Journal articles: 'Acquaintance rape victims Blame'

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Brown, Amy L., Jada Horton, and Ariel Guillory. "The Impact of Victim Alcohol Consumption and Perpetrator Use of Force on Perceptions in an Acquaintance Rape Vignette." Violence and Victims 33, no. 1 (2018): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.33.1.40.

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Research suggests that victims of incapacitated rape (when someone has sex with a person who is unable to consent to or resist sexual activity, usually because of intoxication) face higher levels of victim blame than do victims of forcible rape (Krahé, Temkin, & Bieneck, 2007). However, it is not clear whether blame is the result of victim alcohol consumption or the lack of force and resistance present during incapacitated rape; both of these factors have been shown to increase victim blame. The current vignette study crossed victim alcohol consumption and perpetrator use of force. We found main effects of both independent variables on judgments of victim responsibility, but no interaction, suggesting that the effects of alcohol and force are additive rather than interactive. These results indicate that victims of incapacitated rape may indeed face challenges upon disclosing their assaults.

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Ayala, Erin E., Brandy Kotary, and Maria Hetz. "Blame Attributions of Victims and Perpetrators: Effects of Victim Gender, Perpetrator Gender, and Relationship." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 33, no. 1 (August 11, 2015): 94–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260515599160.

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Although research has been conducted on rape myth acceptance (RMA) and other factors associated with attribution formation, researchers have not yet determined how the combination of such factors simultaneously affects levels of victim blame and perpetrator blame. The current investigation recruited 221 students from an all-women’s college to examine differences in blame attributions across RMA, victim gender, and perpetrator gender, and the relationship between the two parties (i.e., stranger vs. acquaintance). Results suggested that RMA, victim gender, and perpetrator gender account for a significant amount of variance in blame attributions for both victims and perpetrators. In sum, victim blame with female perpetrators was relatively consistent across levels of RMA, but increased substantially for male perpetrators as individuals endorsed higher levels of RMA. Perpetrator blame, however, was highest with male perpetrators when individuals endorsed low levels of RMA and lowest for male perpetrators when individuals endorsed relatively higher levels of RMA. Findings demonstrate the continued influence of RMA on blame attributions for both victims and perpetrators, and the stigma faced by male victims. More research is needed on the differing attributions of male and female victims and perpetrators, as well as differing attributions based on type of relationship. Such research will lead to a better and more thorough understanding of sexual assault and rape.

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Orchowski, Lindsay M., Amy S. Untied, and Christine A. Gidycz. "Factors Associated With College Women’s Labeling of Sexual Victimization." Violence and Victims 28, no. 6 (2013): 940–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-12-00049.

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Despite high rates of sexual assault among college women, most victims do not label the experience as sexual assault or rape. Prior research examining labeling of sexual victimization has focused on women’s characterization of rape experiences as either not victimization or victimization. This study extends prior research by exploring factors associated with labeling various forms of sexual victimization as “not victimization,” a “serious miscommunication,” or a “sexual assault, date rape, rape, or crime.” A sample of 1,060 college women reported on their experiences of sexual victimization since the age of 14 years. Women who reported experiences of prior sexual victimization (n = 371) indicated their level of acquaintance with the assailant, assault disclosure, substance use at time of assault, attributions of self- and perpetrator-blame for the assault, and labeling of the experience. Most women who reported experiences of sexual victimization did not self-identify as victims, and 38% labeled sexual victimization as a serious miscommunication. Greater acquaintance with the perpetrator, higher behavioral self-blame, and victim substance use at the time of the assault were associated with labeling sexual assault experiences as a serious miscommunication. Implications are discussed.

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Kormos, Katherine C., and Charles I. Brooks. "Acquaintance Rape: Attributions of Victim Blame by College Students and Prison Inmates as a Function of Relationship Status of Victim and Assailant." Psychological Reports 74, no. 2 (April 1994): 545–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1994.74.2.545.

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53 male college students and 37 male prison inmates completed a questionnaire evaluating an hypothetical rape scenario with a male perpetrator and a female victim. The college students assigned equal blame to the victim regardless of whether the assailant was a stranger or an acquaintance, but the inmates assigned more blame to the victim when the assailant was a stranger than an acquaintance. The results may be interpreted as showing a greater awareness of date or acquaintance rape among the college population than among the prison population.

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Fischer, Gloria J. "Effects of Drinking by the Victim or Offender on Verdicts in a Simulated Trial of an Acquaintance Rape." Psychological Reports 77, no. 2 (October 1995): 579–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1995.77.2.579.

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College students, 232 women and 151 men, read a simulated trial of rape by an acquaintance under one of four conditions: victim only drinking, offender only drinking, and both drinking or neither drinking before the alleged assault. How much students blamed the victim or offender for what happened and their verdict were unaffected by these conditions. Yet students rated alcohol consumption as having contributed to the alleged assault. Apparently, they simply did not attribute blame to consuming alcohol. How much students blamed the victim and the offender and having been or having known a rape victim predicted jurors' verdicts with 89% accuracy.

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Fischer, Gloria J. "Cognitive Predictors of Not-Guilty Verdicts in a Simulated Acquaintance Rape Trial." Psychological Reports 68, no. 3_suppl (June 1991): 1199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1991.68.3c.1199.

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Cognitive predictors, such as relatively accepting attitudes toward forcible date rape, helped identify self-reported sexually coercive college students and were expected to help identify students voting not guilty in a simulated acquaintance rape trial. To test this hypothesis college students self-administered in random order (1) an anonymous sex survey measuring attitudes toward forcible date rape, attitudes toward women, sexual experience, including victimization, sexual permissiveness, and sexual knowledge and (2) a trial survey based on a simulated acquaintance rape trial. Only gender and cognitive variables from the trial (e.g., being male, tending to blame the victim, and uncertainty about one's verdict) identified not guilty verdicts above chance expectancy. Thus, the hypothesis that the cognitive predictors measured here would help identify students voting not guilty in a simulated acquaintance rape trial was not supported.

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Angelone, D. J., Damon Mitchell, and Danielle Smith. "The Influence of Gender Ideology, Victim Resistance, and Spiking a Drink on Acquaintance Rape Attributions." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 33, no. 20 (February 24, 2016): 3186–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260516635318.

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The current study examined observer’s attributions about the victim and perpetrator of an alleged acquaintance rape. Participants included 504 college students from a public university in the northeastern United States who read a brief crime report and completed a series of questionnaires for course credit. While men tended to attribute more blame to the victim than women, gender ideology emerged as a stronger predictor of rape attributions, and some types of sexist beliefs were associated with greater victim blaming and others with less victim blaming. Endorsement of hostile sexism, rape myths, and heterosexual intimacy was generally associated with the attribution of greater victim culpability, as well as less perpetrator culpability, perpetrator criminality, and victim credibility. However, complementary gender differentiation was associated with greater perpetrator culpability and criminality, while protective paternalism was associated with greater victim credibility. Observers attributed lower victim culpability and greater perpetrator criminality when the victim’s drink was spiked, and attributed greater perpetrator culpability when the victim verbally resisted the perpetrator’s advances. Given the implications that observer attitudes can have on professional and personal support for survivors, as well as juror decision making, the ongoing examination of the complex interplay between the person and situational factors affecting attributions of rape is essential. Sexual assault prevention programs may also benefit from a psychoeducational component that targets reducing traditional gender ideology.

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Persson, Sofia, Katie Dhingra, and Sarah Grogan. "Attributions of victim blame in stranger and acquaintance rape: A quantitative study." Journal of Clinical Nursing 27, no. 13-14 (April 17, 2018): 2640–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jocn.14351.

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Abrams, Dominic, G. Tendayi Viki, Barbara Masser, and Gerd Bohner. "Perceptions of stranger and acquaintance rape: The role of benevolent and hostile sexism in victim blame and rape proclivity." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 84, no. 1 (2003): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.84.1.111.

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Masser, Barbara, Kate Lee, and Blake M. McKimmie. "Bad Woman, Bad Victim? Disentangling the Effects of Victim Stereotypicality, Gender Stereotypicality and Benevolent Sexism on Acquaintance Rape Victim Blame." Sex Roles 62, no. 7-8 (May 20, 2009): 494–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11199-009-9648-y.

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Stuart, Shannon M., Blake M. McKimmie, and Barbara M. Masser. "Rape Perpetrators on Trial: The Effect of Sexual Assault–Related Schemas on Attributions of Blame." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34, no. 2 (March 28, 2016): 310–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260516640777.

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Research has consistently shown that jurors are influenced by multiple schemas in cases of alleged sexual assault, including offense stereotypes and victim stereotypes. These schemas appear to be organized in a hierarchy, as victim stereotypicality seems to matter most in acquaintance assaults (counter-stereotypical offense). However, despite numerous studies demonstrating the impact of defendant stereotypes on juror perceptions of guilt for other crimes, to date, the impact of stereotypes about defendants (perpetrators) in cases involving sexual violence have been overlooked. As such, the current research aimed to build on the existing hierarchical schema model by systematically examining the influence of perpetrator stereotypes. Following pilot work, mock jurors’ ( N = 163) read a rape scenario that varied in terms of offense stereotypicality (stereotypical, counter-stereotypical), victim stereotypicality (stereotypical, counter-stereotypical), and perpetrator stereotypicality (stereotypical, counter-stereotypical). Broadly consistent effects of offense stereotypicality and victim stereotypicality were observed across the outcome measures, such that the victim was perceived more positively and the perpetrator more negatively when the victim was described as being stereotypical and when the offense was described as stereotypical. However, contrary to past findings, the effect of victim stereotypicality did not differ as a function of offense stereotypicality. Furthermore, perpetrator stereotypicality did not influence perceptions in the stereotypical offense scenario. These findings suggest that contrary to the assertions of previous research, there is not a series of specific, individual stereotypes that impact attributions of blame, rather, there may be one underlying schema about consent that influences perceptions. These findings have important implications for how we address the effect of juror-held schemas on attributions of blame in cases of sexual assault.

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Qi, Sandie J., Louise C. Starfelt, and Katherine M. White. "Attributions of responsibility, blame and justifiability to a perpetrator and victim in an acquaintance rape scenario: the influence of Marijuana intoxication." Journal of Sexual Aggression 22, no. 1 (April 24, 2015): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13552600.2015.1025868.

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Levine-MacCombie, Joyce, and Mary P. Koss. "Acquaintance Rape: Effective Avoidance Strategies." Psychology of Women Quarterly 10, no. 4 (December 1986): 311–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1986.tb00756.x.

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To date, research on effective rape avoidance strategies has involved media-recruited, acknowledged rape victims and avoiders, most of whom were assaulted by total strangers. In the present study, rape avoidance research was extended to a sample of acquaintance rape victims and avoiders who were located by a self-report survey that identified women who both do and do not conceptualize their assaults as rape. The study's goal was to determine whether acknowledged rape victims, unacknowledged rape victims, and rape avoiders could be discriminated by situational variables including the response strategies used in the assault. Victims and avoiders were significantly discriminated. Compared to rape victims, avoiders (1) were less likely to have experienced passive or internalizing emotions at the time of the assault, (2) perceived the assault as less violent, and (3) were more likely to have utilized active response strategies (i.e., running away and screaming). The results suggest that the major findings of existing research on stranger rape avoidance are generalizable to acquaintance rape. However, concerns are expressed over methodological limitations of research on rape avoidance from the victim's perspective.

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Pascale, Melissa, and David Lester. "The Blame Attributed to Rape Victims." Psychological Reports 84, no. 3 (June 1999): 880. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1999.84.3.880.

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Kahn, Arnold S., Virginia Andreoli Mathie, and Cyndee Torgler. "Rape Scripts and Rape Acknowledgment." Psychology of Women Quarterly 18, no. 1 (March 1994): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1994.tb00296.x.

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Past research has indicated that nearly half of college-aged women who experience forced, nonconsensual sexual intercourse, do not label their experience as rape. We found evidence that these unacknowledged rape victims possess more violent, stranger rape scripts than do acknowledged rape victims, who are more likely to have an acquaintance rape script. The difference in rape scripts between acknowledged and unacknowledged rape victims was not due to different demographics or actual rape experience. However, unacknowledged victims did have a sexual history which involved less force than did acknowledged victims. Apparently, most unacknowledged victims do not define their rape experience as rape because they have a rape script of a violent, stranger, blitz rape which does not match their experience of being raped in a less forceful manner by someone with whom they were acquainted. The extent to which their less forceful sexual histories is related to their more violent rape scripts remains to be investigated.

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Tetreault, Patricia A., and Mark A. Barnett. "Reactions to Stranger and Acquaintance Rape." Psychology of Women Quarterly 11, no. 3 (September 1987): 353–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1987.tb00909.x.

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The purpose of the present study was to investigate females' and males' reactions to a woman who presumably had been raped by a stranger or an acquaintance. Eighty undergraduates, 40 women and 40 men, read one of two rape descriptions prior to watching a videotape of the woman who (they were led to believe) had been the victim of the rape. Female and male subjects were found to have markedly different reactions to stranger and acquaintance rape and rape victims.

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Idisis, Yael, and Alice Edoute. "Attribution of blame to rape victims and offenders, and attribution of severity in rape cases." International Review of Victimology 23, no. 3 (June 6, 2017): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758017711980.

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This article examines Wolf’s hypothesis of modular judgment in the context of rape myths and attribution of blame to rape victims. Modular judgment was operationalized using blame schemata suited to judgment of everyday aggression. Each of 88 female participants, of whom 29 were sexual trauma survivor therapists, 29 were sex offender therapists and 30 were non-therapists, was presented with written descriptions of 16 rapes, which included information regarding the victim’s behaviors before (her prior sexual experience), during (the kind and the degree of the resistance she exhibited) and after the rape (meeting or not meeting with the attacker). Dependent variables were attribution of blame to the survivor, attribution of blame to the attacker and judgments regarding severity of the rape. As expected, the therapists attributed less blame to the survivors and more blame to the attacker, and judged the rapes as slightly more severe than did non-therapist participants. For all participants in this study, the survivor’s behavior after the rape carried the greatest weight regarding attribution of responsibility to her. These results are discussed in terms of the theories of modular judgment and defensive attribution, and the just world theory. We recommend further investigations with regard to the perceived connection between survivors’ behaviors after a rape and blame attribution.

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Koss, Mary P., Thomas E. Dinero, Cynthia A. Seibel, and Susan L. Cox. "Stranger and Acquaintance Rape: Are There Differences In the Victim's Experience?" Psychology of Women Quarterly 12, no. 1 (March 1988): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1988.tb00924.x.

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Most published research on the victim–offender relationship has been based on small samples that consisted mainly of women who were raped by nonintimate and nonromantic acquaintances, who viewed their experience as rape, and/or who were seeking treatment. In the present study, 489 rape victims were located among a national sample of 3, 187 female college students by a self-report survey that avoided reliance on helpseekers. Two sets of comparisons were performed. First, the experiences reported by victims of stranger rape ( n = 52) were compared with those of victims of acquaintance rape ( n = 416). Then, the experiences of women assaulted by different types of acquaintances were compared including nonromantic acquaintances ( n = 122), casual dates ( n = 103), steady dates ( n = 147), and spouses or other family members ( n = 44). Rapes by acquaintances, compared with strangers, were more likely to involve a single offender and multiple episodes, were less likely to be seen as rape or to be revealed to anyone, and were similar in terms of the victim's resistance. In general, acquaintance rapes were rated as less violent than stranger rapes. The exception was rapes by husbands or other family members which were rated equally violent to stranger rapes but were much less likely to occur in a context of drinking or other drug use. In spite of these different crime characteristics, virtually no differences were found among any of the groups in their levels of psychological symptoms. A significant feature of these data is that they have tapped the experiences of unreported and unacknowledged rape victims, a group that is potentially much larger than the group of identified victims.

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Murdoch, Annaliese, and Karen Gonsalkorale. "Attributions of Blame in Acquaintance Rape Scenarios: The Role of Blame Scale Presentation Order." Psychiatry, Psychology and Law 24, no. 6 (May 9, 2017): 853–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13218719.2017.1315787.

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Dupuis, Erin C., and Jason A. Clay. "The Role of Race and Respectability in Attributions of Responsibility for Acquaintance Rape." Violence and Victims 28, no. 6 (2013): 1085–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-12-00013.

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Previous researchers have explored the role of race and respectability, independently, on attributions of responsibility; however, the interaction between race and respectability has not been analyzed in situations of acquaintance rape. Participants (N = 241) read a vignette detailing a case of acquaintance rape that manipulated the race of both the victim and the perpetrator and the respectability of the victim. Regression and ANOVA analyses indicated that victim race and respectability interacted in such a way that when Black victims were respectable, they were held less responsible than respectable White victims; however, less respected Black victims were held more responsible than less respected White victims. Manipulating perpetrator race revealed surprising results; the White perpetrator was found guilty more often than the Black perpetrator (although this appeared to be related to victim race).

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Hammock, Georgina S., and Deborah R. Richardson. "Perceptions of Rape: The Influence of Closeness of Relationship, Intoxication and Sex of Participant." Violence and Victims 12, no. 3 (January 1997): 237–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.12.3.237.

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Intoxication of the assailant and/or victim is often mentioned in relation to acquaintance rape. The present study tests how independent observers use this information in their perceptions of acquaintance and stranger rape. One hundred and forty-nine females and 104 males read scenarios depicting a sexual assault and made attributions of responsibility for the rape and evaluated the actors. Victims’ intoxication consistently influenced perceptions of victim culpability as well as respondent evaluation of her. The impact of closeness of relationship was much more complex and less consistent than the effects of victim intoxication.

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Anderson, Michelle J. "Diminishing the Legal Impact of Negative Social Attitudes Toward Acquaintance Rape Victims." New Criminal Law Review 13, no. 4 (2010): 644–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.4.644.

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Rape law often condemns females who are not chaste and excuses males who act with sexual entitlement. Rape law has been a significant site for the valorization of female chastity and constraint, on the one hand, and male prowess and freedom, on the other. It continues to reflect the sexism of a culture resistant to ceding male control over sexuality. Legal reform of rape law over the past forty years has greatly helped those who experience stranger rape that includes violence extrinsic to the rape itself. However, this generation of reform did not sufficiently help those whose experiences are more common: those raped by acquaintances without extrinsic violence. To tackle this larger problem, the law must undergo another generation of renewal, one that works affirmatively to diminish the legal impact of negative social attitudes toward acquaintance rape victims. Tis article proposes a range of legal reforms to that end.

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Sheldon, Jane P., and Sandra L. Parent. "Clergy's Attitudes and Attributions of Blame Toward Female Rape Victims." Violence Against Women 8, no. 2 (February 2002): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10778010222183026.

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Branscombe, Nyla R., Michael J. A. Wohl, Susan Owen, Julie A. Allison, and Ahogni N'gbala. "Counterfactual Thinking, Blame Assignment, and Well-Being in Rape Victims." Basic and Applied Social Psychology 25, no. 4 (December 2003): 265–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15324834basp2504_1.

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WHATLEY, MARK A., and RONALD E. RIGGIO. "Gender Differences in Attributions of Blame for Male Rape Victims." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 8, no. 4 (December 1993): 502–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626093008004005.

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Littleton, Heather, Amie Grills-Taquechel, and Danny Axsom. "Impaired and Incapacitated Rape Victims: Assault Characteristics and Post-Assault Experiences." Violence and Victims 24, no. 4 (August 2009): 439–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.24.4.439.

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Alcohol is the most common “rape drug,” with up to two-thirds of victims consuming alcohol prior to the assault. Surprisingly, little research has examined the assault and postassault experiences of victims who were impaired or incapacitated as a result of substance use, including alcohol, during a rape. Thus, the current study evaluated the assault and postassault experiences of a sample of 340 nonimpaired, impaired, and incapacitated college rape victims. Results supported that these three groups differed in several assault characteristics, including threats by the assailant, resistance by the victim, and relationship with the assailant. In addition, impairment and incapacitation were associated with several postassault factors, including self-blame, stigma, and problematic alcohol use. Results also highlighted similarities in victims’ experiences, including levels of postassault distress. Implications of the findings for future research investigating impaired and incapacitated sexual assault victims are discussed.

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Hastings, Julie A. "Silencing State-Sponsored Rape in and beyond a Transnational Guatemalan Community." Violence Against Women 8, no. 10 (October 2002): 1153–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107780120200801002.

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Although rape by soldiers occurred frequently during the recent civil war in Guatemala, rape survivors’ own accounts have been excluded from public testimonials of state violence. It is commonly assumed that cultural ideologies that blame and stigmatize rape victims are responsible for the underreporting of rape in war. Based on ethnographic research in a transnational Guatemalan community, this article challenges the claim that local culture silences survivors of state-sponsored rape. Rather, it demonstrates the ways national and international forces collude in the depoliticization of rape and the silencing of rape survivors.

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Forst, Linda S., J. Timothy Lightfoot, and Arthur Burrichter. "Familiarity with Sexual Assault and Its Relationship to the Effectiveness of Acquaintance Rape Prevention Programs." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 12, no. 1 (February 1996): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104398629601200103.

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This study examined the effectiveness of two rape prevention programs on rape-supportive beliefs among college students. The effectiveness was examined in terms of whether or not the students knew someone who had been sexually assaulted, knew someone who had committed a sexual assault, or were themselves a victim of sexual assault. The participants were divided into three groups. One group participated in a didactic rape prevention program involving primarily lecture and video instruction. The second group participated in an experiential rape prevention program utilizing improvisational theater. The third group was the control group. The 55 participants completed two attitude scales developed by Burt (1980): Adversarial Sexual Beliefs (ASB) and Rape Myth Acceptance (RMA). They then participated in their workshop and took the attitude scales again as a post-treatment test Two weeks later, the participants took a follow-up post-treatment test using the same attitude scales. Participants who had been victims of sexual assault scored significantly lower than non-victims in the ASB and RMA across all groups. It was also found that participants who had any previous experience with sexual assault, such as familiarity with a victim or an offender, scored significantly lower in rape-supportive beliefs after participating in the didactic program than participants who had no previous experience with sexual assault.

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Idisis, Yael, Sarah Ben-David, and Efrat Ben-Nachum. "Attribution of blame to rape victims among therapists and non-therapists." Behavioral Sciences & the Law 25, no. 1 (January 2007): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/bsl.721.

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Adolfsson, Kerstin, Leif A. Strömwall, and Sara Landström. "Blame Attributions in Multiple Perpetrator Rape Cases: The Impact of Sympathy, Consent, Force, and Beliefs." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 35, no. 23-24 (July 20, 2017): 5336–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260517721171.

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Victims of multiple perpetrator rape (MPR) have been found to be an especially vulnerable group. This study examined effects of MPR and perpetrators’ use of force on attributions of victim and perpetrator blame. In two large experiments (total N = 2,928), Swedish community members read scenarios depicting an MPR and subsequently made several ratings of blame, rape myth acceptance (RMA), just world beliefs, sympathy for the victim, perception of consent, and trust in the legal system. Data were analyzed with a multianalytical approach using both analyses of variance as well as exploratory analyses. In Experiment 1, more blame was attributed to a victim of MPR than a victim of a lone perpetrator rape (LPR). In Experiment 2, no effect of used force was found on levels of attributed blame. In both experiments, hierarchical multiple regression analyses indicated that four components, identified through principal components analyses, explained substantial shares of the variance in both victim and perpetrator blame. The best individual predictors were participants’ perception of consent, sympathy for the victim, and RMA. The study shows the importance of studying participants’ beliefs and attitudes about rape and that victim-blaming research needs both theory development and greater methodological awareness. Implications for victim support services are also discussed.

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George, William H., and Lorraine J. Martínez. "Victim Blaming in Rape: Effects of Victim and Perpetrator Race, Type of Rape, and Participant Racism." Psychology of Women Quarterly 26, no. 2 (June 2002): 110–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1471-6402.00049.

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Stereotypes about Black sexuality fostered hypotheses that racial factors and racism influence rape victim blaming. Predominantly White and Asian college students (170 men, 162 women) completed the Modern Racism Scale and evaluated a rape vignette varying victim race, perpetrator race, and rape type. As predicted, racial factors determined victim blaming. Compared to intraracial rapes, interracial rapes were less uniformly judged as “definitely rape” and were judged as having more culpable and less credible victims, and less culpable perpetrators. For men, racism scores positively predicted victim blaming in all rapes. For women, racism scores moderated victim blaming in interracial acquaintance rapes. In our conclusions, we emphasize the durability of racial stereotypes about rape and their influence on discriminatory adjudication outcomes.

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Gurnham, David. "Victim-blame as a symptom of rape myth acceptance? Another look at how young people in England understand sexual consent." Legal Studies 36, no. 2 (June 2016): 258–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lest.12107.

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There is no doubt that being ‘critical’ about victim-blame requires ensuring first that it is the perpetrator and not the victim who is held responsible for sexual offending. At the same time, engagement with this topic requires critical acuity as to how victim-blame is identified, and to the boundary between raising legitimate questions about the presence or absence of consent in less than ideal circumstances, and falling back on to myths and stereotypes that are unfair to complainants and damaging to victims. This paper identifies and critiques three purported intersections of rape myths and victim-blame that have gained widespread acknowledgement within feminist legal studies: first, that a woman is blamed for voluntarily putting herself into circumstances in which ‘rape happens’; secondly, that a woman is blamed for ‘miscommunicating’ her refusal; and, thirdly, that consent is wrongly understood to have been given in circumstances where a woman in fact lacked the freedom to do so. This critique of methodological and analytical approaches to identifying victim-blame as a symptom of rape myth acceptance focuses on research published recently by the Office of the Children's Commissioner,‘“Sex Without Consent, I Suppose That Is Rape”: How Young People in England Understand Sexual Consent’.

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Finkelson, Laura, and Robert Oswalt. "College Date Rape: Incidence and Reporting." Psychological Reports 77, no. 2 (October 1995): 526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1995.77.2.526.

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The present survey based on 70% returns ( N=140) of a random sample of 200 women at one college indicated that, although 5% had been date raped, none reported the rapes to authorities due to feelings of self-blame and embarrassment. That rapes are not reported perpetuates a self-fulfilling prophecy that rapes do not occur. A victim of rape may feel she is the only one and may be reluctant to become the exception who reports. This denial by both college authorities and victims does not encourage programs for prevention and treatment.

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Kassing, Leslee R., and Loreto R. Prieto. "The Rape Myth and Blame-Based Beliefs of Counselors-in-Training Toward Male Victims of Rape." Journal of Counseling & Development 81, no. 4 (October 2003): 455–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1556-6678.2003.tb00272.x.

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Mgolozeli, Siyabulela Eric, and Sinegugu Evidence Duma. "“As I Was Walking Down the Street, Four Strange Guys Came and Took Me Under the Bridge, Where They All Raped Me”: An Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis of the Types of Rape Experienced by Men in South Africa." American Journal of Men's Health 13, no. 6 (November 28, 2019): 155798831988258. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557988319882589.

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Globally, rape is regarded as the most demoralizing type of trauma, and it has negative implications for victims and their families. Although rape affects the community in general, there is a paucity of literature on rape victimization of men. As a result, the types of rape experienced by them are not understood, and thus it is often difficult to develop contextually relevant interventions to prevent male rape and to support male rape victims. The objective of this study was to first determine and then describe, the types of rape experienced by men. An interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) qualitative approach was used to collect and analyze data from a purposive sample of 11 participants, using semistructured individual interviews. The findings of the study reveal six themes and related subthemes as six types and related subtypes of rape experienced by men as follows: acquaintance rape, including familial rape; stranger rape; gang rape, including corrective-gang rape, drug-facilitated gang rape, pack-hunting rape, women retributive rape (or women vengeance) for violence experienced from men; homophobic rape; prison rape, including transactional rape and gang initiation rape; and armed rape. The findings reveal the different contexts or settings where men are vulnerable to rape. This highlights the possibilities for the development of context-specific sexual violence prevention interventions for men, which include self-defense training and awareness campaigns specific to rape victimization of men. Furthermore, future studies are recommended to expose this pandemic. Activism is advocated to stop the silence around this public and social health issue.

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Hester, Marianne, and Sarah-Jane Lilley. "More than support to court." International Review of Victimology 24, no. 3 (December 6, 2017): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758017742717.

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This article explores the involvement of specialist sexual violence services, including Independent Sexual Violence Advisers (ISVAs), in supporting victims/survivors of rape and sexual abuse to engage with the criminal justice system (CJS) in England and Wales. The underpinning research, conducted in one area of England, included referral data from the police and key specialist sexual violence services, interviews with 15 victims/survivors of sexual violence in contact with the police and specialist services, and interviews with 14 practitioners from sexual violence and related services. We examine the complex needs of victims/survivors of sexual violence (who have experienced historical child sexual abuse, acquaintance rape or rape in the context of intimate partner abuse), how their needs differ and vary over time, and the ways in which these diverse and changing needs are met by specialist sexual violence services. Non-specialist agencies, such as statutory mental health services, are unable to provide similarly targeted responses. The research found that specialist sexual violence services play particularly crucial roles through the use of approaches that can be characterised as flexible, enabling, holding and mending. However, this important work could easily be lost in the current climate of local service commissioning, to the great detriment of victims/survivors of sexual violence.

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Peterson, Zoë D., and Charlene L. Muehlenhard. "A Match-and-Motivation Model of How Women Label Their Nonconsensual Sexual Experiences." Psychology of Women Quarterly 35, no. 4 (November 11, 2011): 558–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0361684311410210.

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Many rape victims are unacknowledged rape victims—they report an experience meeting researchers’ operational definitions of rape but do not label their experience as rape. The purpose of this study was to investigate women’s decisions about whether to label their experiences as rape. Participants were 77 college women (predominantly White; mean age = 19.23) who had experienced rape according to the study’s operational definition. The researchers used open-ended questionnaires and interviews to explore participants’ explanations for labeling or not labeling their experience as rape. Explanations were related to match—whether the incident matched their rape script (e.g., whether the man fit their image of a rapist; whether they fought back)—and to motivation—the perceived consequences of using the label (e.g., discomfort with thinking of the perpetrator as a rapist; feeling less self-blame vs. feeling less control or more traumatized). Over time, participants were more likely to label their experience as rape. Results suggested that individuals differ in the meanings that they ascribe to the label rape. For some individuals, labeling their experience as rape may be adaptive; for others, it may be unhelpful or even harmful. Researchers, clinicians, and advocates should use caution in imposing their own preferred labels on other women’s experiences.

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Sjöberg, Mattias, and Farhan Sarwar. "Who Gets Blamed for Rapes: Effects of Immigration Status on the Attribution of Blame Toward Victims and Perpetrators." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 35, no. 13-14 (April 18, 2017): 2446–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260517703371.

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This study examines the influence of the victim’s immigration status, perpetrator’s immigration status, and participant’s immigration status on victim and perpetrator blame attributions. In addition, comparisons between men and women were made. Participants read a rape vignette in the form of a newspaper article and subsequently attributed victim and perpetrator blame. A 2 (victim’s immigration status) × 2 (perpetrator’s immigration status) × 2 (participant’s immigration status) × 2 (gender of participant) between-subjects design was used. Measures of blame attributions toward the victim and perpetrator were used as dependent variables. The main results showed that participants with an immigrant background and native males attributed significantly more victim and less perpetrator blame. An interaction involving victim and perpetrator immigration status emerged for female participants and were subsequently discussed, as well as suggestions for future research.

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Kopper, Beverly A. "Gender, gender identity, rape myth acceptance, and time of initial resistance on the perception of acquaintance rape blame and avoidability." Sex Roles 34, no. 1-2 (January 1996): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01544797.

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Hill, Holly. "Rape Myths and the Use of Expert Psychological Evidence." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 45, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v45i3.4949.

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There are many common misconceptions about sexual violence and the way that victims "should" behave during and after the offending. In trials for sexual offending these "rape myths" can impact on jurors' assessments of a complainant's credibility, rendering a guilty verdict less likely.This article discusses how the use of counter-intuitive expert opinion evidence as a method of juror education in trials for sexual offending can address these prejudices to improve the operation of the criminal justice process. The article also identifies the limitations of such evidence in particular cases of acquaintance rape, and foreshadows whether such evidence will continue to be offered in the future.

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POLLARD, PAUL. "Rape Reporting as a Function of Victim-Offender Relationship:." Criminal Justice and Behavior 22, no. 1 (March 1995): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093854895022001006.

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Bachman (1993), studying a National Crime Survey sample between 1987 and 1990, concluded that rape survivors were not more likely to report to the police if the victimization was perpetrated by a stranger, and she suggested that because of recent legal reforms and media campaigns “particularly victims of date and acquaintance rape... may be no longer as hesitant to report a rape as they once were” (p. 265). It is argued here that the study provided no evidence for this contention, especially with respect to date rape, for the following reasons: (a) There is some question as to whether or not the analysis should have concluded that the relationship between reporting and knowing the offender was significant; (b) even if considered nonsignificant, the interpretation of the result was inappropriate in terms of both the classical logic of hypothesis testing and more recent discussions of the use of significance tests; (c) there was no evidence of a change over time; and (d) the composition of the sample was not sufficiently representative of all types of victim-offender relationship for inferences, particularly about attacks on dates, to be drawn. Given the likely composition of the sample, it would be expected to produce a weak effect of acquaintance, which is exactly what it did.

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Feldman, Pamela J., Jodie B. Ullman, and Christine Dunkel-Schetter. "Women's Reactions to Rape Victims: Motivational Processes Associated With Blame and Social Support1." Journal of Applied Social Psychology 28, no. 6 (March 1998): 469–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.1998.tb01715.x.

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43

Ward, Colleen. "The Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Scale: Construction, Validation, and Cross-Cultural Applicability." Psychology of Women Quarterly 12, no. 2 (June 1988): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1988.tb00932.x.

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The paper describes the construction of a 25-item Attitudes toward Rape Victims Scale (ARVS) designed to assess favorable and unfavorable attitudes with particular emphasis on victim blame, credibility, deservingness, denigration, and trivialization. Normative data are presented as well as the results of various psychometric analyses based on four independent studies and a variety of samples including university students, doctors, lawyers, social workers, psychologists, and police in Singapore, and university students in the United States. These analyses confirm the ARVS's reliability, validity and cross-cultural suitability. As attitudes toward rape victims have been implicated in the quality of victim care in legal, medical, and social spheres, it is proposed that the ARVS provides a valuable tool for applied research in victimology.

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Gerdes, Eugenia Proctor, Eric J. Dammann, and Kenneth E. Heilig. "Perceptions of rape victims and assailants: Effects of physical attractiveness, acquaintance, and subject gender." Sex Roles 19, no. 3-4 (August 1988): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00290151.

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Harper, Craig A., Vanda Franco, and Madison Wills. "Excusing and Justifying Rape Cognitions in Judgments of Sexually Coercive Dating Scenarios." Sexual Abuse 32, no. 5 (February 10, 2019): 543–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1079063219825869.

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According to recent analyses, Bumby’s RAPE scale of rape-supportive cognitions about women and sexual assault comprises two factors. Excusing rape serves to reduce abusers’ culpability for their offending, and ascribing blame to victims, while justifying rape is associated with a sense of sexual entitlement. The distinct effects of these factors on rape judgments have not yet been investigated. We examined whether these belief clusters differentially explained judgments of perpetrator innocence after priming cues related to each of them. We used a cross-sectional design ( N = 217) to test our hypotheses. As predicted, we found that excusing rape cognitions contributed to exaggerated innocence judgments when the victim paid the bill on a first date (potentially indicative of romantic or sexual interest). However, contrary to expectations, there was no evidence that participants justified rape when the perpetrator paid the bill. Implications for conceptualizing the functions of rape-supportive cognitions are discussed.

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46

Collings, Steven J. "Barriers to Rape Reporting among White South African Women." South African Journal of Psychology 17, no. 1 (March 1987): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124638701700104.

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This study was designed to investigate the reasons why many rape victims fail to report their victimization to public agencies. The study sample comprised 54 victims of unreported rape (38 Afrikaans-speaking white females and 16 English-speaking white females) who had responded to media appeals. In line with recent conceptualizations of crime victim decision making, barriers to reporting were examined at three levels of abstraction: the intrapersonal level (victim immaturity, victim guilt, or self-blame); the interpersonal level (fear of rapist retaliation, fear of further victimization by family and friends); and the institutional level (fear of victimization by the police or the criminal justice system). Interpersonal barriers were found to constitute effective barriers to reporting in 34 cases (63%), institutional barriers in 20 cases (37%), and intrapersonal barriers in 12 cases (22%). Analysis of the relationship between victim characteristics, rape circumstances, and reporting barriers revealed that the importance of reporting barriers can be predicted to a significant extent by selected rape-descriptive variables. The study findings are discussed in terms of their practical and methodological implications.

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Streit-Forest, Ursula, and Et Marc Goulet. "Article." Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 32, no. 1 (February 1987): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/070674378703200110.

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In this study a group of 27 victims seen approximately 6 months after the assault was compared to a matched control group. The results show significantly higher scores on two subscales of IPAT (“ego weakness” and “disposition to guilt”) and on 4 scales of the MMPI (“denial”, “hypochondriasis”, “depression” and “conversion hysteria”); also, the victims' social adjustment seems inferior and the frequency of sexual relations has been reduced considerably for them. The following factors have been evaluated in order to test their relation to the adjustment to the assault: rape by a stranger versus someone known, degree of violence, feelings of self-blame, problems during the crisis, predominant thoughts, professional help, social support, stable relationship, allusion to victim's responsibility for rape and conviction or not of the aggressor. Even though most of these variables show a significant simple correlation with adjustment to rape only four among them remain significantly associated when socio-demographic variables, pre-rape psycho-social problems and life stressors are controled; the very subjective variable “predominant thoughts”seems to best explain differences in adjustment. The importance of pre-assault variables and of the subjective reaction to rape is discussed.

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Norris, Jeanette, and Lisa A. Cubbins. "Dating, Drinking, and Rape: Effects of Victim's and Assailant's Alcohol Consumption on Judgments of Their Behavior and Traits." Psychology of Women Quarterly 16, no. 2 (June 1992): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1992.tb00248.x.

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Effects of an acquaintance rape victim's and her assailant's alcohol consumption on judgments of their behavior and traits were examined in a 2 × 2 × 2 between-subjects factorial experiment. Sixty-eight women and 64 men, 21 or older, read one of four stories in which only the victim, only the assailant, both victim and assailant, or neither victim nor assailant consumed alcohol. One individual difference trait, rape attitudes, was also measured. The interaction of victim and assailant drinking diminished the view that a rape had occurred and that the victim responded negatively, whereas it enhanced judgments of the assailant's likability and sexuality. The portrayal of only the victim drinking resulted in a more negative view of the assailant's behavior and traits. Evaluations of the victim depended on the assailant's drinking behavior rather than on her own. Implications for treatment of rape victims and establishing assailant accountability are discussed.

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Romero-Sánchez, Mónica, Barbara Krahé, Miguel Moya, and Jesús L. Megías. "Alcohol-Related Victim Behavior and Rape Myth Acceptance as Predictors of Victim Blame in Sexual Assault Cases." Violence Against Women 24, no. 9 (October 25, 2017): 1052–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801217727372.

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Two studies analyzed the influence of victim behavior, drink type, and observer rape myth acceptance (RMA) on attributions of blame to victims of sexual assault. In Study 1, people higher in RMA blamed the victim more when she accepted rather than rejected the aggressor’s invitation to buy her a drink. In Study 2, we analyzed if the effects depended on who offered the invitation for a drink (a friend or aggressor). RMA was more closely related to victim blame when she accepted (vs. rejected) the offer of a drink from the aggressor. In both studies, drink type (alcoholic vs. nonalcoholic) did not interact with the other variables.

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Dunn, Patricia C., Karen Vail-Smith, and Sharon M. Knight. "What Date/Acquaintance Rape Victims Tell Others: A Study of College Student Recipients of Disclosure." Journal of American College Health 47, no. 5 (March 1999): 213–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07448489909595650.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Acquaintance rape victims Blame'

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