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Journal articles on the topic 'ACT New Zealand (Political party)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

McKee, Rachel Locker. "Action Pending: Four Years on from the New Zealand Sign Language Act 2006." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 42, no. 2 (August 1, 2011): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v42i2.5133.

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The granting of official language status to New Zealand Sign Language (NZSL) through the New Zealand Sign Language Act 2006 (NZSL Act 2006) is unusual in terms of the status of signed languages around the world. Many governments have accorded various forms of recognition to a signed language, but no others appear to have granted it official language status. Language policy makes and promotes certain choices about language use at a particular socio-historical moment; such decisions thus have social and political meaning to the minority community and to wider society. What motivated the government to recognise NZSL as an official language, and what has been achieved by it? Did cross-party support for this Act signal societal commitment to linguistic diversity and equity? Or did the negligible material implications of the Act ensure its approval by politicians as a compensatory gesture towards a disadvantaged community? This article critically examines the aims, provisions, and impacts of the NZSL Act 2006, and reports data from two recent surveys of stakeholders about priorities for further action to realise the purpose of the Act.

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2

Cross, William. "Understanding Power-Sharing within Political Parties: Stratarchy as Mutual Interdependence between the Party in the Centre and the Party on the Ground." Government and Opposition 53, no. 2 (July 7, 2016): 205–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.22.

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Recent literature has renewed interest in the stratarchical model of intraparty decision-making. In this version of party organization, the functions performed by parties are distributed among their discrete levels. The result is a power-sharing arrangement in which no group has control over all aspects of party life. Thus, the model potentially provides an antidote to the hierarchical version of organization. This article examines the principal parties in Australia, Canada, Ireland and New Zealand to test whether there is empirical evidence of stratarchy. An examination of candidate nomination, leadership selection and policy development finds strong evidence of shared authority between both levels of the party in key areas of intraparty democracy. Both levels accept that they cannot achieve their goals without the support of the other and so a fine balancing act ensues, resulting in constant recalibration of power relations. There is, however, little evidence of the commonly presented model of stratarchy as mutual autonomy for each level within discrete areas of competency. Instead, both the party on the ground and in the centre share authority within all three areas, resulting in a pattern of mutual interdependence rather than mutual autonomy.

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3

Molineaux, Julienne, and Peter Skilling. "Minor Parties, ER Policy, and the 2020 Election." New Zealand Journal of Employment Relations 45, no. 1 (October 8, 2020): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/nzjer.v45i1.14.

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Since New Zealand adopted the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) representation electoral system in 1996, neither of the major parties has been able to form a government without the support of one or more minor parties. Understanding the ways in which Employment Relations (ER) policy might develop after the election, thus, requires an exploration of the role of the minor parties likely to return to parliament. In this article, we offer a summary of the policy positions and priorities of the three minor parties currently in parliament (the ACT, Green and New Zealand First parties) as well as those of the Māori Party. We place this summary within a discussion of the current volatile political environment to speculate on the degree of power that these parties might have in possible governing arrangements and, therefore, on possible changes to ER regulation in the next parliamentary term.

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Bogg, Alan, and Tonia Novitz. "The Politics and Law of Trade Union Recognition: Democracy, Human Rights and Pragmatism in the New Zealand and British Context." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 50, no. 2 (September 2, 2019): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v50i2.5745.

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In this article, we seek to examine the potential for cross-fertilisation of legal regimes relating to trade union representation of members in collective bargaining. The United Kingdom has moved from an entirely voluntarist model in the 1980s to a statutory regime which facilitates recognition of a trade union following majority support from workers (usually by a ballot). By way of contrast, New Zealand has shifted from a highly regulated award-based model in the 1980s to an "agency" model whereby an employer is required to bargain in good faith with any union representing two or more of the employer's employees, but with some balloting also contemplated for coverage of non-unionised workers. It is uncontroversial that the United Kingdom legislation has been severely limited in its effects in a context of ongoing decline in collective bargaining, while the New Zealand model offers only faint remediation of the dismembering of the collective bargaining system by the Employment Contracts Act 1991. In both legal systems, a Labour Party is now proposing implementation of forms of sectoral bargaining. We explore the reasons for these political and legal developments, exploring democratic and human rights rationales for their adoption, as well as more pragmatic approaches. In so doing we examine the scope for democratic trade union representation via consent or ballot, the role of individual human rights and regulatory rationales. We conclude by considering how representative and regulatory approaches may be mutually reinforcing and address different understandings of "constitutionalisation". In so doing, we reaffirm the emphasis placed in Gordon Anderson's writings on substance over form.

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5

Robie, David. "EDITORIAL: Terrorism and democracy." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 25, no. 1&2 (July 31, 2019): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v25i1and2.503.

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THIS edition of Pacific Journalism Review is a special issue on several fronts in our 25th year. First, it is a double issue—the first in our history. Second, it began production as an ‘unthemed’ issue, partly to catch up with a backlog of accepted peer-reviewed papers that had missed recent themed editions. However, the tragic mosque massacre in the New Zealand city of Christchurch in March, and recent ballot box expressions over political futures and independence meant a group of papers emerged with a ‘terrorism dilemmas and democracy’ theme. New Zealand will be learning to live with its ‘loss of innocence’, as Mediawatch presenter Colin Peacock describes it, for the months ahead after the shock of a gunman launching his obscene act of livestreamed terrorism with a bloody assault on two mosques in Christchurch during Friday prayers on 15 March 2019 designed to go viral on global social media. Fifty people were killed that day, with another dying from his wounds several weeks later, unleashing an extraordinary and emotional wave of #TheyAreUs solidarity across the country.

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6

Cooke, Robin. "Party Autonomy." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 30, no. 1 (June 1, 1999): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v30i1.6022.

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This is an augmented version of a paper delivered at the International Centre for Alternative Dispute Resolution, New Delhi, in December 1998. Party autonomy describes the principle whereby the parties to a dispute have full autonomy when making their arbitration agreement. The author discusses the Arbitration and Conciliation Act 1996 of the Parliament of India, focusing on the principle of party autonomy. He describes his formative experiences to arbitration in cases like Wellington City v National Bank of New Zealand Properties Ltd, the Arbitration and Conciliation Act itself, Indian case law before the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, and a brief look at New Zealand's Arbitration Act 1996.

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7

Miller, Raymond. "Postmaterialism and Green Party Activists in New Zealand." Political Science 43, no. 2 (December 1991): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879104300203.

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8

Jutel, Olivier. "Affective Media, Cyberlibertarianism and the New Zealand Internet Party." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 1 (March 27, 2017): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i1.781.

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The New Zealand Internet Party tested key notions of affective media politics. Embracing techno-solutionism and the hacker politics of disruption, Kim Dotcom’s party attempted to mobilize the digital natives through an irreverent politics of lulz. While an electoral failure the party’s political discourse offers insights into affective media ontology. The social character of affective media creates the political conditions for an antagonistic political discourse. In this case affective identification in the master signifier “The Internet” creates a community of enjoyment threatened by the enemy of state surveillance as an agent of rapacious jouissance. The Internet Party’s politics of lulz was cast as a left-wing techno-fix to democracy, but this rhetoric belied a politics of cyberlibertarianism. Dotcom’s political intervention attempted to conflate his private interests as a battle that elevates him to the status of cyberlibertarian super-hero in the mold of Edward Snowden or Julian Assange.

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9

Webster, Karen, Andy Asquith, Maheswaren Rohan, Andrew Cardow, and Mandisi Majavu. "Auckland, New Zealand – fair game for central party politics." Local Government Studies 45, no. 4 (March 8, 2019): 569–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2019.1584558.

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10

McAllister, Ian, and Jack Vowles. "The Rise of New Politics and Market Liberalism in Australia and New Zealand." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 3 (July 1994): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006906.

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The rise of ‘New Politics’ concerns since the 1970s parallels the rise in popularity of market liberalism. Although often considered to be opposites, both goals have been pursued vigorously and simultaneously by social democratic governments in Australia and New Zealand. This article examines the circumstances of this unlikely marriage and, by applying multivariate analysis to election survey data collected in each country in 1990, examines the implications of these apparently contradictory policies for public opinion and party support. We conclude that value orientations associated with New Politics have mixed associations with party support. Postmaterialist and materialist value orientations are linked to attitudes towards the specifically Australasian old left strategy of ‘domestic defence’. The findings suggest that the effects of value change are more far-reaching in New Zealand, where social liberalism may have overtaken collectivism as the dominant value cleavage in the party system.

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11

Bean, C. S. "Regional Variations in Political Party Support in Australia and New Zealand." Australian Journal of Politics & History 37, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 416–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1991.tb00041.x.

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12

Allen, Michael W., and Sik Hung Ng. "Self‐Interest, Economic Beliefs, and Political Party Preference in New Zealand." Political Psychology 21, no. 2 (June 2000): 323–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00190.

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13

Miller, Raymond. "The Gender Gap and Women Party Activists in New Zealand." Political Science 45, no. 1 (July 1993): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879304500105.

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14

Brechtel, Thomas, and AndrÉ Kaiser. "Party System and Coalition Formation in Post-Reform New Zealand." Political Science 51, no. 1 (July 1999): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879905100101.

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15

Bean, Clive. "Class and Party in the Anglo-American Democracies: The Case of New Zealand in Perspective." British Journal of Political Science 18, no. 3 (July 1988): 303–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005147.

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Despite the inadequacies of data available for Ihe study of New Zealand electoral behaviour, evidence from a number of small-scale projects has given rise to a conventional wisdom which suggests that, at least in the 1960s, the association between class and party was strong in New Zealand – similar to the level in Britain. New evidence suggests that past estimates of class voting exaggerated the size of the link. Furthermore since the 1960s the level of class voting has declined considerably, as it has in many other countries. In New Zealand this decline appears to have been brought about by new age cohorts with weaker class-party alignments replacing older cohorts with stronger class-party links. Multivariate analysis supports the initial findings while at the same time showing that occupation remains the central social structural determinant of the vote in New Zealand.

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16

은민수. "The Change of Political Party System and NZ Suerannuation in New Zealand." Korean Political Science Review 49, no. 5 (December 2015): 193–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2015.49.5.007.

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17

Hartshorn-Sanders, Eva. "Co-Leadership and the Green Party: A New Zealand Case Study." Political Science 58, no. 1 (June 2006): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870605800103.

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18

CoffÉ, Hilde. "Gender and party choice at the 2011 New Zealand general election." Political Science 65, no. 1 (June 2013): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032318713485346.

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19

Debnam, Geoffrey. "Conflict and Reform in the New Zealand Labour Party, 1984-1992." Political Science 44, no. 2 (December 1992): 42–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879204400203.

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20

Vowles, Jack. "Waiting for the Realignment? The New Zealand Party System, 1972-93." Political Science 48, no. 2 (January 1997): 184–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879704800203.

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21

Quinn, Thomas. "Third-Party Strategy under Plurality Rule: The British Liberal Democrats and the New Zealand Social Credit Party." Political Studies 65, no. 3 (February 9, 2017): 740–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716677991.

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This article examines the strategic options facing small centrist third parties in two-party parliamentary systems operating under the single-member district plurality electoral system. It uses a spatial model to show that centrist third parties are better off targeting the ‘safe’ districts of a major party rather than marginal districts. Furthermore, it is optimal to target one party’s districts, not both, to benefit from tactical and protest voting. This article also questions the implicit conclusion of the median-legislator theorem that pivotality-seeking is the best strategy for a third party, at least under the single-member district plurality system, because that would usurp voters’ ability to select the executive directly, a key feature of two-partism. Finally, this article shows that third parties can damage themselves if they ‘flip’ their strategies from opposing particular major parties to supporting them. Evidence is provided for the British Liberal Democrats and New Zealand’s historic Social Credit Party.

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22

McMullan, Sam. "Third Party Consent Searches Following the Search and Surveillance Act." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 43, no. 3 (September 1, 2012): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v43i3.5030.

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Many New Zealanders live in shared living arrangements. The result of this is that reasonable expectations of privacy are becoming more limited. State officials may conduct a lawful search where a person consents to such a search if that person has the authority to consent. Where people live in shared living arrangements, several people may have authority to consent to a search of the same property. This article explores the extent of a third party's power to consent to property searches where more than one person has authority to consent to a search under the Search and Surveillance Act 2012. It argues that the question of reasonable expectations of privacy should not be assessed by reference to property rights. It also considers the concept of "apparent" authority which has arisen in New Zealand from the Court of Appeal's decision in R v Bradley as well as the concept of a present and objecting occupant which has arisen in the United States in the Supreme Court decision of Georgia v Randolph.

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23

Rydon, Joan. "Two‐ and three‐party electoral politics in Britain, Australia and New Zealand." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 27, no. 1 (March 1989): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662048908447561.

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24

Calabrò, Marco. "Sistemi elettorali e comportamento di voto: una comparazione fra Germania e Nuova Zelanda." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 69, no. 1 (June 30, 2013): 63–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9513.

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The article analyses the impact of mixed-member proportional electoral systems (MMP) on the party systems and electoral behaviors in Germany and New Zealand. The MMP grants proportional representation while reducing party fragmentation. The latter effect is stronger in Germany than in New Zealand, due to a difference in the electoral thresholds. Mixed member systems that allow citizens to cast two ballots for two different competitive arenas are much interesting for analyzing the impact of electoral systems on electoral behaviors. A voter can choose to split her vote, thus supporting a party in the multimember constituency and the candidate of another party in the single-mandate constituency. MMP is not theoretically supposed to strongly favor such choice. Yet, in the two countries many citizens split their votes; thus, in single-mandate constituencies votes typically concentrate on fewer candidates than in the proportional arena. This seems to be particularly the case in New Zealand. Voters act strategically while splitting their vote. There are evidences that this can be due both to a seat maximizing and to a localistic logic. Evidences are stronger for the latter.

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25

BEAN, CLIVE. "The Electoral Influence of Party Leader Images in Australia and New Zealand." Comparative Political Studies 26, no. 1 (April 1993): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093026001005.

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Although the electoral influence of voter attitudes toward American presidential candidates has never seriously been questioned, only in relatively recent times has the existence of an equivalent effect for political party leaders in parliamentary systems become well-accepted. This analysis seeks to extend the understanding of the nature of parliamentary leadership effects to encompass the types of specific leadership qualities that influence electoral choice. Data from open-ended questions in surveys conducted in Australia in 1979 and New Zealand in 1981, taken together with earlier research, indicate a broad similarity of voter responses to different political leaders, in parliamentary as well as presidential systems. In particular, the criteria voters take into account most consistently when making leadership-based electoral decisions are positive perceptions of the “performance relevant” qualities of competence and integrity. This is evidence against the argument that voting on the basis of leadership personality is in some sense “irrational.”

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26

Debnam, Geoffrey. "Negotiating Solidarity in the British Labour Party: A Lesson from New Zealand?" Political Quarterly 63, no. 2 (April 1992): 233–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1992.tb00897.x.

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27

Miller, Geoffrey. "Why Small Parties Fail: a Case Study of Act New Zealand." Political Science 59, no. 2 (December 2007): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870705900207.

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28

Fairburn, Miles. "Why Did the New Zealand Labour Party Fail to Win Office until 1935?" Political Science 37, no. 2 (December 1985): 101–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231878503700201.

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29

Sheppard, Simon. "The Struggle for the Agenda: New Zealand Labour Party Candidate Selections 1987-93." Political Science 49, no. 2 (January 1998): 198–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879804900204.

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30

Cass, Philip. "Review: Useful but flawed survey of media role in bleak political landscape." Pacific Journalism Review 20, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v20i2.179.

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Review of: Politics and the Media, edited by Babak Bahador, Geoff Kemp, Kate McMillan and Chris Rudd. Auckland: Pearson, 2013. ISBN 978144255826A generaton after the capitalist roaders took over the New Zealand Labour Party, the country’s political landscape is bleak. As described in this new book, it is one in which no political party is interested in any ideology except staying in power, no party will do anything that might offend a focus group, PR hacks control policy, political party membership has all but disappeared, the public is almost totally disengaged and most of the media has neither the time, the skill nor the inclination to cover politics.

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Ravindran Nadarajan, Norliah Ibrahim, and Najibah Mohd. Zin. "CLAIMING ENHANCED EARNING CAPACITY IN MATRIMONIAL PROPERTY DISPUTES: LESSONS FROM NEW ZEALAND." IIUM Law Journal 29, (S1) (May 12, 2021): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/iiumlj.v29i(s1).635.

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Upon divorce, the economic disparities between the spouses are usually disputed where the non-acquiring spouse is left with little or no matrimonial property. This article discusses the application of the enhanced earning capacity principle as practiced in New Zealand in order to examine possible adoption in Malaysia. Analysis of New Zealand’s judicial decisions is made in order to identify approaches in determining future assets as matrimonial property to compensate for the economic disparity between spouses. The article proceeds to consider applications of those principles by the Malaysian courts under Section 76 of Law Reform (Marriage and Divorce) Act 1976. Considering this issue, it is found that the enabling statute is New Zealand’s Property (Relationships) Amendment Act 2001 recognizes that upon divorce, the enhanced earnings acquired during the marriage are subject to a division on the basis that the other spouse has also directly or indirectly contributed to compensate the economic disparity suffered by the referred spouse. The case law analysis is conducted on selected cases merely to justify on the enhanced earning capacity distributed as matrimonial property in New Zealand. Undoubtedly, the claim on enhanced earning capacity as the matrimonial property will compensate the spouse if his or her living standards and income become significantly lesser than the other party due to divorce.

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LYSONSKI, STEVEN, and MICHAEL F. DUFFY. "The New Zealand Fair Trading Act of 1986: Deceptive Advertising." Journal of Consumer Affairs 26, no. 1 (June 1992): 177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6606.1992.tb00022.x.

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33

HUMPAGE, LOUISE. "Does having an Indigenous Political Party in Government make a Difference to Social Policy? The Māori Party in New Zealand." Journal of Social Policy 46, no. 3 (January 25, 2017): 475–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279417000022.

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AbstractIndigenous Māori in New Zealand have had significant opportunities to influence mainstream politics and policy since 2008 when the Māori Party began negotiating supply and confidence agreements with the conservative National Party in return for progress on Māori Party initiatives. This article assesses whether the Māori Party has made a difference in social policy. It argues that the holistic, whole-family-focused Whānau Ora strategy and initiatives aiming to revitalise the Māori language are significant policy innovations that uniquely embed Māori cultural values and governance into mainstream policy frameworks. A Ministerial Committee on Poverty, established as a result of National-Māori Party negotiations, put Māori politicians at the decision-making table and led to some important housing and health initiatives but fewer gains are evident regarding income/employment policies that address the disproportionate material disadvantage of Māori. Ultimately, the Māori Party has provoked policy innovation and there is some evidence of improving Māori outcomes. But political constraints inhibit opportunities for significant and lasting recognition of indigenous rights and radically improved socio-economic outcomes in the social policy arena.

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34

Stephens, Robert. "The Economic And Social Context For The Changes In Accident Compensation." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 34, no. 2 (June 2, 2003): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v34i2.5779.

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The changes in ACC after 1980 cannot be separated from profound changes in the shape and direction of New Zealand's political economy. Responding initially to the inherited economic imbalances in the 1970s, after 1984 the governing Labour Party launched a major restructuring of the economy and state administration. This paper describes the theories and objectives behind that transformation, as well as the generally disappointing results for economic performance and social equity. Further erosion of confidence in the state and dedication to market-driven policies continued well into the 1990s under the National Party. This paper documents the major trends during this entire period for employment, productivity, social inequality, and poverty.

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Kenner, Lucy Elizabeth. "Can Legislative Reform Secure Rewards for Authors? Exploring Options for the New Zealand Copyright Act." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 48, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v48i4.4724.

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Copyright law protects works, but not the authors who create them. As the weaker party in negotiations, authors face insufficiently remunerative bargains, often made early in their careers. The Copyright Act 1994 is currently under review, and reform should be considered. This article explores legislative mechanisms to secure rewards for authors from their works. It considers the contrasting schemes in the United States and in Germany and evaluates the desirability of adopting these approaches in New Zealand. The United States approach is a termination right that allows authors to recapture their copyrights after 35 years. The scheme in Germany requires that authors' contracts meet minimum equitable standards or be subject to amendment. This article considers that there are significant problems with adopting either approach in New Zealand. These include the risk of harming authors overall, enforcement, the interests of disseminators, arbitrariness, uncertainty and administrative difficulties. This article recommends that neither option is desirable. It concludes that while there is a clear need for solutions, a cautious approach must be taken to any reforms which are intended to address such a complex problem.

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36

Xanthaki, Alexandra, and Dominic O'Sullivan. "Indigenous Participation in Elective Bodies: The Maori in New Zealand." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 16, no. 2 (2009): 181–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181109x427734.

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AbstractThe article argues that Maori political participation in New Zealand constitutes a positive example of how the current international standards on indigenous political participation can be implemented at the national level. Notwithstanding the weaknesses of the system and the challenges laying ahead, the combination of the Mixed Member Proportional electoral system, dedicated Maori seats and the establishment of the Maori Party have ensured a Maori voice in Parliament and have broadened the possibilities of effective indigenous participation in the political life of the state. Such state practice that implements the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples firmly confirms the position of the Declaration within current international law.

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37

Aimer, Peter. "The rise of Neo-Liberalism and Right Wing Protest Parties in Scandinavia and New Zealand: The Progress Parties and the New Zealand Party." Political Science 40, no. 2 (December 1988): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231878804000201.

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38

Kaiser, AndrÉ, and Thomas Brechtel. "Party System, Bargaining Power and Coalition Formation After the 1999 New Zealand General Election." Political Science 51, no. 2 (December 1999): 182–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879905100206.

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39

McCraw, David J. "‘Third party protest’: A note on the Australian and New Zealand elections of 1990." Australian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (November 1992): 517–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269208402213.

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40

Bryder, Linda, and John Stewart. "‘Some Abstract Socialistic Ideal or Principle’: British Reactions to New Zealand's 1938 Social Security Act." Britain and the World 8, no. 1 (March 2015): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2015.0167.

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This article, utilising British and New Zealand primary sources, examines the impact of New Zealand's 1938 Social Security Act on British health care reform. The Act, brought in by the Dominion's first Labour government, sought to socialize health care. It was opposed by most New Zealand and British doctors, organised by the British Medical Association in both countries; but supported by the political left in both New Zealand and Britain. This episode is neglected in the historiography of Britain's National Health Service but what happened in New Zealand significantly shaped British thinking about health care reform in the late 1930s and 1940s.

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41

Bale, Tim, and Nigel S. Roberts. "Plus ça change … ? Anti-Party Sentiment and Electoral System Change: A New Zealand Case Study." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 40, no. 2 (July 2002): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713999587.

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42

Mckenzie, Katherine. "New Zealand By-Elections and MMP: the Labour Party and the Mt Albert By-Election." Political Science 61, no. 2 (December 2009): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323187090610020401.

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43

McAllister, Ian. "Social Structure and Party Support in the East Asian Democracies." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 2007): 225–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008729.

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A stable and effective party system depends on consistent and enduring support from social groups. Using the Lipset-Rokkan paradigm as a point of departure, this article tests the relationship between social structure and party support in four East Asian democracies (Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan) and two Western democracies (Australia and New Zealand) using the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Using Australia and New Zealand as a reference point, the results show that the four Lipset-Rokkan social cleavages are only loosely related to party support in the four East Asian nations, mainly through center-periphery and urban-rural divisions. The absence of an owner-worker cleavage is explained by the suppression of labor-based parties in these countries. More generally, the results suggest the importance of the socializing experiences associated with the democratic transitions in each of the four newer democracies.

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Klesner, Joseph L. "Electoral Competition and the New Party System in Mexico." Latin American Politics and Society 47, no. 02 (2005): 103–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2005.tb00311.x.

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Abstract Mexico's former opposition parties had specific social bases that would not, on their own, have catapulted either opposition party into power. In the 1990s, specific regional bases of support developed for the parties, reflecting their efforts to develop their organizations more locally. Nationally, this led to the emergence of two parallel two-party systems, PAN-PRI competition in the north and center-west and PRD-PRI competition in the south. In parallel, a proregime-antiregime cleavage came to dominate the Mexican party system, which, combined with local-level opposition efforts to oust the PRI, created new incentives for the opposition parties to abandon past emphases on ideological differences and to act like catch-all parties instead. The regime cleavage fostered the dealignment of the Mexican electorate, a process that promoted the development of catch-all parties. Movement within the parties to behave like catch-all parties has not come without internal tensions, but electoral dynamics prove powerful inducements to catch-all behavior.

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Manly, Paul, Jonathan Bartley, and Chlöe Swarbrick. "Green parties and environmental activism." Journal of Human Rights and the Environment 11, no. 3 (December 25, 2020): 181–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/jhre.2020.03.09.

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For this edition on environmental activism and the law, we examined how contemporary green political parties construe their role and relevance when many environmentalists including the Extinction Rebellion (XR) movement are bypassing parliamentary processes by taking to the streets as well as by proposing alternate forms of political engagement such as convening national citizens’ assemblies. This report features interviews conducted in early 2020 with Paul Manly (MP, House of Commons, Green Party of Canada); Chlöe Swarbrick (MP, New Zealand Parliament, Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand); and Jonathan Bartley (Co-leader of the Green Party of England and Wales, and councillor on Lambeth Council, London). Each interviewee responded to the same questions, which are detailed below. The interviews were conducted by Emma Thomas, XR Vancouver (interviewed Paul Manly); Trevor Daya-Winterbottom, FRGS, Associate Professor in Law, University of Waikato, and Deputy Chair of the IUCN Academy of Environmental Law (interviewed Chlöe Swarbrick); and Benjamin J Richardson, Professor of Environmental Law, University of Tasmania (interviewed Jonathan Bartley).

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Trapeznik, Alexander. "“Agents of Moscow” at the Dawn of the Cold War: The Comintern and the Communist Party of New Zealand." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2009): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.124.

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This article explores an important aspect of New Zealand's Cold War history—the impact of directives from Moscow on the Communist Party of New Zealand (CPNZ) until the dissolution of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1943. Drawing on the Comintern papers relating to New Zealand, the article largely reaffirms traditional interpretations of the Comintern. Although indigenous Communist parties operated in a specific local context that resulted in tensions between Bolshevik universalism and national specificity (the central dilemma of twentieth-century international Communism), they in the end functioned as compliant tools of Soviet foreign policy and Stalinist ideology. Although CPNZ officials did not openly cooperate with Soviet intelligence, the Comintern engaged in clandestine operations with New Zealand Communists. The CPNZ invariably deferred to Moscow, altered its policies to accord with Soviet objectives, aligned its policy to suit ideological pronouncements from the Comintern, kept Moscow informed of internal developments, and sought and received financial assistance from Moscow.

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Slinko, A. A., and E. O. Dyakina. "SEARCH FOR A NEW MODEL OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN THE REGIONS: UNITED RUSSIA PRIMARIES AND POLITICAL PROCESSES IN EUROPE." Region: systems, economy, management 2, no. 53 (2021): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1997-4469-2021-53-2-87-92.

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Subject. The article analyzes the experience of the preliminary voting of the United Russia party in the context of the problems of strengthening the party-political system of the state. Topic. The search for a new model of political participation in the regions: the primaries of United Russia and political processes in Europe. Purposes. To analyze the experience of the preliminary voting of the United Russia party in the context of the problems of strengthening the party-political system both in the regions of the Russian Federation and in the states of Europe. Methodology. Complex systems approach, classical institutional method, neoinstitutional approach, elements of critical theory and poststructuralism, political and cultural method. Results. The primaries of United Russia are a step towards the consolidation of the party and political system, an important act that allows improving the personnel composition of the current government structures, as well as supporting all healthy political forces in the country. The importance of new media in shaping the party agenda, as well as the significant role of electronic voting in the digital age in the context of the emergence of influential political networks, is emphasized. Russia is moving away from the crisis electoral models that exist in the West in the conditions of stagnation of neoliberal globalization, and is forming its own vector of strengthening the political participation of voters in real political processes. Scope of application. The results of the research can be applied by specialists in the field of regional policy and political management, regional and world economy, teachers and students of higher educational institutions. Conclusions. The testing of the model of political participation of citizens during the preliminary voting in May — June 2021 has shown its effectiveness and can play a constructive role in the political processes in the regions and in Russia as a whole. Keywords: Political participation, primaries, electronic voting, populism, new electoral models.

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Huntington, Nicholas, and Thomas O’Brien. "Tied to a star: the Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand and the 2020 election." Environmental Politics 30, no. 4 (January 24, 2021): 669–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2021.1877477.

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Greaves, Lara M., Nikhil K. Sengupta, Carly S. Townrow, Danny Osborne, Carla A. Houkamau, and Chris G. Sibley. "Māori, a politicized identity: Indigenous identity, voter turnout, protest, and political party support in Aotearoa New Zealand." International Perspectives in Psychology: Research, Practice, Consultation 7, no. 3 (July 2018): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ipp0000089.

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Ikeda, Ken'ichi, James H. Liu, Masahiko Aida, and Marc Wilson. "Dynamics of Interpersonal Political Environment and Party Identification: Longitudinal Studies of Voting in Japan and New Zealand." Political Psychology 26, no. 4 (August 2005): 517–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2005.00429.x.

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