Journal articles on the topic 'Active 10th century'

The materials of the excavations of Vypovziv Archaeological Complex of the late 9th—10th centuries which existed as one of the military, trade and handicraft points of the Low Desna region are analyzed in the paper. Also the chronology and functions in the region are determinated here.
 Vypovziv is located on a narrow long cape that «creeps out» for 700 m into the flood plains of the Desna river near the village of Vypovziv, Kozelets district, Chernihiv region. It is placed between Chernihiv and Vyshgorod — on the route of the so-called «Monomakh Road» which connected the capital of Rus — Kyiv with the center of the largest principality on Desna river — Chernihiv. The site consists of a settlement, suburb and hem. The remains of wood and earth fortifications, twice burned during the 10th century, were explored on the site. Foundation pit of pithouse and remains of donjon of the 10th century have been discovered on the site.
 Open settlement was located to the west of the site. The building of the same period was situated there. The peculiarity of building of Vypovziv settlement is the high concentration of constructions. Dwellings were built one above the other, sometimes in the same foundation pits. The end of the mass building of the site was reasoned by local fire synchronous with the destruction of the fortifications of the settlement which dates back to the middle of the 10th century. It is well traced by remains of burned-out buildings and allows to highlight the simultaneous constructions.
 Vypovziv archaeological complex was formed in accordance with all Rus tendencies of development of the cities and settlements in the early phase of state formation. They arose at the end of the 9th — beginning of the 10th centuries as a result of active military, political and trade activity of the Rus people. Frequent finds of dishes, decorations, objects of everyday life in the cultural layer of the site and in the objects of the 10th century indicate the probability of the movement of small populations from the right bank of the Dnieper to the Low Desna region. It is possible that part of the population (representatives of the Luka-Raykovetsky culture) was used to settle in such points, possibly as slaves for sale in the markets of the East at the end of 9th — the beginning of 10th century.

The focus is on the linguistic aspects of Subjective Predicative At-tribute with Participle I evolving in Germanic languages from the 4th to the 10th century. In order to reveal the dynamics of the syntactic phenomenon in question, some methods of linguistic analysis are employed in determining the key points of evolution made by attributive-predicative constructions, which are functioning in the Gothic and Old English versions of the Gospel according to Matthew. The study proceeds to put under consecutive scrutiny 1) the lowering frequency of occurrence featured by participial predicative attributes, 2) the forms and structures that come to oust the latter, 3) the factor of morphological development of Participle I as affecting the syntactic properties of the participial phrases, 4) the evolution of lexical meaning manifested by the active participles functioning as Subjective Predicative Attribute.

AbstractThis article undertakes first a reconstruction of lists of legal scribes (kātibs) and investigators (ṣāḥibsal-masāʾil) active in Fusṭāṭ between the 1st/early 8th and the 4th/10th century. Identification of these people allows a better understanding of the recruitment of Egyptian judiciary staff. Their reputations as scholars, as well as their ethnical, geographical and tribal origins, show that legal careers were limited by social barriers for a long time. Up until the 3rd/9th century, the office of scribe was mostly held bymawālī—high-ranking clients could possibly aspire to the office of investigator—, whereasqāḍīs were recruited among Arabs. The partitioning of the judiciary reveals a complex social hierarchy beyond the mere distinction between Arabs and non-Arabs. The results of this study also allow a re-evaluation of the Abbasid revolution’s impact on Egyptian society.

AbstractAbū Ma'shar (787-886) and al-Qābīsī (mid-10th century) were active astrologers and defenders of the scientific character of their discipline. They wrote works on criticisms brought forward against the discipline and challenged practitioners whom they considered as detrimental for the esteem and future fate of their science. Nevertheless, both writers can be seen as heirs to a single tradition of thought, which took its origins in Ptolemy's Tetrabiblios and developed largely independently of the religious or philosophical beliefs of a specific community. The arguments developed for proving the scientific value of astrology are interesting in their own right, and merit further study not only by historians of science but also by historians of philosophy.

Introduction. In ancient mythology, the image of Hercules is one of the most popular, and his heroic cult is one of the most common. Having emerged from the “conglomerate of folk tales”, the image of Hercules was actively assimilated by the Greek and then Roman literary tradition. Hercules was a very popular hero among Greek tragic and especially comic poets. In Roman times, the final systematization of the image took place. The key role in this process was played by the works of Apollodorus “The Mythological Library” (2nd century BC), “Pictures” by Philostratus the Younger (2nd century BC) and “Description of Hellas” by Pausanias (2nd century BC). Within the framework of the classical tradition, the image of Hercules in Roman times was finally formed and unambiguous. Hercules is a hero, a demigod, the son of Zeus and Alcmene, who possessed amazing strength, who killed his children (and the children of his brother Iphicles) in an act of madness. He performed 12 labours at the request of Eurystheus. Hercules lived with the Lydian queen Omphale dressing in a woman’s dress. He was poisoned by his wife Deianira, burned at the stake on Mount Eta and ascended to Olympus, where he became the spouse of Hebe. Methods. The hermeneutic methodology, which ensured the correct understanding and interpretation of the text of the Suda dictionary and the ancient texts, on which this “antique” dictionary was based, is used in the article. The toolkit of the hermeneutic circle (pre-understanding and understanding of the text, interpretation of the whole based on knowledge of its parts) made it possible to highlight key elements (plots, signs and symbols) of the philosophical image of Hercules in the entries of the dictionary. Results. We can see a kind of “muscular Christianity”, when the strength of the body still corresponds to moral perfection and the withdrawal from the world does not contradict the active entry into the still polis institutions of urban life in Byzantine cities, among which the most important was the hippodrome and sports competitions. Christian authors actively used traditional sports metaphors and images of wrestling, but filled them with new Christian content. In the dictionary of the Suda, there is a kind of replacement of images that embody the samples of virtue. Hercules always loses to Job. It is indicative that the Christian rhetoric, relying on the philosophical symbolism of the apotheosis of Hercules, using the “sports” terminology of struggle, ignores the developed philosophical symbolism of Hercules, and fights against the mythological “fables” about Hercules. Using cynical and stoic terminology, Christian rhetoric opposes the comedic and dramatic image of Hercules, as Herodore of Heracles did in the 5th century BC. That is, the enemy is borrowed from Christian rhetoric along with philosophical symbols and terminology describing a difficult life full of trials as a virtue.

Excavation of the Schurovo archaeological site, located on a ∼12-m river terrace, has revealed 3 occupation periods: 1) as a dwelling site of the Migration period (4th–5th centuries AD); 2) as local burial mounds (termed “houses of the dead” in Russian); 3) and as a ground burial period, which left a cremation layer directly on the ground and is now covered by the Little Ice Age overbank alluvium. The latter 2 periods contain few artifacts, which makes radiocarbon dating more appropriate for establishing their chronology. The burial mounds were dated to the mid-6th to mid-7th centuries AD. The accumulation of colluvium in mound ditches points to a rather long (at least a century) pause between the construction of burial mounds and the appearance of ground burials. Dates from the cremation layer (ground burials) span a wide range from the 8th to 13th centuries AD. As the younger dates do not correspond to regional historical and archaeological contexts, we believe them to be “rejuvenated” due to their long exposure before burial to the young alluvium. The ground burials are dated to the mid-8th to mid-10th centuries AD, the so-called “dark ages” in the Moscow region characterized by very few archaeological data. An isolated ancient branch of the Oka River near the archaeological site was radiocarbon dated and found to be active until the mid-10th to later-12th centuries AD, meaning that it was likely used as a local harbor on the transit river route throughout the site's occupation.

<p>The purpose of this paper is to identify the cultural characteristics of Islamic cities, which emerge as centers of knowledge, and consequently to draw attention to the cultural level attained by the Muslim states of the era.</p><p>Information on the cultural life and the identities, personalities, the course and venues of education, mentors and students of the scholars are generally contained in sources known as tabakât [i.e. collections] and a'lâm [i.e. traces]. These sources provide detailed information on the scholarship, education and cultural life of Muslim lands, while also shedding light on the cities frequented by the scholars for rihla [i.e. journey undertaken especially for divine wisdom and knowledge]. Information on the level of cultural development of such cities in a given period of time is often set out in sources on the history of cities, history of geography and general history of Islam.</p><p>Information contained in these sources and the interpretation of this information call attention to three particular issues: firstly, the rich variety of the scholarly and cultural activities performed in terms of both form and content implies that the Muslim lands in the tenth century attained a high cultural and civil status in comparison with its contemporaries. The second important aspect is that almost all of the scholars who were active agents in the social and cultural life went to cities renowned as cultural hubs to receive higher education. Lastly, those who completed their education in cities emerging as cultural centers started working as active scientists and educators, having been convinced that they had been educated in accordance with the norms of their time.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Özet</strong></p><p>Bu tebliğin amacı, hicri IV./miladi X. yüzyılda ilim merkezleri olarak öne çıkan İslam şehirlerinin kültürel niteliklerini tanımak ve dolayısıyla o çağın Müslüman devletlerinin sahip oldukları kültürel düzeye dikkat çekmektir.</p><p>İslâm tarihinde kültürel hayat ile bilginlerin kimlik, kişilik, tahsil hayatı ve tahsil yerleri, ders aldıkları hocaları ve ders verdikleri talebeler hakkındaki bilgiler, daha çok <em>tabakât</em> veya <em>a’lâm</em> kitapları olarak adlandırılan kaynaklarda bulunmaktadır. Bu kitaplardaki kayıtlar Müslüman yurdunun ilim, eğitim ve kültür hayatı hakkında ayrıntılı bilgi sunarken, aynı zamanda bilginlerin ilim tahsili yani rıhle amacıyla gittikleri şehirleri de haber vermektedir. Bu şehirlerin özellikle o çağa özgü kültürel gelişmişliği hakkındaki bilgiler ise daha çok şehir tarihi, coğrafya tarihi ve genel İslam tarihi kaynaklarında bulunmaktadır.</p><p>İşte bu kaynakların analiz edilmesi yoluyla elde edilen bilgi ve tespitler şu üç olguya dikkat çekmektedir. Birincisi, icra edilen ilim ve kültür faaliyetlerinin hem çeşit hem de içerik bakımından oldukça zengin olması, miladi X. Yüzyılda İslam ülkesinin hemen her bakımdan kendi çağdaşları arasında yüksek bir kültürel ve medeni düzeye erişmiş olduğuna işaret etmektedir. İkinci önemli sonuç, sosyal ve kültürel hayat üzerinde oldukça etkin bir konumda bulunan bilginlerin hemen tamamının kültür merkezleri olarak öne çıkan şehirlerde yüksek tahsil amacıyla bulundukları gerçeğidir. Üçüncü sonuç ise, kültürel merkezler olarak öne çıkan şehirlerde tahsilini tamamlayanların, zamanın kurallarına uygun şekilde kendini yetiştirdiğine kani olarak bilim ve eğitim faaliyetlerinde aktif görev almış olmalarıdır.</p>

A common-pool resource (CPR) is a type of good consisting of a natural or human-made resource system. Jeju common ranches are historical CPRs located in Jeju Province where mid-mountainous grassland has been shared for livestock farming by the members of adjacent villages since the 10th century. Because of the recent globalization movement, the number of ranches has decreased from 126 in the 1940s to only 53 in 2015; while the majority of the ranches did not survive the transformation, others have remained active by adopting various solutions. In this study, we analyzed the administrative characteristics of the CPRs to explain their current status (i.e., extinction or continuance as a common property) using logistic regression analysis. From this analysis, four statistically meaningful variables were extracted using a forward stepwise selection method; these include the type of ranch management, ratio of land area to population, number of internal committees in the village, and number of local government grants. These variables correlate well with previously recognized ‘community resilience dimensions’ and can be used to explain the fate of the Jeju common ranches during the study period. This study elucidates what community dimensions should be fortified to promote the resilience of Jeju common ranches in order to effectively cope with the on-going effects of globalization.

Из истории литовско-польских караимов в ХХ векеКараимы — это религиозная и одновременно этническая группа с очень интересной историей и культурой, сформировавшаяся в Крыму около Х века. На литовско-польских землях они живут с конца XIV века. Они сохранились до ХХ века как небольшое меньшинство, в межвоенный период их количество не превышало 1000 человек. Главные скопления караимов находились тогда в Тракае, Вильнюсе, Паневежисе в Литовской республике, в Луцке и Галиче. Они выделялись довольно большой культурной активностью в различных сферах. Однако первая и вторая мировые войны негативно повлияли на так малую общность. Многие погибли во время военных действий. Большинство было переселено, и это вызвало их рассеяние и ассимиляцию в чужом окружении. Большую угрозу для караимов представлял и коммунизм, борющийся со всеми проявлениями религиозной культуры. Несмотря на это, и в настоящее время в Литве и Польше они стараются существовать как особенный народ, хотя в намного меньшем количестве, чем перед войной.On the history of the Lithuanian-Polish Karaims in the 20th centuryThe Karaims are a religious and ethnic group with a very interesting history and culture, who emerged in Crimea around the 10th century. They settled in Poland and Lithuania in the 14th century and survived until the 20th century as a small minority — in the interwar period their population did not exceed 1,000. At that time their main centres were in Trakai, Vilnius, Panevėžys in Lithuania as well as in Lutsk and Halych. They were very active in various areas of culture; however, both the First and the Second World Wars had a negative impact on this small community. Many of its members perished during military operations. Most were forc­ibly resettled, as a result of which they dispersed as a community and became assimilated in foreign environments. Just as dangerous to them was communism, which fought any manifes­tations of religious culture. Nevertheless, today the Karaims still try to live as a distinct people in Lithuania and Poland.

Abstract Ms. St. Petersburg, Russian National Library, Evr Arab I 3951 has 14 leaves, which consist of three fragments: 1) Fols. 1–10, include part of al-Uṣūl al-Muhaḏḏabiyya, the subject of the present paper. 2–3) Fragments of a responsum on forbidden marriages and a theological work. al-Uṣūl al-Muhaḏḏabiyya was written as a concise compendium of Muʿtazili theology, written by a Karaite scholar Sahl b. al-Faḍl al-Tustarī, who was active in Jerusalem (and perhaps later in Egypt) at the end of the 10th century, at the request of al-Qaḍī al-Muhaḏḏab Saniyy al-Dawla, (apparently) a dignitary in the service of the Fāṭimid government. No person with this, or a similar name could be identified in historical or biographic sources as fitting the role of instigator of such an inter-confessional project. On the basis of a comparison between a quotation of a statement on the definition of prophecy by al-Sahl b. al-Faḍl al-Tustarī at an inter-confessional debate, which took place on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem ca. 1095 (quoted in Ibn al-ʿArabī’s Qānūn al-taʾwīl) and a similar statement on prophecy found in the fragment of al-Uṣūl al-Muhaḏḏabiyya, it is quite safe to conclude that the same person is the author of the compendium, and also of the important work Kitāb al-Īmāʾ.

AbstractThe International Astronomical Union was conceived in 1918, and was formed one year later in Brussels. One of the 32 initial Commissions was the Committee on Stellar Photometry that later on became IAU Commission 25 Astronomical Photometry and Polarimetry, and since 2015 Commission B6 with the same name. The initial functions to be exercised by the Committee were (a)to advise in the matter of notation, nomenclature, definitions, conventions, etc., and(b)to plan and execute investigations requiring the cooperation of several observers or institutions.The basic philosophy was that IAU Commission 25 was to be an advisory body, rather than a decision-making committee that imposes its regulations. This position was reconfirmed at the 10th IAU General Assembly in 1958.From the early days on, the Commission members engaged in the teaching of the principles of photometric measurement – either via the Commission meetings and the ensuing reports, or via external means, such as lectures and publications. The topics of instruction dealt with absorption of light in the atmosphere, the modification imposed by the character of the receiving apparatus, the unequal response of different receivers to a same stimulus, and variations in the data-recorder response from one experiment to another.From the 1930s on it was suggested that IAU Commission 25 takes responsibility in matters of standard stars, standard filters and standard calibration methods.During the first half-century since its foundation, Commission 25 was an active forum for discussions on the basic principles of astronomical photometry, including the associated problems of transformability of magnitudes and colour indices from one instrumental configuration to another. During the second half-century of its existence, the Commission has served as a sort of news agency reporting on the developments in detector engineering, filter technology and data reduction. All along the Commission members were committed to accuracy and precision, a struggle that was primarily driven by the jumps forward in performance and sensitivity of every new detector that was introduced.The development over one century shows that the Commission was continuously touching on the philosophy of precise measurement, where accurate measuring – for a select group of pioneers – was an end in itself.This presentation looks back on the opinions of key players in the photometric standardisation debate, and briefly presents two case studies that illustrate the illusionary accuracy reached over a century in determining, as Commission member Ralph Allan Sampson put it, “a detail like magnitude”.

AbstractThe Gulf is an area of water jutting inland and is often used as a port. In the 15th century — 17 M the Gulf of Semangka was passed by a sea-trading route before heading to Teluk Betung. However, this region is rarely mentioned in historical sources even though the ancient settlements have been found in the upstream of the Way Semangka since in the 10th century, so the absence of historical records in the downstream area or the gulf of Semangka becomes an important problem to solve. Through a descriptive reasoning method with geoarchaeological surveys and interviews, there were found 15 ancient settlements in the gulf of Semangka area as well as on a floodplain by leaving ceramic fragments from the 19 — 20 century. Results indicated that the settlement allegedly was built by the initial settlers of the Saibatin clan whose inhabiting the Gulf of Semangka through a short-haul river, and cross the ridge. The gap of settlement chronology between upstream and downstream is indicated due to the environmental vulnerability in this region as a result of its position on the active-control of Semangka fault. Keywords: Ancient settlement, the gulf of Semangka, Tanggamus. AbstrakTeluk merupakan wilayah perairan yang menjorok ke daratan dan seringkali dimanfaatkan sebagai pelabuhan. Pada abad ke-15-17 M wilayah Teluk Semangka dilewati sebagai jalur perdagangan sebelum menuju Teluk Betung. Meskipun demikian, wilayah ini jarang sekali disebut dalam sumber sejarah, padahal permukiman kuno telah ada di bagian hulu Way Semangka sejak abad 10 M. Absennya catatan sejarah di wilayah hilir atau teluk Semangka menjadi masalah yanng menarik. Melalui metode penalaran deskriptif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui survei geoarkeologi dan wawancara, ditemukan 15 titik permukiman di kawasan Teluk Semangka dan sekaligus berada pada dataran limpahan banjir. Artefak yang ditemukan dominan berupa fragmen keramik abad ke19--20 M. Hasil penelitian mengindikasikan permukiman tersebut sebagai sebaran dari pemukim awal marga saibatin yang mendiami wilayah Teluk Semangka yang datang dari hulu di wilayah Liwa melalui sungai Semangka yang curam dengan jarak pendek, melintasi hutan dan punggung bukit. Jauhnya rentang kronologi permukiman antara hulu dan hilir diindikasi karena faktor kerentanan lingkungan akibat bencana karena lokasinya dipengaruhi oleh kontrol aktif sesar Semangka. Kata kunci: Permukiman kuno, Teluk Semangka, Tanggamus

Wilga Symposium on Photonics Applications [1] has been serving the national and international communities of young researchers since nearly a quarter of the century. Ph.D. students, active in photonics research and technology, optoelectronics, optical engineering, and associated fields like electronics, materials engineering, mechatronics, and ITC present successive developments of their work. The subjects embrace optical fiber technology, optical communications, sensors, light sources and lighting, research and industrial applications. Since its beginning Wilga has gathered more than 5000 presentations by Ph.D. students, out of which around 3000 were published internationally in the Proceedings of SPIE [2-5]. The paper digests concisely some of the achievements of Wilga2019 [6] on occasion of the 10th Anniversary of the Photonics Letters of Poland. Wilga Symposium on Photonics Applications is a very important pillar of the PSP Society focusing strongly its interest on young photonics researchers. Full Text: PDF ReferencesWILGA Symposium on Photonics Applications web page: [wilga.ise.pw.edu.pl] DirectLink R.S. Romaniuk, K.T. Pozniak, "HOST: hybrid optoelectronic versatile telemetric system for local community", Proc. SPIE 5125 (2002). CrossRef R.S. Romaniuk, "Optical fibers and photonics applications: topical tracks at Wilga conferences", Proc. SPIE 8698, 86980S (2012). CrossRef R.S. Romaniuk, "Photonics Applications and Web Engineering: WILGA 2018", Proc. SPIE 10808, 1080802 (2018). CrossRef R.S. Romaniuk, "Advanced Photonic and Electronic Systems WILGA 2018", Int. Journ. on Electronics and Telecommunications, IJET 64, 3 (2018). CrossRef R.S. Romaniuk, M. Linczuk, "Offsetting, relations, and blending with perturbation functions", Photonics applications in astronomy, communications, industry and high energy physics experiments, Proc. SPIE 11176 (2019). CrossRef

T h e C o m m e n d a C o n t r a c t in t h e M i d d l e A g e s Summary The author of this article deals with the commenda contract in the Middle Ages. First of all he characterized the most important features of the commenda contract in Italy, because in this country it appeared already in the 10th century. One kind of the commenda contract was one-sided. The contract of this kind consisted in an agreement, in accordance with which one party invested some capital and the other contributed his enterprise. The liability of the partner who invested capital was limited only to its amount. Differently from the modern continental Kommanditgesellschaft or société en accommandite, in the one-sided contract the active partner was not liable for possible losses. This feature of the contract was connected with the fact that commenda was made for a single trade expedition, in which the risk of loss concerned the invested capital only. In the mutual commenda the partner who put into commenda the enterprise made his own material contribution which enlarged his share in the profits.The commenda spread subsequently throughout Europe. This phenomenon was supported by the general development of the lex mercatoria i.e. common merchants law, whose basic provisions were widely accepted everywhere, from Iberian Peninsula to Scandinavia. The commenda contract was popular also outside Europe, especially in the vast Islamic areas. Commenda was called there mudaraba. Similarly to Christians in Europe, Muslems used precise and, to some extent, standardized collection of legal rules concerning trade, including different kinds of companies. Even local rulers in south-eastern Asia who converted to Islam promoted Islamic trade law including mudaraba.Because of the great popularity of the commenda contract in the Middle Ages, since the middle of 19th century discussions have been conducted on the origins of this contract. It is unquestionable that commenda was already well-known in Mesopotamic societies in the times of Hammurabi. However it is not clear how commenda entered the medieval European lex mercatoria. Various scholars connect the beginnings of medieval commenda with Jewish, Islamic or Byzantine law systems. The author of this article notices that at present the arguments for Arabic beginnings of the commenda contract prevail. It is not surprising, taking into consideration that many inventions and ideas were handed down to the medieval Europe just by the Arabs.

In 2017 the archaeological exploration in the zone of construction of the transmission line in the Makariv district of Kyiv region took place. Three sites — Nalyvaikivka 1 (second half of the 10th — 11th, 12th—13th centuries), Farm 2 (2nd—1st millennium BC) and Farm 3 (11th century) were excavated. The total area of excavation was 165 m2.
 The settlement Nalyvaykivka 1 is located in the area with high wetlands and had the necessary conditions for the extraction of iron and forestry — extraction of tar, charcoal and harvesting. The site Nalivaykivka 1 was the Medieval industrial rural settlements.
 The site Nalyvaykivka 1 contains a lot of artifacts related to iron production. They represent the different stages of the metallurgical process. Fragments of furnace for iron production have been found. The specific design of the metallurgical furnace was ascertained.
 The location near ore deposits (the iron-mining center in the Kolonshchyna region) and near the powerful product market (Kyiv) led to the craft character of the settlement. Probably it was part of the group of settlements pecialized in the production and primary processing of iron.
 The materials of the Ferma 3 settlement confirm the high economic level of the rural district of Kyiv region in comparison with the material culture of the Old Rus cities. There were no any archaeological objects excavated at the settlement. But in the cultural layer the interesting finds were recorded: the bi-conical shape whorl made of pink shale; the small iron knife with a straight back, the blade separated from the shank ledge; the anvil (?) will slip; the iron arrowhead with broken edge; iron bits; bronze vessel; metallurgical slag; shale fragment of pink; iron awl. The presence of Byzantine amphorae, glass bracelets, bronze vessels, items of military or hunting equipment testifies to the active trade and craft relations of rural and urban population of Kyiv Rus.

<font face="Arno Pro"><font face="Arno Pro"><p style="margin-bottom: 0cm"><font face="Arno Pro"><span>The poems here presented are all found in the fragmentary manuscript</span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span><span style="font-weight: normal"> </span></span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span><em><span style="font-weight: normal">Hauniensis 1899. </span></em></span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span><span style="font-weight: normal">Following a poetic exchange by John Geometres and a certain Stylianos, they form part of a content wise random selection of poetry followed by prose texts, of which the last one ends abruptly. </span></span></font></p><p style="margin-bottom: 0cm"><font face="Arno Pro"><span><span style="font-weight: normal">The earliest of the identified authors is John Geometres who was active in the second half of the 10th</span></span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span><span style="font-weight: normal"> century, next comes Christopher of Mytilene who was born around the turn of the 10th</span></span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span><span style="font-weight: normal"> century and died sometime after 1050 or 1068, John Mauropous who lived from 1000 until 1081 and Michael Psellos who lived from about 1018 to around 1081 marking a possible </span></span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span><em><span style="text-decoration: none"><span style="font-weight: normal">terminus </span></span></em></span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span><em><span style="font-weight: normal">post quem </span></em></span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span><span style="font-style: normal"><span style="font-weight: normal">for the compilation</span></span></span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span><span style="font-weight: normal">. Most of the poems have, however, been transmitted to the manuscript as anonymous or with wrong authorship. </span></span></font></p><p style="margin-bottom: 0cm"><font face="Arno Pro"><span><span style="font-weight: normal"><font face="Arno Pro"><span style="font-weight: normal">The manuscript consists of a quire of four bi-folios and codicological and palaeographical features suggest a time of production in the late 13th</span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span style="font-weight: normal"> or early 14th</span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span style="font-weight: normal"> century. </span></font></span></span></font></p><p style="margin-bottom: 0cm"><font face="Arno Pro"><span style="font-weight: normal">The edition of the </span></font><font face="Arno Pro"><em><span style="font-weight: normal">inedita</span></em></font><font face="Arno Pro"><span style="font-style: normal"><span style="font-weight: normal"> is presented with an introduction, notes, and translations.</span></span></font></p></font></font>

Buleleng waters had been busy since the 10th century and achieved greatness during the Dutch government. The potential of natural resources and strategic geographical location are the main factors. Political developments led to only three ports that play an active role and as a triangle spot of the Dutch government. The purpose of optimizing management is that the ancient port as a cultural heritage also has an important role and existence in the current development and provide benefits both in the preservation of culture, economic community. This research uses descriptive qualitative approach with field observation data and interview technique. The results obtained that in optimizing the management of ancient ports for tourism development, should be accompanied by connections with subsystems and other tourism support facilities. The harbor and the surrounding landscape can serve as a tourist attraction as well as provide access services to increase the motivation of tourists to learn and gain new knowledge and experience. High tourist motivation to visit Buleleng will directly promote the tourism industry, preservation of ancient ports with various supporting facilities and as a means of diplomacy to become the pride of the people of Buleleng. In optimizing the management of ancient ports in tourism development, it is expected that there will be coordination and synchronization with stakeholders related to the preservation of cultural heritage, environment and tourism industry. Perairan Buleleng sudah ramai sejak abad ke-10 dan mencapai kejayaan pada masa pemerintahan Belanda. Potensi sumber daya alam dan letak geografis yang strategis menjadi faktor utama. Perkembangan politik menyebabkan hanya tiga pelabuhan yang berperan aktif dan sebagai triangle spot pemerintah Belanda. Tujuan optimalisasi pengelolaan adalah agar pelabuhan kuno sebagai warisan budaya juga mempunyai eksistensi dan peran penting dalam pembangunan saat ini serta memberikan manfaat dalam pelestarian budaya. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan diskriptif kualitataif dengan teknik pengumpulan data observasi lapangan dan wawancara. Hasil yang diperoleh bahwa dalam melakukan optimalisasi pengelolaan pelabuhanpelabuhan kuno untuk pengembangan pariwisata, harus disertai dengan koneksi dengan subsistem dan fasilitas pendukung pariwisata lainnya. Motivasi wisatawan yang tinggi untuk berkunjung ke Buleleng secara langsung akan memajukan industri pariwisata, pelestarian pelabuhan-pelabuhan kuno dengan berbagai fasilitas pendukungnya dan sebagai sarana diplomasi sehingga menjadi kebanggaan masyarakat Buleleng. Dalam optimalisasi pengelolaan pelabuhan-pelabuhan kuno dalam pengembangan pariwisata diharapkan ada koordinasi dan sinkronisasi dengan stakeholder terkait pelestarian warisan budaya, lingkungan dan industri pariwisata.

The creative work of Dr. Myron Korduba (1876 - 1947) in the geography of the population of Bukovina in the early twentieth century is analyzed. Scientists are given a thorough comprehensive geographical assessment of the population of the region, studied the levels of education of the inhabitants of Bukovina, the structure of employment and its distribution by major social strata. The boundaries of the Ukrainian and Romanian "ethnographic territories" of Bukovina are clearly delineated as a basis for establishing appropriate state borders. With the arrival of Chernivtsi at the turn of the century and employment in the Second Academic Gymnasium, a young, full of energy Dr. Myron Korduba plunged into the whirlpool of active socio-political life. He had clearly expressed Ukrainian-centric state views, which he vigorously defended and scientifically substantiated. Therefore, it seems quite natural that his increased attention to politico-geographical and geopolitical research, important areas of which we have considered earlier. A significant place in the creative work of the scientist, of course, is also occupied by geographical and pedagogical developments. Studying the work of a scientist in the geography of the population of Bukovina, we should pay attention to the extremely valuable for the study of problems of regional development - analysis-review of Myron Korduba on official census materials published by the regional statistical bureau. It is important, as M. Korduba claims, that the publisher is not limited to information only for 1900, but also provides data for both 1880 and 1890 for comparison. It was necessary to dwell on the most important indicators of the last census of the population of Bukovyna also because neither the Bukovynian nor the Galician communities were acquainted in detail with these materials. First of all, Myron Korduba pays attention to population density and its geographical distribution in the counties of the region. According to the average - 70 people per 1 km² in 1900 Bukovina ranked 9th among the Austrian provinces (in 1890 - 10th place after Istria). Kitsman and Sadagur counties of Bukovina were "most densely populated" - 125 and 123 people per 1 km, respectively. The counties of DornaVatra and Seletyn had the lowest population density in the region (22 and 13 people per 1 km). For comparison, M. Korduba provides data on the average population density in the Czech Republic - 121 people per 1 km². In his analysis of the geography of the region's population, the reviewer focuses significantly on the language issue. He notes that in 1900, Ukrainian was spoken by 41.2% of all residents of Bukovina, Wallachian - 31.7%, German - 22.0%, Polish - 3.7%. Dr. Myron Korduba's brief but extremely informative study "Bukowina / Bukowina v nástinuhistorickémaetnografickém", published in Czech in the series "PoznejmeUkrainu", is of great interest for a comprehensive understanding of the problems of the geography of the region's population. This article by the scholar is all the more significant because it was published during the Paris Peace Conference and, in particular, the preparation of the Saint-Germain and future Sevres peace treaties, which legitimized the transfer of Bukovina to the Kingdom of Romania. Based on the above, Dr. Myron Korduba gives the following generalizations: neither historically nor ethnographically, Bukovyna can be considered as a "purely Romanian land", as Ukrainians make up a relative majority of the region's population; the communities of Zastavna, Kitsman, Vashkivtsi, Vyzhnytsia, and the environs of Selyatyn are purely Ukrainian; the political districts of Chernivtsi and Seret, as well as the Ukrainian parts of the communities of Storozhynets and Kimpolungu, have a Ukrainian majority. It is the relative majority of nationalities in a given area that should be decisive in the "division of Bukovina into regions with different nationalities"; although the region's capital, Chernivtsi, is dominated by Jews, Ukrainians are second only to Jews. The city is surrounded by Ukrainian communities and borders a small "Romanian island of several villages." Therefore, it is natural to "deliver" Chernivtsi to the Ukrainian part of Bukovyna.

It was a great honor and personal privilege for us to organize the 9th Eurasia Conference on Chemical Sciences (EuAs C2S-9) in Antalya, Turkey, 9-13 September 2006. The choice of Turkey as a venue was especially appropriate in view of its special location and character as a bridge between Europe and Asia. Turkey's rich history and diversified cultural heritage provided an extra dimension to the atmosphere of the conference. The aim of the Eurasia Conferences is to support the scientific research of chemists in the Eurasia continent by inviting the participation of leading scientists from around the world. The Eurasia region has increased its profile in chemistry, particularly in chemical biology, over the last 20 years.The growing role of chemistry and the contributions of the chemical and pharmaceutical industries to science are significant. The next century will witness more momentous achievements in chemistry as well as its application in different fields for the benefit of mankind in terms of healthy, productive, long, and comfortable life.We particularly thank the participants who contributed scientific studies as oral and poster presentations at this conference. With the participation of the world's leading scientists from 39 countries, the conference was a good opportunity for all researchers to access recent information on achievements in the chemical sciences as well as to share and exchange their experiences during the conference.The scientific program consisted of 10 plenary lectures, 35 invited lectures, 12 session lectures, 24 oral presentations, and 128 poster presentations. The topics covered included biodiversity and natural product chemistry, biomolecular chemistry, catalysis and nanotechnology, computational chemistry, coordination chemistry (organized as a mini-symposium through the efforts of Prof. Dr. Susumu Kitagawa), environmental and analytical chemistry, and materials science and solution chemistry.The IUPAC-sponsored conference was attended by 268 participants from 39 countries. The participation of a large group of active young Turkish chemists was made possible by the financial support of the TUBITAK. In addition, a half-day excursion was organized for participants to Aspendos, Perge, and Side.The lecturers included: Prof. Dr. Robert Huber, Nobel laureate, from Germany and keynote speaker; HRH Princess Prof. Dr. Chulabhorn Mahidol from Thailand; Prof. Dr. U. K. Pandit; Prof. Dr. B. M. Rode; Prof. Dr. T. Norin; Prof. Dr. M. Isobe; Prof. Dr. S. Kitagawa; and Prof. Dr. H. Ohtaki.Six plenary lectures are published in this issue of Pure and Applied Chemistry along with the manuscripts from the project "Chemistry for Biology". The conference proceedings are being published by Springer-Verlag as Innovations in Chemical Biology.The news of the sudden and untimely death of Prof. Dr. Hitoshi Ohtaki on 5 November 2006 was received after the conference. He enthusiastically promoted international cooperation and took it upon himself to publicize Japanese science to the wider world. His plenary lecture will serve as a memorable contribution to that goal. He also prepared a separate chapter, including tributes, in the proceedings. Prof. Dr. Ohtaki will be missed by all of us.The next Eurasia conference, the 10th Eurasia Conference on Chemical Sciences (EuAs C2S-10), will be held in Manila, Philippines in 2008.Prof. Dr. Bilge SenerChair, National Organizing Committee

Wayland's Smithy, on the north scarp of the downs above the Vale of the White Horse, is a two-phase Neolithic tomb. It has been a recognized feature of the historic landscape since at least the 10th century AD. It was recorded by Aubrey and later antiquaries, and continued to be of interest in the 19th century. It was amongst the first monuments to be protected by scheduling from 1882. The first excavations in 1919–20 were haphazardly organized and poorly recorded, but served to confirm, as suggested by Akerman and Thurnam, that the stone terminal chamber was transepted, to show that it had held burials, and to indicate the likely existence of an earlier structural phase.Further excavations took place in 1962–63 to explore the monument more and restore it for better presentation. The excavations revealed a two-phase monument. Wayland's Smithy I is a small oval barrow, defined by flanking ditches, an oval kerb, and a low chalk and sarsen barrow. It contains a mortuary structure defined by large pits which held posts of split trunks, a pavement, and opposed linear cairns of sarsen. This has been seen as the remains of a pitched and ridged mortuary tent, in the manner proposed also for the structure under the Fussell's Lodge long barrow, but in the light of ensuing debate and of subsequent discoveries elsewhere, it can also be seen as an embanked, box-like structure, perhaps with a flat wooden roof. This structure contained the remains of at least fourteen human skeletons, in varying states of completeness. The burial rite may have included primary burial or exposure elsewhere, but some at least of the bodies could have been deposited directly into the mortuary structure, and subsequent circulation or removal of bones cannot be discounted. Little silt accumulated in the ditches of phase I before the construction of phase II, and a charcoal sample from this interval gave a date of 3700–3390 BC.Wayland's Smithy II consists of a low sarsen-kerbed trapezoidal barrow, with flanking ditches, which follows the north–south alignment of phase I. At the south end there was a façade of larger sarsen stones, from which ran back a short passage leading to a transepted chamber, roofed with substantial capstones. This could have risen above the surrounding barrow. The excavations of 1919–20 revealed the presence of incomplete human burials in the west transept; the chamber had probably already been disturbed. The excavations of 1962–63 revealed further structural detail of the surrounds of the chamber, including a sarsen cairn piled in front and around it; deposits of calcium carbonate well up the walls of the chamber could be taken to suggest the former existence of chalk rubble blocking, in the manner of the West Kennet long barrow.The monuments were built over a thin chalk soil which had been a little disturbed. The molluscan evidence shows open surroundings. Molluscan samples from the ditch of Wayland's Smithy II show subsequent regeneration of woodland.Later activity on the site took the form of field ditches and lynchets, part of locally extensive field systems in the Iron Age and Romano-British period. Molluscan samples show again open country. There is evidence for disturbance of the tomb in late prehistoric and Roman times, and the denudation of the barrow had probably largely been effected by the end of the Roman era.Wayland's Smithy provides important evidence for the sequence and development of Neolithic mortuary structures and burials. It is possible to suggest a gradual development for the structures ofWayland's Smithy I, in which opposed pits and substantial posts were incorporated into a box-like, linear mortuary structure, which in turn was incorporated into a small barrow. The subsequent construction of Wayland's Smithy II has become a classic example of the succession from small to large, and fits the late date of tombs with transepted chambers suggested by recent study of other sites. The nature of the circumstances surrounding this transformation remains unclear. The burials of phase I suggest the necessity of revising current notions about the ubiquity of secondary disposal in mortuary structures and tombs. In situtransformations suggest a very active concern with the dead, and offset the non-monumental character of the primary mortuary structure. In the relative absence of other detailed local evidence it is hard to relate the site to its local context, though comparisons can be drawn with the sequences of the neighbouring upper Thames valley and the upper Kennet valley and surrounding downland.

В статье анализируется взаимодействие сакрального и мирского элементов в пространстве христианского храма, проблема границы мирского и сакрального и варианты ее решения в истории христианской церкви. Характер взаимодействия сакрального и мирского определяется космическим характером христианства. Христианство стремится к освящению окружающего мира и изменению его на Божественных началах, так как мир сотворен Богом и несет на себе Его образ. Высшей формой преображения мира является таинство Евхаристии. Конечное преображение мира, согласно христианскому учению, возможно после Второго Пришествия Христа. С первых веков существования христианства граница сакрального и мирского пространств в храме была подвижной, а богослужение предполагало активное участие мирян. В первые века христианства алтарь храма выделялся из его пространства, но не отделялся от верующих. Миряне имели возможность видеть происходящее в алтаре и участвовать в таинствах через приношения. Такие черты характерны как для Византии, так и для Руси X–XIII вв. В дальнейшем возникает проблема нарушения баланса мирского и сакрального элементов, которая по-разному решается на Западе и Востоке. Христианский Запад пошел по пути интеграции сакрального пространства в мирскую жизнь. Первоначально это проявилось в совершении молитв и тайнодействий «лицом к народу». Возникло представление, что такое совершение молитв соответствует Тайной Вечере Христа и апостолов. По той же причине место епископа в храме было перенесено ближе к молящимся мирянам. Позже произошел переход к богослужению на национальных языках. Все это привело к прогрессирующей десакрализации богослужения. По-другому развивалось богослужение на Востоке. Здесь приоритетным стало разделение священного и мирского пространств, что проявилось в увеличении высоты алтарной преграды и появлении высокого иконостаса. В дальнейшем снижается активность участия мирян в богослужении, а в XVII столетии происходит окончательное разделение сакрального и мирского пространств. В результате литургической реформы патриарха Никона изменяется положение священника. Священник понимается как носитель благодати, положение которого выше положения мирянина. Из текстов богослужения удаляются слова, имеющие мирское значение. Так возникает сфера мирской жизни, отдельная от церковной жизни. Это ведет к секуляризации культуры. Таким образом, западные и восточные христиане от христианской идеи освящения мира разными путями пришли не к освящению пространства жизни людей, а к секуляризации культуры и богослужения. Но богослужение и устройство храма на христианском Востоке, имея тенденцию к отделению своего пространства от мирского, все же в большей степени, чем Запад, сохраняет сакральное содержание христианства. The article analyzes the interaction of sacred and secular elements in the space of the Christian Church, the problem of the boundary between the secular and the sacred, and options for its solution in the history of the Christian Church. The nature of the interaction between the sacred and the secular is determined by the cosmic character of Christianity. Christianity seeks to sanctify the surrounding world and change it by divine principles, since the world was created by God and has His image. The highest form of transformation of the world is the sacrament of the Eucharist. The final transformation of the world, according to the Christian doctrine, is possible after the Second Coming of Christ. Since the first centuries of Christianity, the border of the sacred and secular spaces in the temple was mobile, and the service involved the active participation of the laity. In the first centuries of Christianity, the altar of the temple stood out from its space, but was not separated from the faithful. Lay people were able to see what was happening in the altar and participate in the sacraments through offerings. Such features are typical for both Byzantium and Russia of the 10th–13th centuries. Later, the problem of disturbing the balance of the secular and sacred elements appears; it is solved differently in the West and East. The Christian West has taken the path of integrating the sacred into its secular life. Initially, this was manifested in the performance of prayers and sacraments “facing people”. There was an idea that such a performance of prayers corresponds to the Last Supper of Christ and the apostles. For the same reason, the bishop’s place in the church was moved closer to the praying lay people. Later, there was a transition to perform liturgy in national languages. All this led to the progressive desacralization of liturgy. In the East, liturgy developed in a different way. The separation of the sacred and secular spaces became a priority, which was manifested in the increase in the height of the altar barrier and in the appearance of a high iconostasis. Then the activity of lay participation in liturgy decreases, and, in the 17th century, the final separation of the sacred and secular spaces takes place. As a result of Patriarch Nikon’s liturgical reform, the position of the priest changes. A priest is understood as a bearer of grace, whose position is higher than that of a lay person. Words that have a secular meaning are removed from the texts of the service. The sphere of secular life that is separate from church life appears. This leads to the secularization of culture. Thus, Western and Eastern Christians came from the Christian idea of sanctifying the world in different ways to the secularization of culture and worship rather than to the sanctification of the space of people’s lives. But liturgy and the arrangement of the temple in the Christian East, with its tendency to separate its space from the secular, still preserve the sacred content of Christianity to a greater extent than the West.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiography of the British Labour Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The author tries to systematize an array of scientific literature on this theme based on the problem-chronological approach. The works were divided into four main groups: 1) the works of theorists and the Labour movement activists, 2) the studies devoted to the general history of the formation and activities of the Labour Party of this period, 3) the works devoted to the history of the relationship between church organizations and British Labour Party 4) Ukrainian researches in the field of British Labour history. The author proposes to outline 3 chronological periods in the scientific study of the history of the British Labour Party when a great amount of works has appeared. As we can see, the first period was 1930-1940’s, when the vast amount of the works of prominent leaders and active members of the Labour movement and the Labour Party were published. The second period, as we can outline, was in the 1950’s – the beginning of the 1960’s when the Labour Party lost its positions in the political sphere of Great Britain. And the third period is nowadays when in the early 2000’s Labour Party’s 100th anniversary was celebrated and besides it, the Party achieved the greatest success - it won parliamentary election three times in a row (1997, 2001 and 2005). The author concluded that the history of the British labor movement of the second half of the 19th – the first third of the 20th centuries and the theme of the party struggle for the electorate among the workers still needed to be reconsidered and re-evaluated. Although there are many works devoted to the British Labour Party history, the reasons for its strengthening, the factors of its rapid growth at the beginning of the 20th century, the causes and consequences of the crisis of 1931, etc. still remain debatable. Therefore, it is not a quiet time to talk about the completeness of the research topic. The author also noted that despite the number of historical researches of modern Ukrainian scholars, Ukrainian British studies still lack investigations with the analysis of the organizational structure of the British Labour party and its leadership.

3 February marks the 100th anniversary of I.V. Fyodorov's birth. He will remain in the memory of his students, colleagues, postgraduates and doctoral students as a kind, intelligent and great professional. The article "Service to Tomsk State University as a vital credo of Professor I.V. Fyodorov" is devoted to the main stages of life and scientific-pedagogical activity of Doctor of Law, Professor I.V. Fyodorov, who devoted more than forty years of his life to the service to Tomsk State University. A significant part of scientific and pedagogical activity of I.V. Fyodorov at TSU falls within the Soviet period of the Russian state. The university life period of I.V. Fyodorov began on October 01, 1958, when he was hired at TSU. The main period of scientific and pedagogical activity I.V. Fyodorov fell in the 60-80 years of the last century. In pedagogical activity I.V. Fyodorov professed a number of own criteria of teaching: there is nothing more practical than a good theory, knowledge of principles easily replaces ignorance of some facts, students should be taught the law, and not the laws. The main object of I.V. Fyodorov's scientific interests was the civil law contract and its variant, the commercial contract. He studied these contracts as early as in his candi-date's thesis, and then from 1965 he continued in his doctoral thesis and in numerous articles. The main scientific conclusion of his research lies in a capacious formula: The contractual regulation of economic relations is a method of influencing the economy of the USSR. The authors of the article are convinced that I.V. Fyodorov's works have not only scien-tific and historical value. Certain positions of I.V. Fyodorov on the most topical problems of civil law, the main ideas which were expressed by him in the Soviet period of work have not lost their relevance in the post-Soviet period, and some - in the present time as well. These are, for example, the ideas about the fundamental basis of civil law, the relationship between the contract and the obligation, and the importance of fault in contract law, including in busi-ness activity. In his scientific and pedagogical work, I.V. Fyodorov paid much attention to individual work with students. He supervised 20 postgraduate students and was academic adviser to 2 doctoral students. Besides his scientific and pedagogical work, I.V. Fyodorov also took an active part in educational and methodical work at the Department: he was the co-author and editor of different educational and methodical textbooks and practical works on the general part of the civil law. Until 1995, he read the special course Business Contract (50 hours), and since 1995 he led the special course "Contract Law of Russia". During different periods of his life I.V. Fyodorov fulfilled numerous public assignments: he was elected a member of the Tymsk District Committee of the All-Union Komsomol of the Tomsk region, was a member of the CPSU, was elected to various party bodies, was the Chairman of the Tomsk Regional Society "Znanie". I.V. Fyodorov was awarded a number of state medals, he was also marked with TSU badges.

The City of Tartu is proud of its university and its status as a university town. The university is an even stronger memory site than the city and has special meaning for Baltic Germans in addition to Estonians, but also for Ukrainians, Armenians, Poles, Latvians, Jews and other minorities of the former Russian Empire. The commemoration of the anniversaries of the University of Tartu is a very graphic example of the use of memory and the susceptibility of remembering to the aims of the current political system and of various interest groups. Here history has become an “active shaper of the present” according to Juri Lotman’s definition. This article examines the commemoration of jubilees of the University of Tartu through two hundred years. Nowadays Estonians consider the entire history of the University of Tartu to be their own starting from its founding by King Gustav II Adolf of Sweden in 1632. The Estonian language was not unknown in the university in the Swedish era – knowledge of Estonian was necessary for pastors and some examples of occasional poetry written in Estonian have survived from that time. The university was reopened in 1802 when it was already part of the Russian Empire and became a primarily Baltic German university. It shaped the identity of the Baltic provinces in Russia and contributed to their growing together culturally in the eyes of both the German-speaking upper class and the Estonian- and Latvian-speaking lower class. The Estonian and Latvian languages were both represented at the university by one lecturer. There were also Estonians at the university in the first decades already but at that time, education generally meant assimilation into German culture. The 50th jubilee of the Imperial University of Tartu was commemorated in 1852 as a celebration of a Baltic German university. The 100th anniversary of the imperial university in 1902 was commemorated at a university where the language of instruction had been switched to Russian. The guests of honour were well-known Russian scientists, church representatives and state officials. For the first time, a lengthy overview of the history of the University of Tartu was published in Estonian in the album of the Society of Estonian Students under the meaningful title (University of the Estonian Homeland). Unlike the official concept of the 100 year old university, this overview stressed the university’s connection to the university of the era of Swedish rule. When the Russian Empire collapsed and the Estonian nation became independent, the University of Tartu was opened on 1 December 1919 as an institution where the language of instruction was Estonian. The wish of the new nation to distance itself from both the Russian and German cultural areas and to be connected to something respectably old was expressed in the spectacular festivities held in 1932 commemorating the 300th anniversary of the University of Tartu. After the Second World War, Estonians who ended up abroad held the anniversaries of the Estonian era University of Tartu in esteem and maintained the traditions of the university student organisations that were banned in the Soviet state. The 150th anniversary of the founding of the university was commemorated in the Estonian SSR in 1952 – at the height of Stalinism. The Swedish era university was cast aside and the monuments to the king and to nationalist figures were removed, replaced by the favourites of the Soviet regime. Connections to Russia were emphasised in every possible way. Lithuanians celebrated the 400th anniversary of their University of Vilnius in 1979, going back to the educational institution established in the 16th century by the Jesuits. This encouraged Estonians but the interwar tradition of playing up the Swedish era was so strong that the educational pursuits of the Jesuits in Tartu (1585–1625, with intervals) were nevertheless not tied into the institute of higher education. So it was that the 350th anniversary of the University of Tartu was celebrated on a grand scale in 1982. The protest movement among university students played an important role in the restoration of Estonia’s independence. Immediately thereafter, the commemoration of the anniversaries of the Estonian era university that had in the meantime been banned began once again. The 200th anniversary of the opening of the Imperial University of Tartu (2002) passed with mixed feelings. The imperial university as a university of the Russian state no longer fit in well and it was feared that the connection to the Swedish era would suffer. Yet since this period had nevertheless brought Tartu the greatest portion of its scientific fame, a series of jubilee collected works were published by various faculties. On the other hand, nobody had any qualms about commemorating the 375th anniversary of the Swedish era university five years later (2007) on a grand scale with new monuments, memorial plaques, exhibitions, a public celebration and a visit from the King of Sweden.

The subject of this research is an unknown Slavic translation of Sermon 5 John of Sinaya’s Scala Paradisi (Lestvica) in a Serbian Menaion and Triodion Panagyric, rewritten from an old Bulgarian antigraph which has preserved the archaic grammatical traits of the prototranslation. In the sermon’s text, forms of asigmatic aorist and first sigmatic aorist with a preserved “s” are being registered, as well as non-contrahered forms for imperfect, forms of past active I participle formed with suffix -ьш- from verbs with a base ending on -и-, possessive adjectives as a translation of the Greek genitive case for possession, usage of a local prepositionless, excessive prepositionless usage of ablative case, descriptive future with a preponderance of forms of хотѣти + infinitive, dual number forms, non-contrahered forms of complex (determinative) adjectives, etc. The translation of the sermon of the transcript in NHM24 includes rare lexemes that attribute it to the early translations of Cyril and Methodius. It demonstrates similarities to the Glagolitic translations of the hand-written cannon of 10th–11th century.

A study of the work of an unknown to the general public painter middle XX century Serhii Doroshenko is currently at the initial stage. Thanks to the publication of the catalog and the holding of a personal exhibition, the process of putting part of his picturesque heritage into scientific circulation began. Today the life and professional path of the artist, as well as several dozen surviving works of the master are known and partially researched. The fact that the artist had to live under a fictitious name for most of his life makes it difficult to identify individual facts and documents. However, undoubted picturesque talent, a subtle sense of the landscape genre, put Serhii Doroshenko next to the best representatives of the landscape of his time. The return of the artist's name to the history of Ukrainian art will open another page for scholars and connoisseurs of painting. Roman Solovey was born in the village Pavlivka, Cherkasy region in 1915. During the Holodomor, Roman was arrested by the NKVD, but it is unknown how he resigned, and in 1936 he appeared as Serhii Doroshenko. According to the dates on the student card, from 1936 to 1939 he studied at the Kharkiv Art School. However, according to other documents from 1937, the young artist leads an active creative life on the opposite side of the Soviet Union in Buryat-Mongolia. He exhibits his works at the republican exhibition, works as an artist in the club. In 1939, Doroshenko, as a student of the Kharkiv Art School, was transferred to the 3rd year of the Faculty of Fine Arts of the Ukrainian Art Institute. From 1945 Doroshenko was again a student of Kyiv Art Institute and, finally, in 1948 he received a diploma of a painter. From that time until his death he worked in the Kyiv Regional Cooperative Society of Artists. In 1949 Doroshenko made his debut at the 10th Ukrainian Art Exhibition. Since then, his favorite genre - marina - has been determined. He became a regular participant in Ukrainian and Soviet Union exhibitions, where his works are exhibited along with the best examples of landscape painting of that time. In 1950, Doroshenko became a candidate for membership in the Union of artists of Ukraine, and in the registration card indicates a non-existent place in nature of his birth. He was also a member of the board of the Ukrainian branch of the USSR art fund. His life ended on May 27, 1957 due to severe heart disease.

IntroductionThe 2009 American film Trash Humpers, directed by Harmony Korine, was released at a time when the hipster had become a ubiquitous concept, entering into the common vernacular of numerous cultures throughout the world, and gaining significant press, social media and academic attention (see Žižek; Arsel and Thompson; Greif et al.; Stahl; Ouellette; Reeve; Schiermer; Maly and Varis). Trash Humpers emerged soon after the 2008 Global Financial Crisis triggered Occupy movements in numerous cities, aided by social media platforms, reported on by blogs such as Gawker, and stylized by multi-national youth-subculture brands such as Vice, American Apparel, Urban Outfitters and a plethora of localised variants.Korine’s film, which is made to resemble found VHS footage of old-aged vandals, epitomises the ironic, retro stylizations and “counterculture-meets-kitsch” aesthetics so familiar to hipster culture. As a creative stereotype from 1940s and ‘50s jazz and beatnik subcultures, the hipster re-emerged in the twenty-first century as a negative embodiment of alternative culture in the age of the Internet. As well as plumbing the recent past for things not yet incorporated into contemporary marketing mechanisms, the hipster also signifies the blurring of irony and authenticity. Such “outsiderness as insiderness” postures can be regarded as a continuation of the marginality-from-the-centre logic of cool capitalism that emerged after World War Two. Particularly between 2007 and 2015, the post-postmodern concept of the hipster was a resonant cultural trope in Western and non-Western cultures alike, coinciding with the normalisation of the new digital terrain and the establishment of mobile social media as an integral aspect of many people’s daily lives. While Korine’s 79-minute feature could be thought of as following in the schlocky footsteps of the likes of Rob Zombie’s The Devil’s Rejects (2006), it is decidedly more arthouse, and more attuned to the influence of contemporary alternative media brands and independent film history alike – as if the love child of Jack Smith’s Flaming Creatures (1963) and Vice Video, the latter having been labelled as “devil-may-care hipsterism” (Carr). Upon release, Trash Humpers was described by Gene McHugh as “a mildly hip take on Jackass”; by Mike D’Angelo as “an empty hipster pose”; and by Aaron Hillis as either “the work of an insincere hipster or an eccentric provocateur”. Lacking any semblance of a conventional plot, Trash Humpers essentially revolves around four elderly-looking protagonists – three men and a woman – who document themselves with a low-quality video camera as they go about behaving badly in the suburbs of Nashville, Tennessee, where Korine still lives. They cackle eerily to themselves as they try to stave off boredom, masturbating frantically on rubbish bins, defecating and drinking alcohol in public, fellating foliage, smashing televisions, playing ten-pin bowling, lighting firecrackers and telling gay “hate” jokes to camera with no punchlines. In one purposefully undramatic scene half-way through the film, the humpers are shown in the aftermath of an attack on a man wearing a French maid’s outfit; he lies dead in a pool of blood on their kitchen floor with a hammer at his feet. The humpers are consummate “bad” performers in every sense of the term, and they are joined by a range of other, apparently lower-class, misfits with whom they stage tap dance routines and repetitively sing nursery-rhyme-styled raps such as: “make it, make it, don’t break it; make it, make it, don’t fake it; make it, make it, don’t take it”, which acts as a surrogate theme song for the film. Korine sometimes depicts his main characters on crutches or in a wheelchair, and a baby doll is never too far away from the action, as a silent and Surrealist witness to their weird, sinister and sometimes very funny exploits. The film cuts from scene to scene as if edited on a video recorder, utilising in-house VHS titling sequences, audio glitches and video static to create the sense that one is engaging voyeuristically with a found video document rather than a scripted movie. Mainstream AlternativesAs a viewer of Trash Humpers, one has to try hard to suspend disbelief if one is to see the humpers as genuine geriatric peeping Toms rather than as hipsters in old-man masks trying to be rebellious. However, as Korine’s earlier films such as Gummo (1997) attest, he clearly delights in blurring the line between failure and transcendence, or, in this case, between pretentious art-school bravado and authentic redneck ennui. As noted in a review by Jeannette Catsoulis, writing for the New York Times: “Much of this is just so much juvenile posturing, but every so often the screen freezes into something approximating beauty: a blurry, spaced-out, yellow-green landscape, as alien as an ancient photograph”. Korine has made a career out of generating this wavering uncertainty in his work, polarising audiences with a mix of critical, cinema-verité styles and cynical exploitations. His work has consistently revelled in ethical ambiguities, creating environments where teenagers take Ritalin for kicks, kill cats, wage war with their families and engage in acts of sexual deviancy – all of which are depicted with a photographer’s eye for the uncanny.The elusive and contradictory aspects of Korine’s work – at once ugly and beautiful, abstract and commercial, pessimistic and nostalgic – are evident not just in films such as Gummo, Julien Donkey Boy (1999) and Mister Lonely (2007) but also in his screenplay for Kids (1995), his performance-like appearances on The Tonight Show with David Letterman (1993-2015) and in publications such as A Crackup at the Race Riots (1998) and Pass the Bitch Chicken (2001). As well as these outputs, Korine is also a painter who is represented by Gagosian Gallery – one of the world’s leading art galleries – and he has directed numerous music videos, documentaries and commercials throughout his career. More than just update of the traditional figure of the auteur, Korine, instead, resembles a contemporary media artist whose avant-garde and grotesque treatments of Americana permeate almost everything he does. Korine wrote the screenplay for Kids when he was just 19, and subsequently built his reputation on the paradoxical mainstreaming of alternative culture in the 1990s. This is exemplified by the establishment of music and film genres such “alternative” and “independent”; the popularity of the slacker ethos attributed to Generation X; the increased visibility of alternative press zines; the birth of grunge in fashion and music; and the coining of “cool hunting” – a bottom-up market research phenomenon that aimed to discover new trends in urban subcultures for the purpose of mass marketing. Key to “alternative culture”, and its related categories such as “indie” and “arthouse”, is the idea of evoking artistic authenticity while covertly maintaining a parasitic relationship with the mainstream. As Holly Kruse notes in her account of the indie music scenes of the 1990s, which gained tremendous popularity in the wake of grunge bands such as Nirvana: without dominant, mainstream musics against which to react, independent music cannot be independent. Its existence depends upon dominant music structures and practices against which to define itself. Indie music has therefore been continually engaged in an economic and ideological struggle in which its ‘outsider’ status is re-examined, re-defined, and re-articulated to sets of musical practices. (Kruse 149)Alternative culture follows a similar, highly contentious, logic, appearing as a nebulous, authentic and artistic “other” whose exponents risk being entirely defined by the mainstream markets they profess to oppose. Kids was directed by the artist cum indie-director Larry Clark, who discovered Korine riding his skateboard with a group of friends in New York’s Washington Square in the early 1990s, before commissioning him to write a script. The then subcultural community of skating – which gained prominence in the 1990s amidst the increased visibility of “alternative sports” – provides an important backdrop to the film, which documents a group of disaffected New York teenagers at a time of the Aids crisis in America. Korine has been active in promoting the DIY ethos, creativity and anti-authoritarian branding of skate culture since this time – an industry that, in its attempts to maintain a non-mainstream profile while also being highly branded, has become emblematic of the category of “alternative culture”. Korine has undertaken commercial projects with an array skate-wear brands, but he is particularly associated with Supreme, a so-called “guerrilla fashion” label originating in 1994 that credits Clark and other 1990s indie darlings, and Korine cohorts, Chloë Sevigny and Terry Richardson, as former models and collaborators (Williams). The company is well known for its designer skateboard decks, its collaborations with prominent contemporary visual artists, its hip-hop branding and “inscrutable” web videos. It is also well known for its limited runs of new clothing lines, which help to stoke demand through one-offs – blending street-wear accessibility with the restricted-market and anti-authoritarian sensibility of avant-garde art.Of course, “alternative culture” poses a notorious conundrum for analysis, involving highly subjective demarcations of “mainstream” from “subversive” culture, not to mention “genuine subversion” from mere “corporate alternatives”. As Pierre Bourdieu has argued, the roots of alternative culture lie in the Western tradition of the avant-garde and the “aesthetic gaze” that developed in the nineteenth century (Field 36). In analysing the modernist notion of advanced cultural practice – where art is presented as an alternative to bourgeois academic taste and to the common realm of cultural commodities – Bourdieu proposed a distinction between two types of “fields”, or logics of cultural production. Alternative culture follows what Bourdieu called “the field of restricted production”, which adheres to “art for art’s sake” ideals, where audiences are targeted as if like-minded peers (Field 50). In contrast, the “field of large-scale production” reflects the commercial imperatives of mainstream culture, in which goods are produced for the general public at large. The latter field of large-scale production tends to service pre-established markets, operating in response to public demand. Furthermore, whereas success in the field of restricted production is often indirect, and latent – involving artists who create niche markets without making any concessions to those markets – success in the field of large-scale production is typically more immediate and quantifiable (Field 39). Here we can see that central to the branding of “alternative culture” is the perceived refusal to conform to popular taste and the logic of capitalism more generally is. As Supreme founder James Jebbia stated about his brand in a rare interview: “The less known the better” (Williams). On this, Bourdieu states that, in the field of restricted production, the fundamental principles of all ordinary economies are inversed to create a “loser wins” scenario (Field 39). Profit and cultural esteem become detrimental attributes in this context, potentially tainting the integrity and marginalisation on which alternative products depend. As one ironic hipster t-shirt puts it: “Nothing is any good if other people like it” (Diesel Sweeties).Trash HipstersIn abandoning linear narrative for rough assemblages of vignettes – or “moments” – recorded with an unsteady handheld camera, Trash Humpers positions itself in ironic opposition to mainstream filmmaking, refusing the narrative arcs and unwritten rules of Hollywood film, save for its opening and closing credits. Given Korine’s much publicized appreciation of cinema pioneers, we can understand Trash Humpers as paying homage to independent and DIY film history, including Jack Smith’s Flaming Creatures, William Eggleston’s Stranded in Canton (1973), Andy Warhol’s and Paul Morrissey’s Lonesome Cowboys (1967) and Trash (1970), and John Waters’s Pink Flamingos (1972), all of which jubilantly embraced the “bad” aesthetic of home movies. Posed as fantasized substitutions for mainstream movie-making, such works were also underwritten by the legitimacy of camp as a form of counter-culture critique, blurring parody and documentary to give voice to an array of non-mainstream and counter-cultural identities. The employment of camp in postmodern culture became known not merely as an aesthetic subversion of cultural mores but also as “a gesture of self-legitimation” (Derrida 290), its “failed seriousness” regarded as a critical response to the specific historical problem of being a “culturally over-saturated” subject (Sontag 288).The significant difference between Korine’s film and those of his 1970s-era forbears is precisely the attention he pays to the formal aspects of his medium, revelling in analogue editing glitches to the point of fetishism, in some cases lasting as long as the scenes themselves. Consciously working out-of-step with the media of his day, Trash Humpers in imbued with nostalgia from its very beginning. Whereas Smith, Eggleston, Warhol, Morrissey and Waters blurred fantasy and documentary in ways that raised the social and political identities of their subjects, Korine seems much more interested in “trash” as an aesthetic trope. In following this interest, he rightfully pays homage to the tropes of queer cinema, however, he conveniently leaves behind their underlying commentaries about (hetero-) normative culture. A sequence where the trash humpers visit a whorehouse and amuse themselves by smoking cigars and slapping the ample bottoms of prostitutes in G-strings confirms the heterosexual tenor of the film, which is reiterated throughout by numerous deadpan gay jokes and slurs.Trash Humpers can be understood precisely in terms of Korine’s desire to maintain the aesthetic imperatives of alternative culture, where formal experimentation and the subverting of mainstream genres can provide a certain amount of freedom from explicated meaning, and, in particular, from socio-political commentary. Bourdieu rightly points out how the pleasures of the aesthetic gaze often manifest themselves curiously as form of “deferred pleasure” (353) or “pleasure without enjoyment” (495), which corresponds to Immanuel Kant’s notion of the disinterested nature of aesthetic judgement. Aesthetic dispositions posed in the negative – as in the avant-garde artists who mined primitive and ugly cultural stereotypes – typically use as reference points “facile” or “vulgar” (393) working-class tropes that refer negatively to sensuous pleasure as their major criterion of judgment. For Bourdieu, the pleasures provided by the aesthetic gaze in such instances are not sensual pleasures so much as the pleasures of social distinction – signifying the author’s distance from taste as a form of gratification. Here, it is easy to see how the orgiastic central characters in Trash Humpers might be employed by Korine for a similar end-result. As noted by Jeremiah Kipp in a review of the film: “You don't ‘like’ a movie like Trash Humpers, but I’m very happy such films exist”. Propelled by aesthetic, rather than by social, questions of value, those that “get” the obscure works of alternative culture have a tendency to legitimize them on the basis of the high-degree of formal analysis skills they require. For Bourdieu, this obscures the fact that one’s aesthetic “‘eye’ is a product of history reproduced by education” – a privileged mode of looking, estranged from those unfamiliar with the internal logic of decoding presupposed by the very notion of “aesthetic enjoyment” (2).The rhetorical priority of alternative culture is, in Bourdieu’s terms, the “autonomous” perfection of the form rather than the “heteronomous” attempt to monopolise on it (Field 40). However, such distinctions are, in actuality, more nuanced than Bourdieu sometimes assumed. This is especially true in the context of global digital culture, which makes explicit how the same cultural signs can have vastly different meanings and motivations across different social contexts. This has arguably resulted in the destabilisation of prescriptive analyses of cultural taste, and has contributed to recent “post-critical” advances, in which academics such as Bruno Latour and Rita Felski advocate for cultural analyses and practices that promote relationality and attachment rather than suspicious (critical) dispositions towards marginal and popular subjects alike. Latour’s call for a move away from the “sledge hammer” of critique applies as much to cultural practice as it does to written analysis. Rather than maintaining hierarchical oppositions between authentic versus inauthentic taste, Latour understands culture – and the material world more generally – as having agency alongside, and with, that of the social world.Hipsters with No AlternativeIf, as Karl Spracklen suggests, alternativism is thought of “as a political project of resistance to capitalism, with communicative oppositionality as its defining feature” (254), it is clear that there has been a progressive waning in relevance of the category of “alternative culture” in the age of the Internet, which coincides with the triumph of so-called “neoliberal individualism” (258). To this end, Korine has lost some of his artistic credibility over the course of the 2000s. If viewed negatively, icons of 1990s alternative culture such as Korine can be seen as merely exploiting Dada-like techniques of mimetic exacerbation and symbolic détournement for the purpose of alternative, “arty” branding rather than pertaining to a counter-hegemonic cultural movement (Foster 31). It is within this context of heightened scepticism surrounding alternative culture that the hipster stereotype emerged in cultures throughout the world, as if a contested symbol of the aesthetic gaze in an era of neoliberal identity politics. Whatever the psychological motivations underpinning one’s use of the term, to call someone a hipster is typically to point out that their distinctive alternative or “arty” status appears overstated; their creative decisions considered as if a type of bathos. For detractors of alternative cultural producers such as Korine, he is trying too hard to be different, using the stylised codes of “alternative” to conceal what is essentially his cultural and political immaturity. The hipster – who is rarely ever self-identified – re-emerged in the 2000s to operate as a scapegoat for inauthentic markers of alternative culture, associated with men and women who appear to embrace Realpolitik, sincerity and authentic expressions of identity while remaining tethered to irony, autonomous aesthetics and self-design. Perhaps the real irony of the hipster is the pervasiveness of irony in contemporary culture. R. J Magill Jnr. has argued that “a certain cultural bitterness legitimated through trenchant disbelief” (xi) has come to define the dominant mode of political engagement in many societies since the early 2000s, in response to mass digital information, twenty-four-hour news cycles, and the climate of suspicion produced by information about terrorism threats. He analyses the prominence of political irony in American TV shows including The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, The Simpsons, South Park, The Chappelle Show and The Colbert Report but he also notes its pervasiveness as a twenty-first-century worldview – a distancing that “paradoxically and secretly preserves the ideals of sincerity, honesty and authenticity by momentarily belying its own appearance” (x). Crucially, then, the utterance “hipster” has come to signify instances when irony and aesthetic distance are perceived to have been taken too far, generating the most disdain from those for whom irony, aesthetic discernment and cultural connoisseurship still provide much-needed moments of disconnection from capitalist cultures drowning in commercial hyperbole and grave news hype. Korine himself has acknowledged that Spring Breakers (2013) – his follow-up feature film to Trash Humpers – was created in response to the notion that “alternative culture”, once a legitimate challenge to mainstream taste, had lost its oppositional power with the decentralization of digital culture. He states that he made Spring Breakers at a moment “when there’s no such thing as high or low, it’s all been exploded. There is no underground or above-ground, there’s nothing that’s alternative. We’re at a point of post-everything, so it’s all about finding the spirit inside, and the logic, and making your own connections” (Hawker). In this context, we can understand Trash Humpers as the last of the Korine films to be branded with the authenticity of alternative culture. In Spring Breakers Korine moved from the gritty low-fi sensibility of his previous films and adopted a more digital, light-filled and pastel-coloured palette. Focussing more conventionally on plot than ever before, Spring Breakers follows four college girls who hold up a restaurant in order to fund their spring break vacation. Critic Michael Chaiken noted that the film marks a shift in Korine’s career, from the alternative stylings of the pre-Internet generation to “the cultural heirs [of] the doomed protagonists of Kids: nineties babies, who grew up with the Internet, whose sensibilities have been shaped by the sweeping technological changes that have taken place in the interval between the Clinton and Obama eras” (33).By the end of the 2000s, an entire generation came of age having not experienced a time when the obscure films, music or art of the past took more effort to track down. Having been a key participant in the branding of alternative culture, Korine is in a good position to recall a different, pre-YouTube time – when cultural discernment was still caught up in the authenticity of artistic identity, and when one’s cultural tastes could still operate with a certain amount of freedom from sociological scrutiny. Such ideas seem a long way away from today’s cultural environments, which have been shaped not only by digital media’s promotion of cultural interconnection and mass information, but also by social media’s emphasis on mobilization and ethical awareness. ConclusionI should reiterate here that is not Korine’s lack of seriousness, or irony, alone that marks Trash Humpers as a response to the scepticism surrounding alternative culture symbolised by the figure of the hipster. It is, rather, that Korine’s mock-documentary about juvenile geriatrics works too hard to obscure its implicit social commentary, appearing driven to condemn contemporary capitalism’s exploitations of youthfulness only to divert such “uncool” critical commentaries through unsubtle formal distractions, visual poetics and “bad boy” avant-garde signifiers of authenticity. Before being bludgeoned to death, the unnamed man in the French maid’s outfit recites a poem on a bridge amidst a barrage of fire crackers let off by a nearby humper in a wheelchair. Although easily overlooked, it could, in fact, be a pivotal scene in the film. Spoken with mock high-art pretentions, the final lines of the poem are: So what? Why, I ask, why? Why castigate these creatures whose angelic features are bumping and grinding on trash? Are they not spawned by our greed? Are they not our true seed? Are they not what we’ve bought for our cash? We’ve created this lot, of the ooze and the rot, deliberately and unabashed. Whose orgiastic elation and one mission in creation is to savagely fornicate TRASH!Here, the character’s warning of capitalist overabundance is drowned out by the (aesthetic) shocks of the fire crackers, just as the stereotypical hipster’s ethical ideals are drowned out by their aesthetic excess. The scene also functions as a metaphor for the humpers themselves, whose elderly masks – embodiments of nostalgia – temporarily suspend their real socio-political identities for the sake of role-play. It is in this sense that Trash Humpers is too enamoured with its own artifices – including its anonymous “boys club” mentality – to suggest anything other than the aesthetic distance that has come to mark the failings of the “alternative culture” category. In such instances, alternative taste appears as a rhetorical posture, with Korine asking us to gawk knowingly at the hedonistic and destructive pleasures pursued by the humpers while factoring in, and accepting, our likely disapproval.ReferencesArsel, Zeynep, and Craig J. Thompson. “Demythologizing Consumption Practices: How Consumers Protect Their Field-Dependent Identity Investments from Devaluing Marketplace Myths.” Journal of Consumer Research 37.5 (2011): 791-806.Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Trans. Richard Nice. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984.Bourdieu, Pierre. The Field of Cultural Production Essays on Art and Literature. Edited by Randal Johnson. London: Polity Press, 1993.Carr, David. “Its Edge Intact, Vice Is Chasing Hard News.” New York Times 24 Aug. 2014. 12 Nov. 2016 <https://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/25/business/media/its-edge-intact-vice-is-chasing-hard-news-.html>.Catsoulis, Jeannette. “Geriatric Delinquents, Rampaging through Suburbia.” New York Times 6 May 2010. 1` Nov. 2016 <http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/07/movies/07trash.html>.Chaiken, Michael. “The Dream Life.” Film Comment (Mar./Apr. 2013): 30-33.D’Angelo, Mike. “Trash Humpers.” Not Coming 18 Sep. 2009. 12 Nov. 2016 <http://www.notcoming.com/reviews/trashhumpers>.Derrida, Jacques. Positions. London: Athlone, 1981.Diesel Sweeties. 1 Nov. 2016 <https://store.dieselsweeties.com/products/nothing-is-any-good-if-other-people-like-it-shirt>.Felski, Rita. The Limits of Critique. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015.Greif, Mark. What Was the Hipster? A Sociological Investigation. New York: n+1 Foundation, 2010.Hawker, Philippa. “Telling Tales Out of School.” Sydney Morning Herald 4 May 2013. 12 Nov. 2016 <http://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/movies/telling-tales-out-of-school-20130503-2ixc3.html>.Hillis, Aaron. “Harmony Korine on Trash Humpers.” IFC 6 May 2009. 12 Nov. 2016 <http://www.ifc.com/2010/05/harmony-korine-2>.Jay Magill Jr., R. Chic Ironic Bitterness. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2007.Kipp, Jeremiah. “Clean Off the Dirt, Scrape Off the Blood: An Interview with Trash Humpers Director Harmony Korine.” Slant Magazine 18 Mar. 2011. 1 Nov. 2016 <http://www.slantmagazine.com/house/article/clean-off-the-dirt-scrape-off-the-blood-an-interview-with-trash-humpers-director-harmony-korine>.Latour, Bruno. “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam? From Matters of Fact to Matters of Concern.” Critical Inquiry 30.2 (2004): 225-248.Maly, Ico, and Varis, Piia. “The 21st-Century Hipster: On Micro-Populations in Times of Superdiversity.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 19.6 (2016): 637–653.McHugh, Gene. “Monday May 10th 2010.” Post Internet. New York: Lulu Press, 2010.Ouellette, Marc. “‘I Know It When I See It’: Style, Simulation and the ‘Short-Circuit Sign’.” Semiotic Review 3 (2013): 1–15.Reeve, Michael. “The Hipster as the Postmodern Dandy: Towards an Extensive Study.” 2013. 12 Nov. 2016. <http://www.academia.edu/3589528/The_hipster_as_the_postmodern_dandy_towards_an_extensive_study>.Schiermer, Bjørn. “Late-Modern Hipsters: New Tendencies in Popular Culture.” Acta Sociologica 57.2 (2014): 167–181.Sontag, Susan. “Notes on Camp.” Against Interpretation. New York: Octagon, 1964/1982. 275-92. Stahl, Geoff. “Mile-End Hipsters and the Unmasking of Montreal’s Proletaroid Intelligentsia; Or How a Bohemia Becomes BOHO.” Adam Art Gallery, Apr. 2010. 12 May 2015 <http://www.adamartgallery.org.nz/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/adamartgallery_vuwsalecture_geoffstahl.pdf>.Williams, Alex. “Guerrilla Fashion: The Story of Supreme.” New York Times 21 Nov. 2012. 1 Nov. 2016 <http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/22/fashion/guerrilla-fashion-the-story-of-supreme.html>.Žižek, Slavoj. “L’Etat d’Hipster.” Rhinocerotique. Trans. Henry Brulard. Sep. 2009. 3-10.

Cultural Studies has tended to prioritise the domain of leisure and consumption over work as an area for meaning making, in many ways defining everyday life in opposition to work. Greg Noble, a cultural researcher who examined work in the context of the early computerisation of Australian universities made the point that "discussions of everyday life often make the mistake of assuming that everyday life equates with home and family life, or leisure" (87). This article argues for the need within Cultural Studies to focus on work and media as a research area of everyday life. With the growth of flexible and creative labour and the widespread uptake of an array of new media technologies used for work, traditional ways to identify and measure the space and time of work have become increasingly flawed, with implications for how we account for work and negotiate its boundaries. New approaches are needed to address the complex media environments and technological practices that are an increasing part of contemporary working life. Cultural Studies can make a significant impact towards this research agenda by offering new ways to analyse the complex interrelations of space, time and technology in everyday work practice. To further this goal, a new material practices account of work termed Officing is introduced, developed through my doctoral research on professionals' daily use of information and communication technology (ICT). This approach builds on the key cultural concepts of "bricolage" and "appropriation" combined with the idea of "articulation work" proposed by Anselm Strauss, to support the analysis of the office workplace as a contingent and provisional arrangement or process. Officing has a number of benefits as a framework for analysing the nature of work in a highly mediated world. Highlighting the labour that goes into stabilising work platforms makes it possible to assess the claims of productivity and improved work-life balance brought about by new mobile media technologies; to identify previously unidentified sources of time pressure, overwork and intensification and ultimately, to contribute to the design of more sustainable work environments. The Turn Away from Work Work held a central position in social and cultural analysis in the first half of the twentieth century but as Strangleman observed, there was a marked shift away from the study of work from the mid 1970s (3.1). Much of the impulse for this shift came from critiques of the over-emphasis on relations of production and the workplace as the main source of meaning and value (5.1). In line with this position, feminist researchers challenged the traditional division of labour into paid and unpaid work, arguing that this division sustained the false perception of domestic work as non-productive (cf. Delphy; Folbre). Accompanying these critiques were significant changes in work itself, as traditional jobs literally began to disappear with the decline of manufacturing in industrialised countries (6.1). With the turn away from work in academia and the changes in the nature of work, attention shifted to the realm of the market and consumption. One of the important contributions of Cultural Studies has been the focus on the role of the consumer in driving social and technological change and processes of identity formation. Yet, it is a major problem that work is largely marginalised in cultural research of everyday life, especially since, in most industrialised nations, we are working in new ways, in rapidly changing conditions and more than ever before. Research shows that in Australia there has been a steady increase in the average hours of paid work and Australians are working harder (cf. Watson, Buchanan, Campbell and Briggs; Edwards and Wajcman). In the 2008 Australian Work and Life Index (AWALI) Skinner and Pocock found around 55 per cent of employees frequently felt rushed or pressed for time and this was associated with long working hours, work overload and an overall poor work–life interaction (8). These trends have coincided with long-term changes in the type and location of work. In Australia, like many other developed countries, information-based occupations have taken over manufacturing jobs and there has been an increase in part-time and casual work (cf. Watson et al.). Many employees now conduct work outside of the traditional workplace, with the ABS reporting that in 2008, 24 per cent of employees worked at least some hours at home. Many social analysts have explained the rise of casual and flexible labour as related to the transition to global capitalism driven by the expansion of networked information processes (cf. Castells; Van Dijk). This shift is not simply that more workers are producing ideas and information but that the previously separated spheres of production and consumption have blurred (cf. Ritzer and Jurgenson). With this, entirely new industries have sprung up, predicated on the often unpaid for creative labour of individuals, including users of media technologies. A growing chorus of writers are now pointing out that a fragmented, polarised and complex picture is emerging of this so-called "new economy", with significant implications for the quality of work (cf. Edwards and Wajcman; Fudge and Owens; Huws). Indeed, some claim that new conditions of insecure and poor quality employment or "precarious work" are fast becoming the norm. Moreover, this longer-term pattern runs parallel to the production of a multitude of new mobile media technologies, first taken up by professionals and then by the mainstream, challenging the notion that activities are bound to any particular place or time. Reinvigorating Work in Social and Cultural Analysis There are moves to reposition social and cultural analysis to respond to these various trends. Work-life balance is an example of a research and policy area that has emerged since the 1990s. The boundary between the household and the outside world has also been subject to scrutiny by cultural researchers, and these critically examine the intersection between work and consumption, gender and care (cf. Nippert-Eng; Sorenson and Lie; Noble and Lupton, "Consuming" and "Mine"; Lally). These responses are examples of a shift away from what Urry has dubbed "structures and stable organisations" to a concern with flows, movements and the blurring of boundaries between life spheres (5). In a similar vein, researchers recently have proposed alternative ways to describe the changing times and places of employment. In their study of UK professionals, Felstead, Jewson and Walters proposed a model of "plural workscapes" to explain a major shift in the spatial organisation of work (23). Mobility theorists Sheller and Urry have called for the need to "develop a more dynamic conceptualisation of the fluidities and mobilities that have increasingly hybridised the public and private" (113). All of this literature has reinforced a growing concern that in the face of new patterns of production and consumption and with the rise of complex media environments, traditional models and measures of space and time are inadequate to account for contemporary work. Analyses that rely on conventional measures of work based on hourly units clearly point to an increase in the volume of work, the speed of work and to the collision (cf. Pocock) of work and life but fall down in accounting for the complex and often contradictory role of technology. Media technologies are "Janus-faced" as Michael Arnold has suggested, referring to the two-faced Roman god to foreground the contradictory effects at the centre of all technologies (232). Wajcman notes this paradox in her research on mobile media and time, pointing out that mobile phones are just as likely to "save" time as to "consume" it (15). It was precisely this problematic of the complex interactions of the space, time and technology of work that was at stake in my research on the daily use of ICT by professional workers. In the context of changes to the location, activity and meaning of work, and with the multiplying array of old and new media technologies used by workers, how can the boundary and scope of work be determined? What are the implications of these shifting grounds for the experience and quality of work? Officing: A Material Practices Account of Office Work In the remaining article I introduce some of the key ideas and principles of a material practices account developed in my PhD, Officing: Professionals' Daily ICT Use and the Changing Space and Time of Work. This research took place between 2006 and 2007 focusing in-depth on the daily technology practices of twenty professional workers in a municipal council in Sydney and a unit of a global telecommunication company taking part in a trial of a new smart phone. Officing builds on efforts to develop a more accurate account of the space and time of work bringing into play the complex and highly mediated environment in which work takes place. It extends more recent practice-based, actor-network and cultural approaches that have, for some time, been moving towards a more co-constitutive and process-oriented approach to media and technology in society. Turning first to "bricolage" from the French bricole meaning something small and handmade, bricolage refers to the ways that individuals and groups borrow from existing cultural forms and meanings to create new uses, meanings and identities. Initially proposed by Levi-Strauss and then taken up by de Certeau, bricolage has been a useful concept within subculture and lifestyle studies to reveal the creative work performed on signs and meaning systems in forming cultural identities (cf. O'Sullivan et al.). Bricolage is also an important concept for understanding how meanings and uses are inscribed into forms in use rather than being read or activated off their design. This is the process of appropriation, through which both the object and the person are mutually shaped and users gain a sense of control and ownership (cf. Noble and Lupton; Lally; Silverstone and Haddon). The concept of bricolage highlights the improvisational qualities of appropriation and its status as work. A bricoleur is thus a person who constructs new meanings and forms by drawing on and assembling a wide range of resources at hand, sourced from multiple spheres of life. One of the problems with how bricolage and appropriation has been applied to date, notwithstanding the priority given to the domestic sphere, is the tendency to grant individuals and collectives too much control to stabilise the meanings and purposes of technologies. This problem is evident in the research drawing on the framework of "domestication" (cf. Silverstone and Haddon). In practice, the sheer volume of technologically-related issues encountered on a daily basis and the accompanying sense of frustration indicates there is no inevitable drift towards stability, nor are problems merely aberrational or trivial. Instead, daily limits to agency and attempts to overcome these are points at which meanings as well as uses are re-articulated and potentially re-invented. This is where "articulation work" comes in. Initially put forward by Anselm Strauss in 1985, articulation work has become an established analytical tool for informing technology design processes in such fields as Computer-Supported Cooperative Work (CSCW) and Workplace Studies. In these, articulation work is narrowly defined to refer to the real time activities of cooperative work. It includes dealing with contingencies, keeping technologies and systems working and making adjustments to accommodate for problems (Suchman "Supporting", 407). In combination with naturalistic investigations, this concept has facilitated engagement with the increasingly complex technological and media environments of work. It has been a powerful tool for highlighting practices deemed unimportant but which are nevertheless crucial for getting work done. Articulation work, however, has the potential to be applied in a broader sense to explain the significance of the instability of technologies and the efforts to overcome these as transformative in themselves, part of the ongoing process of appropriation that goes well beyond individual tasks or technologies. With clear correspondences to actor-network theory, this expanded definition provides the basis for a new understanding of the office as a temporary and provisional condition of stability achieved through the daily creative and improvisational activities of workers. The office, then, is dependent on and inextricably bound up in its ongoing articulation and crucially, is not bound to a particular place or time. In the context of the large-scale transformations in work already discussed, this expanded definition of articulation work helps to; firstly, address how work is re-organised and re-rationalised through changes to the material conditions of work; secondly, identify the ongoing articulations that this entails and thirdly; understand the role of these articulations in the construction of the space and time of work. This expanded definition is achieved in the newly developed concept of officing. Officing describes a form of labour directed towards the production of a stable office platform. Significantly, one of the main characteristics of this work is that it often goes undetected by organisations as well as by the workers that perform it. As explained later, its "invisibility" is in part a function of its embodiment but also relates to the boundless nature of officing, taking place both inside and outside the workplace, in or out of work time. Officing is made up of a set of interwoven activities of three main types: connecting, synchronising and configuring. Connecting can be understood as aligning technical and social relations for the performance of work at a set time. Synchronising brings together and coordinates different times and temporal demands, for example, the time of "work" with "life" or the time "out in the field" with time "in the workplace". Configuring prepares the space of work, making a single technology or media environment work to some planned action or existing pattern of activity. To give an example of connecting: in the Citizens' Service Centre of the Council, Danielle's morning rituals involved a series of connections even before her work of advising customers begins: My day: get in, sit down, turn on the computer and then slowly open each software program that I will need to use…turn on the phone, key in my password, turn on the headphones and sit there and wait for the calls! (Humphry Officing, 123) These connections not only set up and initiate the performance of work but also mark Danielle's presence in her office. Through these activities, which in practice overlap and blur, the space and time of the office comes to appear as a somewhat separate and mostly invisible structure or infrastructure. The work that goes into making the office stable takes place around the boundary of work with implications for how this boundary is constituted. These efforts do not cluster around boundaries in any simple sense but become part of the process of boundary making, contributing to the construction of categories such as "work" and "life". So, for example, for staff in the smart phone trial, the phone had become their main source of information and communication. Turning their smart phone off, or losing connectivity had ramifications that cascaded throughout their lifeworld. On the one hand, this lead to the breakdown of the distinction between "work" and "life" and a sense of "ever-presence", requiring constant and vigilant "boundary work" (cf. Nippert-Eng). On the other hand, this same state also enabled workers to respond to demands in their own time and across multiple boundaries, giving workers a sense of flexibility, control and of being "in sync". Connecting, configuring and synchronising are activities performed by bodies, producing an embodied transformation. In the tradition of phenomenology, most notably in the works of Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty and more recently Ihde, embodiment is used to explain the relationship between subjects and objects. This concept has since been developed to be understood as not residing in the body but as spread through social, material and discursive arrangements (cf. Haraway, "Situated" and Simians; Henke; Suchman, "Figuring"). Tracing efforts towards making the office stable is thus a way of uncovering how the body, as a constitutive part of a larger arrangement or network, is formed through embodiment, how it gains its competencies, social meanings and ultimately, how workers gain a sense of what it means to be a professional. So, in the smart phone trial, staff managed their connections by replying immediately to their voice, text and data messages. This immediacy not only acted as proof of their presence in the office. It also signalled their commitment to their office: their active participation and value to the organisation and their readiness to perform when called on. Importantly, this embodied transformation also helps to explain how officing becomes an example of "invisible work" (cf. Star and Strauss). Acts of connecting, synchronising and configuring become constituted and forgotten in and through bodies, spaces and times. Through their repeated performance these acts become habits, a transparent means through which the environment of work is navigated in the form of skills and techniques, configurations and routines. In conclusion, researching work in contemporary societies means confronting its marginalisation within cultural research and developing ways to comprehend and measure the interaction of space, time and the ever-multiplying array of media technologies. Officing provides a way to do this by shifting to an understanding of the workplace as a contingent product of work itself. The strength of this approach is that it highlights the creative and ongoing work of individuals on their media infrastructures. It also helps to identify and describe work activities that are not neatly contained in a workplace, thus adding to their invisibility. The invisibility of these practices can have significant impacts on workers: magnifying feelings of time pressure and a need to work faster, longer and harder even as discrete technologies are utilised to save time. In this way, officing exposes some of the additional contributions to the changing experience and quality of work as well as to the construction of everyday domains. Officing supports an evaluation of claims of productivity and work-life balance in relation to new media technologies. In the smart phone trial, contrary to an assumed increase in productivity, mobility of work was achieved at the expense of productivity. Making the mobile office stable—getting it up and running, keeping it working in changing environments and meeting expectations of speed and connectivity—took up time, resulting in an overall productivity loss and demanding more "boundary work". In spite of their adaptability and flexibility, staff tended to overwork to counteract this loss. This represented a major shift in the burden of effort in the production of office forms away from the organisation and towards the individual. Finally, though not addressed here in any detail, officing could conceivably have practical uses for designing more sustainable office environments that better support the work process and the balance of work and life. Thus, by accounting more accurately for the resource requirements of work, organisations can reduce the daily effort, space and time taken up by employees on their work environments. In any case, what is clear, is the ongoing need to continue a cultural research agenda on work—to address the connections between transformations in work and the myriad material practices that individuals perform in going about their daily work. References Arnold, Michael. "On the Phenomenology of Technology: The 'Janus-Faces' of Mobile Phones." Information and Organization 13.4 (2003): 231–56. Australian Bureau of Statistics. "6275.0 - Locations of Work, Nov 2008." Australian Bureau of Statistics, 8 May 2009. 20 May 2009 ‹http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/6275.0›. Bauman, Zygmunt. Freedom. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1989. Castells, Manuel. The Rise of the Network Society. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell, 1996. Chesters, Jennifer, Janeen Baxter, and Mark Western. "Paid and Unpaid Work in Australian Households: Towards an Understanding of the New Gender Division of Labour." Familes through Life - 10th Australian Institute of Families Studies Conference, 9-11th July 2008, Melbourne: AIFS, 2008. Delphy, Christine. Close to Home: A Materialist Analysis of Women's Oppression. Amherst MA: U of Massachusetts, 1984. Edwards, Paul, and Judy Wajcman. The Politics of Working Life. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005. Felstead, Alan, Nick Jewson, and Sally Walters. Changing Places of Work. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. Folbre, Nancy. "Exploitation Comes Home: A Critique of the Marxian Theory of Family Labor." Cambridge Journal of Economics 6.4 (1982): 317-29. Haraway, Donna. "Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective." Feminist Studies 14.3 (1988): 575-99. –––. Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. London, Free Association Books, 1991. Henke, Christopher. "The Mechanics of Workplace Order: Toward a Sociology of Repair." Berkeley Journal of Sociology 44 (2000): 55-81. Humphry, Justine. Officing: Professionals' Daily ICT Use and the Changing Space and Time of Work. Dissertation, University of Western Sydney. 2010. Lally, Elaine. At Home with Computers. Oxford, New York: Berg, 2002. Nippert-Eng, Christena E. Home and Work: Negotiating Boundaries through Everyday Life. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1996. Noble, Greg. "Everyday Work." Interpreting Everyday Culture. Ed. Fran Martin. New York: Hodder Arnold, 2004. 87-102. Noble, Greg, and Deborah Lupton. "Consuming Work: Computers, Subjectivity and Appropriation in the University Workplace." The Sociological Review 46.4 (1998): 803-27. –––. "Mine/Not Mine: Appropriating Personal Computers in the Academic Workplace." Journal of Sociology 38.1 (2002): 5-23. O'Sullivan, Tim, John Hartley, Danny Saunders, Martin Montgomery, and John Fiske. Key Concepts in Communication and Cultural Studies. London: Routledge, 1994. Pocock, Barbara. The Work/Life Collision: What Work Is Doing to Australians and What to Do about It. Sydney: The Federation P, 2003. Ritzer, George, and Nathan Jurgenson. "Production, Consumption, Prosumption." Journal of Consumer Culture 10.1 (2010): 13-36. Sheller, Mimi, and John Urry. "Mobile Transformations of 'Public' and 'Private' Life." Theory, Culture & Society 20.3 (2003): 107-25. Silverstone, Roger, and Leslie Haddon. "Design and the Domestication of Information and Communication Technologies: Technical Change and Everyday Life." Communication by Design: The Politics of Information and Communication Technologies. Eds. Roger Silverstone and Robin Mansell. Oxford: U of Oxford P, 1996. 44-74. Skinner, Natalie, and Barbara Pocock. "Work, Life and Workplace Culture: The Australian Work and Life Index (AWALI) 2008." Adelaide: The Centre for Work and Life, Hawke Research Institute, University of South Australia 2008 ‹http://www.unisa.edu.au/hawkeinstitute/cwl/default.asp›.Sorenson, Knut H., and Merete Lie. Making Technology Our Own? Domesticating Technologies into Everyday Life. Oslo: Scandinavian UP, 1996.Star, Susan L. "The Sociology of the Invisible: The Primacy of Work in the Writings of Anselm Strauss." Social Organization and Social Process: Essays in Honor of Anselm Strauss. New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1991. 265-83. Star, Susan L., and Anselm Strauss. "Layers of Silence, Arenas of Voice: The Ecology of Visible and Invisible Work." Computer Supported Cooperative Work 8 (1999): 9-30. Strangleman, Timothy. "Sociological Futures and the Sociology of Work." Sociological Research Online 10.4 (2005). 5 Nov. 2005 ‹http://www.socresonline.org.uk/10/4/strangleman.html›.Strauss, Anselm. "Work and the Division of Labor." The Sociological Quarterly 26 (1985): 1-19. Suchman, Lucy A. "Figuring Personhood in Sciences of the Artificial." Department of Sociology, Lancaster University. 1 Nov. 2004. 18 Jun. 2005 ‹http://www.lancs.ac.uk/fass/sociology/papers/suchman-figuring-personhood.pdf›–––. "Supporting Articulation Work." Computerization and Controversy: Value Conflicts and Social Choices. Ed. Rob Kling. San Diego: Academic P, 1995. 407-423.Urry, John. Sociology beyond Societies: Mobilities for the Twenty-First Century. London: Routledge, 2000. Van Dijk, Jan. The Network Society: Social Aspects of New Media. London: Thousand Oaks, 2006. Wajcman, Judy. "Life in the Fast Lane? Towards a Sociology of Technology and Time." The British Journal of Sociology 59.1 (2008): 59-77.Watson, Ian, John Buchanan, Iain Campbell, and Chris Briggs. Fragmented Futures: New Challenges in Working Life. Sydney: Federation P, 2003.


 
 
 Nine Inch Nails have just released a new single; In addition to the usual formats, “The Hand That Feeds” was available for free download in Garageband format. Trent Reznor explained, “For quite some time I’ve been interested in the idea of allowing you the ability to tinker around with my tracks – to create remixes, experiment, embellish or destroy what’s there” (MacMinute 15 April 2005). Reznor invites creativity facilitated by copying and transformation. “Copy” carries connotations of unsavoury notions such as piracy, stealing, fake, and plagiarism. Conversely, in some circumstances copying is acceptable, some situations demand copying. This article examines the treatment of “copy” at the intersection of musical creativity and copyright law with regard to cover versions and sampling.
 
 Waldron reminds us that copyright was devised first and foremost with a public benefit in mind (851). This fundamental has been persistently reiterated (H. R Rep. (1909); Sen. Rep. (1909); H. R. Rep. (1988); Patterson & Lindberg 70). The law grants creators a bundle of rights in copyrighted works. Two rights implicated in recorded music are located in the composition and the recording. Many potential uses of copyrighted songs require a license. The Copyright Act 1976, s. 115 provides a compulsory licence for cover versions. In other words, any song can be covered for a statutory royalty fee. The law curtails the extent of the copyright monopoly. Compulsory licensing serves both creative and business sides of the recording industry. First, it ensures creative diversity. Musicians are free to reinterpret cultural soundtracks. Second, it safeguards the composer’s right to generate an income from his work by securing royalties for subsequent usage. Although s. 115 permits a certain degree of artistic licence, it requires “the arrangement shall not change the basic melody or fundamental character of the work”. Notwithstanding this proviso, songs can still be transformed and their meaning reshaped. Johnny Cash was able to provide an insight into the mind of a dying man through covering such songs as Nine Inch Nails’ “Hurt”, Depeche Mode’s “Personal Jesus” and Parker & Charles’ “We’ll Meet Again”.
 
 Compulsory licensing was introduced in response to a Supreme Court decision that deprived composers of royalties. Congress recognised:
 
 The main object to be desired in expanding copyright protection accorded to music has been to give to the composer an adequate return for the value of his composition, and it has been a serious and difficult task to combine the protection of the composer with the protection of the public, and to so frame an act that it would accomplish the double purpose of securing to the composer and at the same time prevent the formation of oppressive monopolies, which might be founded upon the very rights granted to the composer for the purpose of protecting his interests (H. R. Rep. (1909)).
 
 
 Composers exercise rights over the initial exploitation of a song. Once a recording is released, the right is curtailed to serve the public dimension of copyright. 
 
 A sampler is a device that allows recorded (sampled) sounds to be triggered from a MIDI keyboard or sequencer. Samplers provide potent tools for transforming sounds – filters, pitch-shifting, time-stretching and effects can warp samples beyond recognition. Sampling is a practice that formed the backbone of rap and hip-hop, features heavily in many forms of electronic music, and has proved invaluable in many studio productions (Rose 73-80; Prendergast 383-84, 415-16, 433-34). Samples implicate both of the musical copyrights mentioned earlier. To legally use a sample, the rights in the recording and the underlying composition must be licensed. Ostensibly, acquiring permission to use the composition poses few obstacles due to the compulsory licence. The sound recording, however, is a different matter entirely. 
 
 There is no compulsory licence for sound recordings. Copyright owners (usually record labels) are free to demand whatever fees they see fit. For example, SST charged Fatboy Slim $1000 for sampling a Negativland record (Negativland). (Ironically, the sample was itself an unlicensed sample appropriated from a 1966 religious recording.) The price paid by The Verve for sampling an obscure orchestral version of a Rolling Stones song was more substantial. Allan Klein owns the copyright in “The Last Time” released by The Andrew Oldham Orchestra in 1965 (American Hit Network, undated). Licence negotiations for the sample left Klein with 100% of the royalties from the song and The Verve with a bitter taste. To add insult to injury, “Bittersweet Symphony” was attributed to Mick Jagger and Keith Richards when the song was nominated for a Grammy (Superswell, undated). License fees can prove prohibitive to many musicians and may outweigh the artistic merit in using the sample: “Sony wanted five thousand dollars for the Clash sample, which … is one thousand dollars a word. In retrospect, this was a bargain, given the skyrocketing costs of sampling throughout the 1990s” (McLeod 86). Adam Dorn, alias Mocean Worker, tried for nine months to licence a sample of gospel singer Mahalia Jackson. Eventually his persistent requests were met with a demand for $10,000 in advance with royalties of six cents per record. Dorn was working with an album budget of a mere $40 and was expecting to sell 2500 copies (Beaujon 25). Unregulated licensing fees stifle creativity and create a de facto monopoly over recorded music. Although copyright was designed to be an engine of free expression1 it still carries characteristics of its monopolistic, totalitarian heritage. The decision in Bridgeport Music v. Dimension Films supported this monopoly. Judge Guy ruled, “Get a license or do not sample. We do not see this stifling creativity in any significant way” (397).
 
 The lack of compulsory licensing and the Bridgeport decision creates an untenable situation for sampling musicians and adversely impacts upon the public benefit derived from creative diversity and transformative works (Netanel 288, 331). The sobering potential for lawsuits, ruinous legal costs, injunctions, damages (to copyright owners as well as master recordings), suppresses the creativity of musicians unwilling or unable to pay licence fees (Negativland 251.).
 
 I’m a big fan of David Bowie. If I wanted to release a cover version of “Survive”, Bowie and Gabrels (composers) and BMI (publishers) could not prevent it. According the Harry Fox Agency’s online licensing system, it would cost $222.50 (US) for a licence to produce 2500 copies. The compulsory licence demands fidelity to the character of the original. Although my own individual style would be embedded in the cover version, the potential for transformation is limited. Whilst trawling through results from a search for “acapella” on the Soulseek network I found an MP3 of the vocal acapella for “Survive”. Thirty minutes later Bowie was loaded into Sonar 4 and accompanied by a drum loop and bass line whilst I jammed along on guitar and tinkered with synths. Free access to music encourages creative diversity and active cultural participation. Licensing fees, however, may prohibit such creative explorations. Sampling technology offers some truly innovative possibilities for transforming recorded sound. The Roland VariOS can pitch-eliminate; a vocal sample can be reproduced to a melody played by the sampling musician. Although the original singer’s voice is preserved the melody and characteristic nuances can be significantly altered:
 
 V-Producer’s Phrase Scope [a system software component] separates the melody from the rest of the phrase, allowing users to re-construct a new melody or add harmonies graphically, or by playing in notes from a MIDI keyboard. Using Phrase Scope, you can take an existing vocal phrase or melodic instrument phrase and change the actual notes, phrasing and vocal gender without unwanted artefacts.
 
 
 Bowie’s original vocal could be aligned with an original melody and set to an original composition. The original would be completely transformed into a new creative work. Unfortunately, EMI is the parent company for Virgin Records, the copyright owner of “Survive”. It is doubtful licence fees could be accommodated by many inspired bedroom producers. EMI’s reaction to DJ Dangermouse’s “Grey Album“ suggests that it would not look upon unlicensed sampling with any favour. Threatening letters from lawyers representing one of the “Big Four” are enough to subjugate most small time producers. Fair use? If a musician is unable to afford a licence, it is unlikely he can afford a fair use defence. Musicians planning only a limited run, underground release may be forgiven for assuming that the “Big Four” have better things to do than trawl through bins of White Labels for unlicensed samples. Professional bootlegger Richard X found otherwise when his history of unlicensed sampling caught up to him: “A certain major label won’t let me use any samples I ask them to. We just got a report back from them saying, ‘Due to Richard’s earlier work of which we are well aware, we will not be assisting him with any future projects’” (Petridis).
 
 For record labels “copy” equals “money”. Allan Klein did very well out of licensing his newly acquired “Bittersweet Symphony” to Nike (Superswell). Inability to afford either licences or legal costs means that some innovative and novel creations will never leave the bedroom. Sampling masterpieces such as “It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back” are no longer cost effective (McLeod). The absence of a compulsory licence for sampling permits a de facto monopoly over recorded music. Tricia Rose notes the recording industry knows the value of “copy” (90). “Copy” is permissible as long as musicians pay for the privilege – if the resultant market for the sampling song is not highly profitable labels may decline to negotiate a licence. Some parties have recognised the value of the desire to creatively engage with music. UK (dis)band(ed) Curve posted component samples of their song “Unreadable Communication” on their website and invited fans to create their own versions of the song. All submissions were listed on the website. Although the band reserved copyright, they permitted me to upload my version to my online distribution website for free download. It has been downloaded 113 times and streamed a further 112 times over the last couple of months. The remix project has a reciprocal dimension: Creative engagement strengthens the fan base. Guitarist/programmer, Dean Garcia, states “the main reason for posting the samples is for others to experiment with something they love . . . an opportunity as you say to mess around with something you otherwise would never have access to2”. Umixit is testing the market for remixable songs. Although the company has only five bands on its roster (the most notable being Aerosmith), it will be interesting to observe the development of a market for “neutered sampling” and how long it will be before the majors claim a stake. The would-be descendants of Grand Master Flash and Afrika Bambaataa may find themselves bound by end-user licences and contracts.
 
 The notion of “copy” at the nexus of creativity and copyright law is simultaneously a vehicle for free expression and a vulgar infringement on a valuable economic interest. The compulsory licence for cover versions encourages musicians to rework existing music, uncover hidden meaning, challenge the boundaries of genre, and actively participate in culture creation. Lack of affirmative congressional or judicial interference in the current sampling regime places the beneficial aspects of “copy” under an oppressive monopoly founded on copyright, an engine of free expression.
 
 References
 
 American Hit Network. “Bittersweet Symphony – The Verve.” Undated. 17 April 2005 http://www.americanhitnetwork.com/1990/fsongs.cfm?id=8&view=detail&rank=1>. Beaujon, A. “It’s Not The Beat, It’s the Mocean.’ CMJ New Music Monthly, April 1999. EMI. “EMI and Orange Announce New Music Deal.” Immediate Future: PR & Communications, 6 January 2005. 17 April 2005 http://www.immediatefuture.co.uk/359>. H. R. Rep. No. 2222. 60th Cong., 2nd Sess. 7. 1909. H. R. Rep. No. 609. 100th Cong., 2nd Sess. 23. 1988. MacMinute. “NIN Offers New Single in GarageBand Format.” 15 April 2005. 16 April 2005 http://www.macminute.com/2005/04/15/nin/>. McLeod, K. “How Copyright Law Changed Hip Hop: An Interview with Public Enemy’s Chuck D and Hank Shocklee.” Stay Free 2002, 23 June 2004 http://www.stayfreemagazine.org/archives/20/public_enemy.html>. McLeod, K. Freedom of Expression: Overzealous Copyright Bozos and Other Enemies of Creativity. United States: Doubleday Books, 2005. Negativland. “Discography.” Undated. 18 April 2005 http://www.negativland.com/negdisco.html>. Negativland (ed.). Fair Use: The Story of the Letter U and the Numeral 2. Concord: Seeland, 2005. Netanel, N. W. “Copyright and a Democratic Civil Society.” 106 Yale L. J. 283. 1996. Patterson, L.R., and S. Lindberg. The Nature of Copyright: A Law of Users’ Rights. Georgia: U of Georgia P, 1991. Petridis, A. “Pop Will Eat Itself.” The Guardian (UK) 2003. 22 June 2004 http://www.guardian.co.uk/arts/critic/feature/0,1169,922797,00.html>. Prendergast, M. The Ambient Century: From Mahler to Moby – The Evolution of Sound in the Electronic Age. London: Bloomsbury, 2003. Rose, T. Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America. Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 2004. Sen. Rep. No. 1108, 60th Cong., 2nd Sess. 7. 1909. Superswell. “Horror Stories.” 17 April 2005 http://www.superswell.com/samplelaw/horror.html>. Waldron, J. “From Authors to Copiers: Individual Rights and Social Values in Intellectual Property.” 68 Chicago-Kent Law Review 842, 1998.
 Endnotes
 
 1 Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc. v. Nation Enterprises 471 U.S. 539, 558 (1985).
 
 2 From personal correspondence with Curve dated 16 September 2004.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Citation reference for this article
 
 MLA Style
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 Collins, S. (Jul. 2005) "Good Copy, Bad Copy: Covers, Sampling and Copyright," M/C Journal, 8(3). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0507/02-collins.php>. 

Women in federal politics are under-represented today and always have been. At no time in the history of the federal parliament have women achieved equal representation with men. There have never been an equal number of women in any federal cabinet. Women have never held an equitable number of executive positions of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) or the Liberal Party. Australia has had only one female Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, and she was the recipient of sexist treatment in the parliament and the media. A 2019 report by Plan International found that girls and women, were “reluctant to pursue a career in politics, saying they worry about being treated unfairly.” The Report author said the results were unsurprisingwhen you consider how female politicians are still treated in Parliament and the media in this country, is it any wonder the next generation has no desire to expose themselves to this world? Unfortunately, in Australia, girls grow up seeing strong, smart, capable female politicians constantly reduced to what they’re wearing, comments about their sexuality and snipes about their gender.What voters may not always see is how women in politics respond to sexist treatment, or to bullying, or having to vote against their principles because of party rules, or to having no support to lead the party. Rather than being political victims and quitting, there is a ground-swell of women who are fighting back. The rage they feel at being excluded, bullied, harassed, name-called, and denied leadership opportunities is being channelled into rage against the structures that deny them equality. The rage they feel is building resilience and it is building networks of women across the political divide. This article highlights some female MPs who are “maintaining the rage”. It suggests that the rage that is evident in their public responses is empowering them to stand strong in the face of adversity, in solidarity with other female MPs, building their resilience, and strengthening calls for social change and political equality.Her-story of Women’s MovementsThroughout the twentieth century, women stood for equal rights and personal empowerment driven by rage against their disenfranchisement. Significant periods include the early 1900s, with suffragettes gaining the vote for women. The interwar period of 1919 to 1938 saw women campaign for financial independence from their husbands (Andrew). Australian women were active citizens in a range of campaigns for improved social, economic and political outcomes for women and their children.Early contributions made by women to Australian society were challenges to the regulations and of female sexuality and reproduction. Early twentieth century feminist organisations such The Women’s Peace Army, United Association of Women, the Australian Federation of Women’s Societies for Equal Citizenship, the Union of Australian Women, the National Council of Women, and the Australian Federation of Women Voters, proved the early forerunners to the 1970s Women’s Liberation Movement (WLM). It was in many of these early campaigns that the rage expressed in the concept of the “personal is political” (Hanisch) became entrenched in Australian feminist approaches to progressive social change. The idea of the “personal is political” encapsulated that it was necessary to challenge and change power relations, achievable when women fully participated in politics (van Acker 25). Attempts by women during the 1970s to voice concerns about issues of inequality, including sexuality, the right to abortion, availability of childcare, and sharing of household duties, were “deemed a personal problem” and not for public discussion (Hanisch). One core function of the WLM was to “advance women’s positions” via government legislation or, as van Acker (120) puts it, the need for “feminist intervention in the state.” However, in advocating for policy reform, the WLM had no coherent or organised strategy to ensure legislative change. The establishment of the Women’s Electoral Lobby (WEL), together with the Femocrat strategy, sought to rectify this. Formed in 1972, WEL was tasked with translating WLM concerns into government policy.The initial WEL campaign took issues of concern to WLM to the incoming Whitlam government (1972-1975). Lyndall Ryan (73) notes: women’s liberationists were the “stormtroopers” and WEL the “pragmatic face of feminism.” In 1973 Whitlam appointed Elizabeth Reid, a member of WLM, as Australia’s first Women’s Advisor. Of her appointment, Reid (3) said, “For the first time in our history we were being offered the opportunity to attempt to implement what for years we had been writing, yelling, marching and working towards. Not to respond would have felt as if our bluff had been called.” They had the opportunity in the Whitlam government to legislatively and fiscally address the rage that drove generations of women to yell and march.Following Reid were the appointments of Sara Dowse and Lyndall Ryan, continuing the Femocrat strategy of ensuring women were appointed to executive bureaucratic roles within the Whitlam government. The positions were not well received by the mainly male-dominated press gallery and parliament. As “inside agitators” (Eisenstein) for social change the central aim of Femocrats was social and economic equity for women, reflecting social justice and progressive social and public policy. Femocrats adopted a view about the value of women’s own lived experiences in policy development, application and outcome. The role of Senator Susan Ryan is of note. In 1981, Ryan wrote and introduced the Sex Discrimination Bill, the first piece of federal legislation of its type in Australia. Ryan was a founding member of WEL and was elected to the Senate in 1975 on the slogan “A woman’s place is in the Senate”. As Ryan herself puts it: “I came to believe that not only was a woman’s place in the House and in the Senate, as my first campaign slogan proclaimed, but a feminist’s place was in politics.” Ryan, the first Labor woman to represent the ACT in the Senate, was also the first Labor woman appointed as a federal Minister.With the election of the economic rationalist Hawke and Keating Governments (1983-1996) and the neoliberal Howard Government (1996-2007), what was a “visible, united, highly mobilised and state-focused women’s movement” declined (Lake 260). This is not to say that women today reject the value of women’s voices and experiences, particularly in politics. Many of the issues of the 1970s remain today: domestic violence, unequal pay, sexual harassment, and a lack of gender parity in political representation. Hence, it remains important that women continue to seek election to the national parliament.Gender Gap: Women in Power When examining federal elections held between 1972 and 2016, women have been under-represented in the lower house. In none of these elections have women achieved more than 30 per cent representation. Following the 1974 election less that one per cent of the lower house were women. No women were elected to the lower house at the 1975 or 1977 election. Between 1980 and 1996, female representation was less than 10 per cent. In 1996 this rose to 15 per cent and reached 29 per cent at the 2016 federal election.Following the 2016 federal election, only 32 per cent of both chambers were women. After the July 2016 election, only eight women were appointed to the Turnbull Ministry: six women in Cabinet and two women in the Outer Cabinet (Parliament of Australia). Despite the higher representation of women in the ALP, this is not reflected in the number of women in the Shadow Cabinet. Just as female parliamentarians have never achieved parity, neither have women in the Executive Branch.In 2017, Australia was ranked 50th in the world in terms of gender representation in parliament, between The Philippines and South Sudan. Globally, there are 38 States in which women account for less than 10 per cent of parliamentarians. As at January 2017, the three highest ranking countries in female representation were Rwanda, Bolivia and Cuba. The United Kingdom was ranked 47th, and the United States 104th (IPU and UNW). Globally only 18 per cent of government ministers are women (UNW). Between 1960 and 2013, 52 women became prime ministers worldwide, of those 43 have taken office since 1990 (Curtin 191).The 1995 United Nations (UN) Fourth World Conference on Women set a 30 per cent target for women in decision-making. This reflects the concept of “critical mass”. Critical mass proposes that for there to be a tipping balance where parity is likely to emerge, this requires a cohort of a minimum of 30 per cent of the minority group.Gender scholars use critical mass theory to explain that parity won’t occur while there are only a few token women in politics. Rather, only as numbers increase will women be able to build a strong enough presence to make female representation normative. Once a 30 per cent critical mass is evident, the argument is that this will encourage other women to join the cohort, making parity possible (Childs & Krook 725). This threshold also impacts on legislative outcomes, because the larger cohort of women are able to “influence their male colleagues to accept and approve legislation promoting women’s concerns” (Childs & Krook 725).Quotas: A Response to Gender InequalityWith women representing less than one in five parliamentarians worldwide, gender quotas have been introduced in 90 countries to redress this imbalance (Krook). Quotas are an equal opportunity measure specifically designed to re-dress inequality in political representation by allocating seats to under-represented groups (McCann 4). However, the effectiveness of the quota system is contested, with continued resistance, particularly in conservative parties. Fine (3) argues that one key objection to mandatory quotas is that they “violate the principle of merit”, suggesting insufficient numbers of women capable or qualified to hold parliamentary positions.In contrast, Gauja (2) suggests that “state-mandated electoral quotas work” because in countries with legislated quotas the number of women being nominated is significantly higher. While gender quotas have been brought to bear to address the gender gap, the ability to challenge the majority status of men has been limited (Hughes).In 1994 the ALP introduced rule-based party quotas to achieve equal representation by 2025 and a gender weighting system for female preselection votes. Conversely, the Liberal Party have a voluntary target of reaching 50 per cent female representation by 2025. But what of the treatment of women who do enter politics?Fig. 1: Portrait of Julia Gillard AC, 27th Prime Minister of Australia, at Parliament House, CanberraInside Politics: Misogyny and Mobs in the ALPIn 2010, Julia Gillard was elected as the leader of the governing ALP, making her Australia’s first female Prime Minister. Following the 2010 federal election, called 22 days after becoming Prime Minister, Gillard was faced with the first hung parliament since 1940. She formed a successful minority government before losing the leadership of the ALP in June 2013. Research demonstrates that “being a female prime minister is often fraught because it challenges many of the gender stereotypes associated with political leadership” (Curtin 192). In Curtin’s assessment Gillard was naïve in her view that interest in her as the country’s first female Prime Minister would quickly dissipate.Gillard, argues Curtin (192-193), “believed that her commitment to policy reform and government enterprise, to hard work and maintaining consensus in caucus, would readily outstrip the gender obsession.” As Curtin continues, “this did not happen.” Voters were continually reminded that Gillard “did not conform to the traditional.” And “worse, some high-profile men, from industry, the Liberal Party and the media, indulged in verbal attacks of a sexist nature throughout her term in office (Curtin 192-193).The treatment of Gillard is noted in terms of how misogyny reinforced negative perceptions about the patriarchal nature of parliamentary politics. The rage this created in public and media spheres was double-edged. On the one hand, some were outraged at the sexist treatment of Gillard. On the other hand, those opposing Gillard created a frenzy of personal and sexist attacks on her. Further attacking Gillard, on 25 February 2011, radio broadcaster Alan Jones called Gillard, not only by her first-name, but called her a “liar” (Kwek). These attacks and the informal way the Prime Minister was addressed, was unprecedented and caused outrage.An anti-carbon tax rally held in front of Parliament House in Canberra in March 2011, featured placards with the slogans “Ditch the Witch” and “Bob Brown’s Bitch”, referring to Gillard and her alliance with the Australian Greens, led by Senator Bob Brown. The Opposition Leader Tony Abbott and other members of the Liberal Party were photographed standing in front of the placards (Sydney Morning Herald, Vertigo). Criticism of women in positions of power is not limited to coming from men alone. Women from the Liberal Party were also seen in the photo of derogatory placards decrying Gillard’s alliances with the Greens.Gillard (Sydney Morning Herald, “Gillard”) said she was “offended when the Leader of the Opposition went outside in the front of Parliament and stood next to a sign that said, ‘Ditch the witch’. I was offended when the Leader of the Opposition stood next to a sign that ascribed me as a man’s bitch.”Vilification of Gillard culminated in October 2012, when Abbott moved a no-confidence motion against the Speaker of the House, Peter Slipper. Abbott declared the Gillard government’s support for Slipper was evidence of the government’s acceptance of Slipper’s sexist attitudes (evident in allegations that Slipper sent a text to a political staffer describing female genitals). Gillard responded with what is known as the “Misogyny speech”, pointing at Abbott, shaking with rage, and proclaiming, “I will not be lectured about sexism and misogyny by this man” (ABC). Apart from vilification, how principles can be forsaken for parliamentary, party or electoral needs, may leave some women circumspect about entering parliament. Similar attacks on political women may affirm this view.In 2010, Labor Senator Penny Wong, a gay Member of Parliament and advocate of same-sex marriage, voted against a bill supporting same-sex marriage, because it was not ALP policy (Q and A, “Passion”). Australian Marriage Equality spokesperson, Alex Greenwich, strongly condemned Wong’s vote as “deeply hypocritical” (Akersten). The Sydney Morning Herald (Dick), under the headline “Married to the Mob” asked:a question: what does it now take for a cabinet minister to speak out on a point of principle, to venture even a mild criticism of the party position? ... Would you object if your party, after fixing some areas of discrimination against a minority group of which you are a part, refused to move on the last major reform for that group because of ‘tradition’ without any cogent explanation of why that tradition should remain? Not if you’re Penny Wong.In 2017, during the postal vote campaign for marriage equality, Wong clarified her reasons for her 2010 vote against same-sex marriage saying in an interview: “In 2010 I had to argue a position I didn’t agree with. You get a choice as a party member don’t you? You either resign or do something like that and make a point, or you stay and fight and you change it.” Biding her time, Wong used her rage to change policy within the ALP.In continuing personal attacks on Gillard, on 19 March 2012, Gillard was told by Germaine Greer that she had a “big arse” (Q and A, “Politics”) and on 27 August 2012, Greer said Gillard looked like an “organ grinder’s monkey” (Q and A, “Media”). Such an attack by a prominent feminist from the 1970s, on the personal appearance of the Prime Minister, reinforced the perception that it was acceptable to criticise a woman in this position, in ways men have never been. Inside Politics: Leadership and Bullying inside the Liberal PartyWhile Gillard’s leadership was likely cut short by the ongoing attacks on her character, Liberal Deputy leader Julie Bishop was thwarted from rising to the leadership of the Liberal Party, thus making it unlikely she will become the Liberal Party’s first female Prime Minister. Julie Bishop was Australia’s Minister for Foreign Affairs from 2013 to 2018 and Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party from 2007 to 2018, having entered politics in 1998.With the impending demise of Prime Minister Turnbull in August 2018, Bishop sought support from within the Liberal Party to run for the leadership. In the second round of leadership votes Bishop stood for the leadership in a three-cornered race, coming last in the vote to Peter Dutton and Scott Morrison. Bishop resigned as the Foreign Affairs Minister and took a seat on the backbench.When asked if the Liberal Party would elect a popular female leader, Bishop replied: “When we find one, I’m sure we will.” Political journalist Annabel Crabb offered further insight into what Bishop meant when she addressed the press in her red Rodo shoes, labelling the statement as “one of Julie Bishop’s chilliest-ever slapdowns.” Crabb, somewhat sardonically, suggested this translated as Bishop listing someone with her qualifications and experience as: “Woman Works Hard, Is Good at Her Job, Doesn't Screw Up, Loses Out Anyway.”For political journalist Tony Wright, Bishop was “clearly furious with those who had let their testosterone get the better of them and their party” and proceeded to “stride out in a pair of heels in the most vivid red to announce that, despite having resigned the deputy position she had occupied for 11 years, she was not about to quit the Parliament.” In response to the lack of support for Bishop in the leadership spill, female members of the federal parliament took to wearing red in the parliamentary chambers signalling that female members were “fed up with the machinations of the male majority” (Wright).Red signifies power, strength and anger. Worn in parliament, it was noticeable and striking, making a powerful statement. The following day, Bishop said: “It is evident … that there is an acceptance of a level of behaviour in Canberra that would not be tolerated in any other workplace across Australia" (Wright).Colour is political. The Suffragettes of the early twentieth century donned the colours of purple and white to create a statement of unity and solidarity. In recent months, Dr Kerryn Phelps used purple in her election campaign to win the vacated seat of Wentworth, following Turnbull’s resignation, perhaps as a nod to the Suffragettes. Public anger in Wentworth saw Phelps elected, despite the electorate having been seen as a safe Liberal seat.On 21 February 2019, the last sitting day of Parliament before the budget and federal election, Julie Bishop stood to announce her intention to leave politics at the next election. To some this was a surprise. To others it was expected. On finishing her speech, Bishop immediately exited the Lower House without acknowledging the Prime Minister. A proverbial full-stop to her outrage. She wore Suffragette white.Victorian Liberal backbencher Julia Banks, having declared herself so repelled by bullying during the Turnbull-Dutton leadership delirium, announced she was quitting the Liberal Party and sitting in the House of Representatives as an Independent. Banks said she could no longer tolerate the bullying, led by members of the reactionary right wing, the coup was aided by many MPs trading their vote for a leadership change in exchange for their individual promotion, preselection endorsements or silence. Their actions were undeniably for themselves, for their position in the party, their power, their personal ambition – not for the Australian people.The images of male Liberal Members of Parliament standing with their backs turned to Banks, as she tended her resignation from the Liberal Party, were powerful, indicating their disrespect and contempt. Yet Banks’s decision to stay in politics, as with Wong and Bishop is admirable. To maintain the rage from within the institutions and structures that act to sustain patriarchy is a brave, but necessary choice.Today, as much as any time in the past, a woman’s place is in politics, however, recent events highlight the ongoing poor treatment of women in Australian politics. Yet, in the face of negative treatment – gendered attacks on their character, dismissive treatment of their leadership abilities, and ongoing bullying and sexism, political women are fighting back. They are once again channelling their rage at the way they are being treated and how their abilities are constantly questioned. They are enraged to the point of standing in the face of adversity to bring about social and political change, just as the suffragettes and the women’s movements of the 1970s did before them. The current trend towards women planning to stand as Independents at the 2019 federal election is one indication of this. Women within the major parties, particularly on the conservative side of politics, have become quiet. Some are withdrawing, but most are likely regrouping, gathering the rage within and ready to make a stand after the dust of the 2019 election has settled.ReferencesAndrew, Merrindahl. Social Movements and the Limits of Strategy: How Australian Feminists Formed Positions on Work and Care. Canberra. 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