed under cultivation. Agricultural and on-farm plant biodiversity may be seen as a food security resource, and a nutritional buffer against increasing risks and stressors on low-input smallholder agriculture. Further studies should assess the intra-species biodiversity of these resources, with respect to farmer-valued traits and vernacular (folk) classification systems.

In human myotubes cultured from biopsies of normal subjects and dystrophic patients we investigated, with the patch-clamp technique, the activation properties of the nicotinic acetylcholine receptor (AChoR) in the presence of acetylcholine and suberyldicholine. The single-channel conductance and the lifetime of the openings were not found to differ. In contrast, the average frequency of openings was about four times higher in Duchenne muscular dystrophy (DMD) myotubes in the presence of equal amounts of acetylcholine, but not of suberyldicholine. The most reasonable conclusion from this observation is that the behaviour of the AChoR is not altered in DMD cells but that there is a greater average concentration of ACho molecules present around AChoRs. This leads to the tentative conclusion that the activity of the enzyme acetylcholinesterase (AChoE) is impaired by some unknown mechanism in the dystrophic myotube.

Weapons as Sign of Prestige, Ritual Attribute, and Indicator of Mutual Contacts in Barbaricum in Late Pre-Roman and Roman Periods. Not only had had weapons the practical, martial functions, but they had also played an important role in the construction and expression of the image, status in the society, identity, and mythology of the social category of warriors (Fig. 1). Swords and spears in legends and myths have their names and ‘personality’ (Fig. 2). Their symbolic functions explain the particular treatment of weapons in magic or ritual contexts, in burials or in bog offerings. Importance of weapons as indicators of social status, prestige, and also certain magical or religious content, is clearly visible in the rituals of the Germanic societies of Barbaricum in the Late Pre-Roman and Roman Period. The Przeworsk culture materials are highly suitable for such studies, as the burial rites of that culture involved depositing large numbers of weapons in graves. Another, complementary source of information, are written sources; most important among them is “Germania“ by Tacitus.For the Przeworsk culture population the main and most important part of military equipment was aspear. This is confirmed by the archaeological finds: spearheads are the most numerous militaria found in burials. According to “Germania“, weapons were treated as indicators of free warriors and strong carriers of symbolic meanings. That is why the heads of shafted weapons (spears and javelins) are often decorated. The types of ornamentation were adapted from Celts – richly decorated specimens are known from the La Tène culture (Fig. 3)– but, most probably, executed by local smiths (Fig. 4:1). Spearheads dated to the Roman Period, were often decorated with incised zigzags (Fig. 4:6). Agroup of artefacts with inlaid ornament of special signs and complicated motifs (circles, crescents, triskelions, triangles, double forks) are known from the Roman Period (Figs. 4:2–5). One cannot comprehend their meaning today, but the repetitiveness of certain motifs may indicate that this type of ornament was not accidental, but had aparticular meaning. Some of these signs are similar to Sarmatian tamgas, what could be aresult of various contacts and interactions with the Sarmatian people. Afew artefacts were equipped with runic inscriptions (Fig. 4:8), which could be aname of the owner, or name of the weapon, or of the smith, who manufactured it. Besides these spectacular ornaments, there are less visible but important marks placed on sockets. Some spearheads were provided with small holes on socket joints, which could have been used to fix some organic pennants (Fig. 4:7). The signs placed on heads were probably supposed to fulfil amagical, protective function, maybe increasing effectiveness of the weapon. The richly decorated spears probably also had aspecial use in some ritual practices, during gatherings, things, maybe weddings, and brotherhood pledges. They could have served as military standards.Shields were most probably also decorated, but organic materials – wood and leather – could survive only in very specific conditions e.g. bogs. From other sites only metal fittings are known. Ceremonial shields with bosses, grips or edge fittings made of precious metals, often with additional decorations, come from the graves of local aristocrats (Fig. 5:1). Interesting is the fact of decorating grips – that is the elements of ashield invisible from the outside (Fig. 5:2).Asword remained an elite, important, and, perhaps, expensive weapon. Celtic swords and scabbards were very richly decorated with ornaments of great aesthetic value, and at the same time having asignificant symbolic meaning, e.g. adragon pair motif, which, probably, performed an apotropaic function, but could have also been asign of having belonged to aspecific elite of warriors, asymbol of rank and military successes (Fig. 6). Roman swords were sometimes decorated with inlay – mainly depictions of deities: Mars and Victoria, or symbols of victory, such as wreath or palm branch, clearly visible only by the person holding the sword. They probably served as amagical protection (Fig. 7:1, 2). One of the most interesting motifs reflecting aspecific aesthetics and symbolism of the military elite are stylised representations of ravens. Like other animals, which accompany the battle, feeding on the dead, they were guides on the way to Valhalla (Figs. 7:3, 4).Despite the obvious differences in the panoply of warriors of various groups or tribes, recorded as differences of archaeological cultures, it is difficult to clearly state to what extent the type of used weapons could be asign of identity, belonging to aspecific ethnic group. An interesting proof that Roman armourers respect the preferences of their clients is aunique scabbard of unknown provenience, now in the Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum in Mainz. It has arich figural decoration divided into fields, two of which: with agriffon and arider, are of east Celtic or Thracian origin. The other representations are in the Roman style: afigure of anude deity and arepresentation of an emperor (Fig. 8). It may be treated as aspecial gift produced in the Roman workshop for aCeltic or Thracian ally.In the armament of the Przeworsk culture, apart from the obvious imports from the Roman Empire, one can point to military items from other regions inside the Barbaricum. e.g. from Scandinavia. Exchange of weapons, ceremonial gifts, could result in acquisition of ‘foreign’ items. Inter-tribal contacts of military elites, mostly retinues, are confirmed also by the Tacitus’ Germania. An excellent example of the mobility of groups of warriors is the extremely interesting small grave field dated to the Late Pre-Roman Period, in Mutyn (northern Ukraine).Indication of contacts of the military elites are the ceremonial weapons clearly suggesting the high status of the owner/user. As an example can serve shields from the Early Roman Period with rich decoration of elaborated silver fittings known from the Przeworsk culture, northern Germany, Denmark, and Norway (Fig. 9).The association of certain types of military objects with specific regions has become the basis for attempts to recreate certain historical events. This is especially true of finds from Danish bog deposits in which, at least in some stages of use, weapons of the defeated invaders were laid.An extremely interesting example of aunique weapons, that allows to trace long--distance contacts, are very specific spearheads, the blades of which were made of fragments of broken swords mounted in acut socket. The manufacturing technique itself – inserting the blade into aslot cut in the socket – is known from Hunnic-Sarmatian sites from southern Russia, Caucasus, and western Kazakhstan (Fig. 10). Re-making asword into aspearhead possibly had more than just apractical reason – the aim was to preserve the damaged sword, perhaps avaluable heirloom. Reforging of abroken precious sword into aspear is mentioned in the saga of Gísli Súrsson.Weapons played important role in burial rites, as an indicator of social status, and had perhaps also acertain magical or religious meaning. Avery interesting procedure – intentional depositing of the remains of one deceased inside amuch earlier grave – was observed in the burial ground in Oblin, distr. Garwolin. The care taken in burying agreat warrior/leader, whose rank is confirmed by the exceptional set of weapons, in aburial of agreat warrior/leader from the earlier times, indicates the importance of the military elites (Fig. 11).The military equipment deposited in graves was, in accordance with the burial rites, destroyed, yet the form and degree of the damage was different (Fig. 12). The phenomenon of ritual destruction of weapons has been the subject of many analyses and various attempts have been made to explain it e.g. as practice to avoid stealing valuable items or to protect from the coming back of ‘living dead’. The most likely explanation is ‘killing’ the object, so that it could advance to the afterlife with its owner.Another interesting ritual observed at the Przeworsk culture cemeteries is sticking spearheads (originally spears) in the walls or bottom of grave pits or piercing the burned bones in an urn. The meaning of such ritual is not clear: maybe it was away to connect the dead with the underground realm of the death or prevent them from coming back as ‘walking dead’? Another, less convincing possibility is that the shafts of the stuck spears were left above, to mark the grave (Figs. 13, 14:1–5). Arare practice was observed in the Late Pre-Roman time – asword was carefully placed along the very edge of the grave pit, forming aborder between the filling of the grave and sand outside (Fig. 14:6). Shields also served as important element of aburial rite. Shield-bosses were found, placed spike down beneath an urn or, in other cases, they covered the vessel, what, probably can be understood as magical protection (Fig. 14:7–9). At the Przeworsk culture burial grounds shield-bosses were sometimes used as containers for remains of the deceased, small pieces of grave goods, and burned bones, so they functioned as urns (Fig. 15). Unique finds of helmets, one from Siemiechów, distr. Łask, other two from the cemetery Mutyn in Ukraine also served as urns (Fig. 16).As aresult of ritual treatment should be interpreted finds of fragments of broken weapons deliberately placed in graves, often burials of small children. The apotropaic meaning of those artefacts in graves seems most obvious, however the pars pro toto interpretation is not impossible. In the cemetery in Opatów, distr. Kłobuck, in grave 1186, achild was furnished with niello inlaid box-shaped chape of Roman scabbard, which most probably was treated as an amulet (Fig. 17:1). In some cases the primary function of weapons was changed. In afew female burials the strips of the chain-mail with attached miniatures of shields and tools were found. They can be treated as parts of women’s attire, but it is more probable that ring-mail fragments were used as amulets (Fig. 17:2, 3).Another special treatment of weapons as the ‘rite matter’ are finds of offerings. Military equipment was deposited in bogs, lakes or rivers – and is interpreted as offerings for gods. Finds from rivers are not numerous, in most cases represented by single swords, some with scabbards and some without. Most probably this idea was adopted, among many others, from the Celts (Fig. 18).