Relevant bibliographies by topics / ACT New Zealand (Political party)

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'ACT New Zealand (Political party)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 6 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "ACT New Zealand (Political party)"

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McKee, Rachel Locker. "Action Pending: Four Years on from the New Zealand Sign Language Act 2006." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 42, no. 2 (August 1, 2011): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v42i2.5133.

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The granting of official language status to New Zealand Sign Language (NZSL) through the New Zealand Sign Language Act 2006 (NZSL Act 2006) is unusual in terms of the status of signed languages around the world. Many governments have accorded various forms of recognition to a signed language, but no others appear to have granted it official language status. Language policy makes and promotes certain choices about language use at a particular socio-historical moment; such decisions thus have social and political meaning to the minority community and to wider society. What motivated the government to recognise NZSL as an official language, and what has been achieved by it? Did cross-party support for this Act signal societal commitment to linguistic diversity and equity? Or did the negligible material implications of the Act ensure its approval by politicians as a compensatory gesture towards a disadvantaged community? This article critically examines the aims, provisions, and impacts of the NZSL Act 2006, and reports data from two recent surveys of stakeholders about priorities for further action to realise the purpose of the Act.
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Cross, William. "Understanding Power-Sharing within Political Parties: Stratarchy as Mutual Interdependence between the Party in the Centre and the Party on the Ground." Government and Opposition 53, no. 2 (July 7, 2016): 205–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.22.

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Recent literature has renewed interest in the stratarchical model of intraparty decision-making. In this version of party organization, the functions performed by parties are distributed among their discrete levels. The result is a power-sharing arrangement in which no group has control over all aspects of party life. Thus, the model potentially provides an antidote to the hierarchical version of organization. This article examines the principal parties in Australia, Canada, Ireland and New Zealand to test whether there is empirical evidence of stratarchy. An examination of candidate nomination, leadership selection and policy development finds strong evidence of shared authority between both levels of the party in key areas of intraparty democracy. Both levels accept that they cannot achieve their goals without the support of the other and so a fine balancing act ensues, resulting in constant recalibration of power relations. There is, however, little evidence of the commonly presented model of stratarchy as mutual autonomy for each level within discrete areas of competency. Instead, both the party on the ground and in the centre share authority within all three areas, resulting in a pattern of mutual interdependence rather than mutual autonomy.
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Molineaux, Julienne, and Peter Skilling. "Minor Parties, ER Policy, and the 2020 Election." New Zealand Journal of Employment Relations 45, no. 1 (October 8, 2020): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/nzjer.v45i1.14.

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Since New Zealand adopted the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) representation electoral system in 1996, neither of the major parties has been able to form a government without the support of one or more minor parties. Understanding the ways in which Employment Relations (ER) policy might develop after the election, thus, requires an exploration of the role of the minor parties likely to return to parliament. In this article, we offer a summary of the policy positions and priorities of the three minor parties currently in parliament (the ACT, Green and New Zealand First parties) as well as those of the Māori Party. We place this summary within a discussion of the current volatile political environment to speculate on the degree of power that these parties might have in possible governing arrangements and, therefore, on possible changes to ER regulation in the next parliamentary term.
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Bogg, Alan, and Tonia Novitz. "The Politics and Law of Trade Union Recognition: Democracy, Human Rights and Pragmatism in the New Zealand and British Context." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 50, no. 2 (September 2, 2019): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v50i2.5745.

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In this article, we seek to examine the potential for cross-fertilisation of legal regimes relating to trade union representation of members in collective bargaining. The United Kingdom has moved from an entirely voluntarist model in the 1980s to a statutory regime which facilitates recognition of a trade union following majority support from workers (usually by a ballot). By way of contrast, New Zealand has shifted from a highly regulated award-based model in the 1980s to an "agency" model whereby an employer is required to bargain in good faith with any union representing two or more of the employer's employees, but with some balloting also contemplated for coverage of non-unionised workers. It is uncontroversial that the United Kingdom legislation has been severely limited in its effects in a context of ongoing decline in collective bargaining, while the New Zealand model offers only faint remediation of the dismembering of the collective bargaining system by the Employment Contracts Act 1991. In both legal systems, a Labour Party is now proposing implementation of forms of sectoral bargaining. We explore the reasons for these political and legal developments, exploring democratic and human rights rationales for their adoption, as well as more pragmatic approaches. In so doing we examine the scope for democratic trade union representation via consent or ballot, the role of individual human rights and regulatory rationales. We conclude by considering how representative and regulatory approaches may be mutually reinforcing and address different understandings of "constitutionalisation". In so doing, we reaffirm the emphasis placed in Gordon Anderson's writings on substance over form.
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Robie, David. "EDITORIAL: Terrorism and democracy." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 25, no. 1&2 (July 31, 2019): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v25i1and2.503.

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THIS edition of Pacific Journalism Review is a special issue on several fronts in our 25th year. First, it is a double issue—the first in our history. Second, it began production as an ‘unthemed’ issue, partly to catch up with a backlog of accepted peer-reviewed papers that had missed recent themed editions. However, the tragic mosque massacre in the New Zealand city of Christchurch in March, and recent ballot box expressions over political futures and independence meant a group of papers emerged with a ‘terrorism dilemmas and democracy’ theme. New Zealand will be learning to live with its ‘loss of innocence’, as Mediawatch presenter Colin Peacock describes it, for the months ahead after the shock of a gunman launching his obscene act of livestreamed terrorism with a bloody assault on two mosques in Christchurch during Friday prayers on 15 March 2019 designed to go viral on global social media. Fifty people were killed that day, with another dying from his wounds several weeks later, unleashing an extraordinary and emotional wave of #TheyAreUs solidarity across the country.
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Cooke, Robin. "Party Autonomy." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 30, no. 1 (June 1, 1999): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v30i1.6022.

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This is an augmented version of a paper delivered at the International Centre for Alternative Dispute Resolution, New Delhi, in December 1998. Party autonomy describes the principle whereby the parties to a dispute have full autonomy when making their arbitration agreement. The author discusses the Arbitration and Conciliation Act 1996 of the Parliament of India, focusing on the principle of party autonomy. He describes his formative experiences to arbitration in cases like Wellington City v National Bank of New Zealand Properties Ltd, the Arbitration and Conciliation Act itself, Indian case law before the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, and a brief look at New Zealand's Arbitration Act 1996.
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Miller, Raymond. "Postmaterialism and Green Party Activists in New Zealand." Political Science 43, no. 2 (December 1991): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879104300203.

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Jutel, Olivier. "Affective Media, Cyberlibertarianism and the New Zealand Internet Party." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 1 (March 27, 2017): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i1.781.

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The New Zealand Internet Party tested key notions of affective media politics. Embracing techno-solutionism and the hacker politics of disruption, Kim Dotcom’s party attempted to mobilize the digital natives through an irreverent politics of lulz. While an electoral failure the party’s political discourse offers insights into affective media ontology. The social character of affective media creates the political conditions for an antagonistic political discourse. In this case affective identification in the master signifier “The Internet” creates a community of enjoyment threatened by the enemy of state surveillance as an agent of rapacious jouissance. The Internet Party’s politics of lulz was cast as a left-wing techno-fix to democracy, but this rhetoric belied a politics of cyberlibertarianism. Dotcom’s political intervention attempted to conflate his private interests as a battle that elevates him to the status of cyberlibertarian super-hero in the mold of Edward Snowden or Julian Assange.
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Webster, Karen, Andy Asquith, Maheswaren Rohan, Andrew Cardow, and Mandisi Majavu. "Auckland, New Zealand – fair game for central party politics." Local Government Studies 45, no. 4 (March 8, 2019): 569–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2019.1584558.

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McAllister, Ian, and Jack Vowles. "The Rise of New Politics and Market Liberalism in Australia and New Zealand." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 3 (July 1994): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006906.

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The rise of ‘New Politics’ concerns since the 1970s parallels the rise in popularity of market liberalism. Although often considered to be opposites, both goals have been pursued vigorously and simultaneously by social democratic governments in Australia and New Zealand. This article examines the circumstances of this unlikely marriage and, by applying multivariate analysis to election survey data collected in each country in 1990, examines the implications of these apparently contradictory policies for public opinion and party support. We conclude that value orientations associated with New Politics have mixed associations with party support. Postmaterialist and materialist value orientations are linked to attitudes towards the specifically Australasian old left strategy of ‘domestic defence’. The findings suggest that the effects of value change are more far-reaching in New Zealand, where social liberalism may have overtaken collectivism as the dominant value cleavage in the party system.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "ACT New Zealand (Political party)"

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Lewis, James Philip. "Political Parties, Factions and Conflicts:The New Zealand Labour Party 1978- 1990." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5757.

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The Labour Party is New Zealand’s oldest continuous political Party. Steeped in Social Democratic tradition the Party underwent major conflicts as three major factions emerged between 1978 and 1990. Using Frank Baumgartner’s Conflict and Rhetoric in French Policy Making (1989), this thesis investigates why the three factions inside the Labour Party during this period used conflict in order gain influence over the Labour Party and its political and legislative agenda. What was to emerge was a party struggling to maintain unity as the factions began to tear apart the very framework that was the Labour Party. This was to ultimately have an effect on both articulation of Labour policy and the aggregation of support at the polls. Using interviews with various former and current members of the Labour Party this thesis sets out to piece together how the factions inside the party used conflict to their advantage in order to gain influence in a fragmenting party. The emergence of splinter parties in the 1990s on both the left and right of the Labour Party in particular ACT and the Alliance shows just how fractured and divided the party was during the tenure of the fourth Labour Government.
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Farquhar, Russell Murray. "Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology and Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/944.

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Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.
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Emil, Schröder. "Abortion policy reform in New Zealand : Examining the significance of issue networks during the reform process leading up to the Abortion Legislation Act 2020." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412119.

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Alexander, J. R. "Community indicators: development, monitoring and reporting." Lincoln University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1164.

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The New Zealand Government is striving to improve the way it measures progress and plans for change in an integrated ‘whole of government’ manner. The Local Government Act 2002 serves to strengthen participatory democracy and community governance. Under the Act, local authorities are charged with monitoring, and, not less than once every three years, reporting on the progress made by the community in achieving its outcomes for the district or region. These outcomes belong to the community and encompass what the community considers important to progress towards. Indicators that measure economic, social, environmental, cultural and democratic progress at local level are a primary tool that local authorities use to measure the progress towards their desired outcomes. To successfully track progress, it is important that indicators are technically sound and reflect the values of the entire community. The monitoring of indicators is expected to be ongoing and participatory. The New Zealand Government has leant heavily towards a decentralised locally driven approach to community indicators. The purpose of this study was to explore the manner in which different local authorities have undertaken community indicator: development, monitoring and reporting. This was undertaken through a two pronged approach: 1). A scoping exercise assessing the contents of eighteen local authority LTCCPs, 2). In-depth case studies of community indicator programmes of five of the eighteen local authorities. It was found that the approaches used to develop, monitor and report community indicators ranged abruptly across local authorities. Some councils appear to have relatively robust and meaningful indicator processes in place, which are both technically sound and have gained representative community input. In contrast, other councils hold a compliance mentality towards community indicators and have done the bare minimum when designing their indicator frameworks. These frameworks have tended to be council dominated with few opportunities for community involvement. In addition to this, local authorities poorly communicated indicators through their LTCCPs. The inadequate information detailing indicators processes is unlikely to both educate and promote community buy-in. Councils must place greater emphasis on the engagement of the entire community including other governmental departments, to ensure that indicators are relevant and meaningful for all. Consistency across local authority indicator frameworks will also help to ensure that all local authorities are working in an integrated manner towards the common goal of improving community well-being. Initiatives such as the Linked indicators Project and the Quality of Life Project are possible methods of ensuring consistent indicator frameworks. Finally, councils must provide greater information about community indicators within their LTCCPs.
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Farquhar, R. M. "Green politics and the reformation of liberal democratic institutions : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the University of Canterbury /." 2006. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20070414.120756.

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Zangger, Catherine. "Formation and outcome: the political discourses of the New Zealand Prostitution Reform Act, 2000-2003." Thesis, 2009. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/976612/1/MR63031.pdf.

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The aim of the thesis is to explore language use in the social processes of law reform. Between 2000 and 2003 New Zealand (NZ) underwent a major legal amendment and provides an ideal context for such an analysis. During that period, social policies surrounding the sex industry underwent a legal change: from criminalization to decriminalization. The specific research undertaken for my MA thesis is an analysis of NZ parliamentary debates surrounding the Prostitution Reform Bill (PRB) that led to that change. Using critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 1993) to examine the NZ parliamentary debates, I discuss the discursive framings which allowed the enactment of the PRB. Furthermore, I examine other government documents relating to the legal change in 2003 and newspaper articles to contextualize it. The NZ parliamentary transcripts, govemment documents, and news clippings, which are available free on-line, provide a rich starting point for studying the relationship between language use, law reform, and judicial policy surrounding the politics of sex work. By analysing the NZ political debates in relation to the PRB, the thesis demonstrates that Members of Parliament (MPs) opposing the law reform capitalized on the moral order rhetoric to highlight the divide between public and private spheres and to argue for added protection for the community instead of sex workers. Those in support also used this dichotomy but to promote the rights of sex workers. This created discursive divides among MPs and changed the content of the PRB. These tensions are discussed in order to use this political phenomenon to further inform the debate surrounding social movement and outcome.
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Trávníček, Matěj. "Personalizované poměrné zastoupení na Novém Zélandu." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312619.

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The thesis is about New Zealand House of Representatives electoral system. In introductory part is briefly presented the political system of New Zealand. Then is currently used electoral system, its genesis and impacts of transition from the first past the post to mixed member proportional system researched. Thesis is in its effort focusing on segments of electoral system and trying to identify its problematic points and to introduce alternative electoral system proposed to the electors in referenda. The thesis is using the electoral studies methods, especially quantitative measuring of attributes of electoral system and party structure within the House of Representatives.
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Books on the topic "ACT New Zealand (Political party)"

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ACT New Zealand (Political party). Values, not politics: The first 1,000 days. Wellington, N.Z: ACT New Zealand Parliamentary Office, 2000.

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Party politics in New Zealand. South Melbourne, Vic: Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Grierson, Josephine. The hell of it: Early days in the New Zealand Party. Birkenhead, Auckland: Reed Methuen, 1985.

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Pope, Margaret. At the turning point: My political life with David Lange. Auckland, N.Z: AM Pub. New Zealand, 2011.

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Nordy: Arnold Nordmeyer : a political biography. Wellington, N.Z: Steele Roberts, 2008.

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Farland, Bruce. Farmer Bill: William Ferguson Massey and the Reform Party. Wellington, N.Z: Bruce Farland, 2008.

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Farmer Bill: William Ferguson Massey and the Reform Party. Wellington, N.Z: Bruce Farland, 2008.

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Party, New Zealand National. 1996 parliamentary candidates. Wellington, N.Z: The Party, 1996.

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Wishart, Ian. Winston: The story of a political phenomenon. Auckland, New Zealand: Howling at the Moon Publishing Ltd, 2014.

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The Hollow Men: A Study in the Politics of Deception. Nelson, N.Z: Craig Potton Publishing, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "ACT New Zealand (Political party)"

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Robinson, Claire. "Minor Party Campaign Advertising: A Market-Oriented Assessment." In Political Marketing and Management in the 2017 New Zealand Election, 85–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94298-8_6.

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Lees-Marshment, Jennifer, Edward Elder, Lisa Chant, Danny Osborne, Justin Savoie, and Clifton van der Linden. "Political Parties and Their Customers: The Alignment of Party Policies with Supporter, Target and Undecided Market Preferences." In Political Marketing and Management in the 2017 New Zealand Election, 23–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94298-8_3.

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Gregory, Robert, and Chris Eichbaum. "Carpe Diem! New Zealand’s Fiscal Squeeze, 1990–1993:." In When the Party’s Over. British Academy, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265734.003.0005.

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In 1990, New Zealand’s newly elected National Party government, led by prime minister Jim Bolger, faced what it portrayed as an unexpected fiscal crisis. In response, finance minister Ruth Richardson seized an opportunity to launch the most radical revamp of the country’s welfare state since the social security system’s development and consolidation under the first Labour government of 1935–49. This chapter outlines the immediate background to this case of ‘hard’ fiscal squeeze. It examines the main components of the economic and social policies adopted by the government from 1990 to 1993, assesses their short-term effects, and draws links between these policy initiatives and later political and social outcomes. Foremost among these outcomes were the reform of the electoral system in the 1990s (replacing the first-past-the-post system with proportional representation), world-leading legislation (notably the Fiscal Responsibility Act) making fiscal management more transparent and accountable, and substantial challenges to New Zealand’s egalitarian tradition.
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Auyoung, Elaine. "A New Perspective on Political Participation and Communication." In Politics on Display, 167–78. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190926311.003.0009.

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In this concluding chapter, we discuss some of the major takeaways of the book. We find that signs are an act of both communication and participation, and that the conventional wisdom that signs are primarily campaign tools is misguided. At the same time, displayers and non-displayers ascribe different meanings to signs, and the distinction between in-party and out-party signs is important in determining how signs spread throughout neighborhoods. In turn, once present, those signs can influence perceptions of social space and social interactions, especially in the most intimate social contexts. In addition, we discuss lessons learned with respect to spatial analysis and network analysis and their power, both individually, but especially jointly, to reinvigorate the community studies paradigm. We conclude by reflecting on the yard sign as a political symbol and considering how such symbols are especially powerful in an age of intensely salient and polarized partisan identities.
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Duncan, Grant. "The ‘soft target’ of Labour in New Zealand." In Why the Left Loses. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447332664.003.0005.

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This chapter focuses on the social democratic left in New Zealand. Prior to the 2008 election, a three-term Labour-led government under Prime Minister Helen Clark followed a Blairite ‘Third Way’ model. It moderated some of the policies of the more radical neoliberal years (1984–96), but the fundamentals of neoliberal reform, such as financial openness, central bank independence, and fiscal responsibility, were kept in place. Clark's Labour-led government did not satisfy all social democratic aspirations, but its dominance in the 2000s showed that it was the first to master the art of political management under the mixed-member proportional representation system in place since 1996. Defeat came in 2008, however, in an election held shortly after the global financial crisis, and John Key's National Party-led government took over the reins.
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Shugart, Matthew S., Matthew E. Bergman, Cory L. Struthers, Ellis S. Krauss, and Robert J. Pekkanen. "Party Personnel Strategies." In Party Personnel Strategies, 1–25. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897053.003.0001.

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The chapter introduces the notion of “party personnel strategies.” The concept refers to the process by which political parties allocate their elected members to legislative committees. The theory is grounded in the resource-based view (RBV) of the firm. The legislators are the pool of “personnel” from which the party draws when staffing specialized standing committees of the legislature. Party strategy is conditioned by both policy goals and the imperatives of the electoral system under which seats are won. Parties engage in a “personnel practice,” which is their observed pattern of assigning members with certain individual background characteristics to given committees. The chapter establishes the cases on which the book’s arguments are tested: Britain, Germany, Israel, Japan, New Zealand, and Portugal. The chapter lists the elections and the thirteen major political parties covered for each country.
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Ahdar, Rex. "Retrospect and Prospect." In The Evolution of Competition Law in New Zealand, 289–302. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198855606.003.0010.

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This chapter looks back upon the modern era and speculates on future developments. As a modern competition statue, the Commerce Act 1986 stands up well in both substance and form and, overall, can be adjudged to be a success. The courts have battled valiantly to determine often complex disputes in a way that is mostly in harmony with the Act’s objective. A respectable body of antitrust jurisprudence has accumulated in just over three decades. Some challenges faced by NZ competition policy designers and enforcement agencies are generic in nature, being issues facing all antitrust jurisdictions. Common challenges include: (a) greater harmonization of competition law internationally and increased co-operation between enforcement authorities; (b) the challenge posed by the digital economy and new technologies; (c) a renewed concern with “fairness” and socio-political considerations, and; (d) inclusion of new factors such as environmental impacts. Other matters are more specific to New Zealand and include: (i) the response to greater Chinese investment and control (Sinicization) of the economy, and; (ii) the possible accommodation of indigenous Maori business enterprises.
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Shugart, Matthew S., Matthew E. Bergman, Cory L. Struthers, Ellis S. Krauss, and Robert J. Pekkanen. "Conclusion." In Party Personnel Strategies, 234–58. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897053.003.0011.

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This chapter summarizes the book’s contribution to understanding the role of individual legislators’ attributes in the collective goal pursuits of political parties. It assesses the performance of parties on the premises derived from our theory by calculating for each party a “batting average” describing the degree to which premises of the expertise model, electoral–constituency model, and issue ownership hold for each party. It graphically depicts the parties in the book’s two-dimensional space regarding how a country’s electoral system affects a party’s dependence on the geographic location of votes and the personal votes of individual legislators. In this manner, it reveals considerable support for the theory, which states that the less parties depend on these electoral factors to maximize seats, the more they tend to use the expertise model. The more dependence in either dimension, the more the electoral–constituency model tends to explain a party’s personnel strategy. The chapter expands on the role of electoral system variation—including electoral reform in Japan and New Zealand—on party personnel practices. It discusses how our results provide new evidence for the proposition that mixed-member proportional (MMP) systems may offer “the best of both worlds” in representation, and offers a discussion of further extensions of the theory and applications of the resource-based view (RBV) of the firm to competing political parties.
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Loveland, Ian. "20. Human Rights IV: The Human Rights Act 1998." In Constitutional Law, Administrative Law, and Human Rights. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198804680.003.0020.

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This chapter discusses the main provisions of the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) and considers its implications for the understandings attached to the core constitutional principles of parliamentary sovereignty, the rule of law, and the separation of power. It argues that the Blair government’s rapid and determined efforts to convince Parliament to pass the HRA demonstrates that members of the first New Labour administration did not share the simplistic view of democracy embraced by the Conservative Party during the judicial supremacism episode. The 1998 Act may be criticised on the basis that it transfers a dangerous amount of political power from the government to the judges, but the sentiments evinced by many Conservative MPs on this issue had little to commend them from a constitutional perspective.
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Loveland, Ian. "19. Human Rights III: The Human Rights Act 1998." In Constitutional Law, Administrative Law, and Human Rights, 506–27. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198860129.003.0019.

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This chapter discusses the main provisions of the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) and considers its implications for the understandings attached to the core constitutional principles of parliamentary sovereignty, the rule of law, and the separation of powers. The chapter argues that the Blair government’s rapid and determined efforts to convince Parliament to pass the HRA demonstrates that members of the first New Labour administration did not share the simplistic view of democracy embraced by the Conservative Party during the judicial supremacism episode. The 1998 Act may be criticised on the basis that it transfers a dangerous amount of political power from the government to the judges, but the sentiments evinced by many Conservative MPs on this issue had little to commend them from a constitutional perspective.
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Conference papers on the topic "ACT New Zealand (Political party)"

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Alan, Ilemin N. "AN EVALUATION OF CLIMATE CHANGE FROM A LEGAL PERSPECTIVE OF TURKEY IN THE SCOPE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW." In The 5th International Conference on Climate Change 2021 – (ICCC 2021). The International Institute of Knowledge Management, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17501/2513258x.2021.5106.

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Abstract:
Climate change is a global emergency. Each country's efforts and responses to climate change are of significance individually. The dynamics behind their attitudes are needed to be understood to harmonize global response. Turkey is of a different legal approach than the international community generally. For instance, it is the only G20 country that is not a party to the Paris Agreement. Also, the legal perspective of Turkey is of particular significance for the European Union to achieve its targets. Thus, the question of international legal steps taken and the next steps by Turkey arises. To evaluate this situation, the legal frameworks are analyzed with specific reference to Turkey. It was found that Turkey has been demanding to be recognized as a developing country in the international climate instruments. Although Turkey put some afford to act against climate change, it was not seen as adequate by scientific reports. Also, international and regional human rights instruments have been invoked by individuals for the current policies of Turkey and legal proceedings were started. For an efficient response to climate change, key points regarding common but differentiated responsibilities, the relationships between international and national laws, and the importance of laws with comparing regulations and political instruments are addressed to see how these points can inform recommendations. It is concluded that the ratification of the Paris Agreement is required in the first place. Then, enriched legal perspective in international law, and new specific climate laws in national laws are a necessity to provide a meaningful legal response to this global threat. It is hoped that other legal systems may benefit from analyzing its legal perspective. Every country needs to contribute to the shared enterprise of combatting climate change if the future of humanity and the natural world is to be assured. Keywords: Climate Change, Turkey, International Law, the Paris Agreement
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