Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Activism (LGBTQ)'

“Affective Economies of Activism: Reimagining Anti-LGBTQ Hate Crime” is a critique of racism and misogyny within the contemporary LGBTQ movement. I argue that the mainstream LGBTQ movement’s narrow focus on street crimes against white gay men has resulted in a hyperreality that distracts us not only from the effects of the actual racialized violence that takes place, but also denies meaningful discussion of structural violence. This dissertation traces the origins of this exclusive and harmful discourse since the late 1960s with each chapter describing different forms of active resistance and possibilities for finding solutions today. I analyze publications gathered from special collections across the country; oral histories I conducted with activists in the South; documentary films; and queer online culture. My scholarship combines theory with everyday lived experience in order to bring social justice to the center of our field of vision. I do not only discuss and theorize about social justice, but also practice what I preach by engaging in archive activism and contributing to a grassroots LGBTQ history.

Sustained gay activism in Charlotte, North Carolina, only emerged in response to the HIV AIDS epidemic. Community building among Charlotte’s closeted gays and lesbians began in the 1970s with the emergence of safe spaces, particularly gay bars. However, before the mid 1980s, activism was intermittent, largely inward facing, and suffered from over-reliance on a few leaders. As the reality of AIDS gripped the community after 1985, two imperatives created by the epidemic gave rise to sustained gay and lesbian activism. First, the critical need to provide care for people suffering from AIDS galvanized the gay community into action and led to the creation of the Metrolina AIDS Project (MAP). MAP became the first outward looking and visible gay organization in Charlotte, and, critically, it enjoyed a degree of civic legitimacy. However, this civic legitimacy did not extend to the second imperative, the more contentious terrain of AIDS education. In this arena Charlotte’s gay activists came into conflict with the Religious Right and the county government, which forced activists to become more politically organized. By the early 1990s, it became clear that further progress would require partnerships with straight allies, but because these allies were motivated largely by sympathy for AIDS there was limited progress on the broader gay rights agenda. The timing of gay activism and the necessity for straight alliances shows that Charlotte’s experience as a mid-size Southern city differed from larger metropolitan areas and progressive university/capital cities that have been the focus of previous historiography.

Over the course of the last 60 years, the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender (LGBT) rights movement in the United States has become a beacon of light around the world where LGBT persons continue to face intolerance, discrimination, persecution, and death. As this qualitative phenomenological study was being written, LGBT Americans taking advantage of their legal rights to marry, still face employment discrimination, housing discrimination, adoption discrimination, immigration discrimination, and discrimination in public accommodations including a Presidential Executive Order, state, and local legislation forcing transgender people to use the restroom that reflects their assigned gender at birth. In fact, in almost three dozen states an LGBT person could exercise their legal right to get married and still legally get fired from their job, legally get kicked out of their apartment by their landlord, and get denied an adoption simply because they are LGBT without other legal protections. Each of these issues has an effect on employee recruitment, retention, and performance and an effect in terms of creating an organizational culture where all employees can thrive without fear of retaliation, retribution, or being unaffirmed in the workplace. Affirmative corporate activism in the form of company supported LGBT employee resource groups/business resource groups, LGBT serving volunteer efforts, philanthropy, and public policy advocacy efforts combined have helped to make corporate America a critical ally in the movement for LGBT legal equality. This qualitative phenomenological study examines how LGBT employee resource group/business group leaders and executive champions influence corporate activism on LGBT issues. The rise of elected conservative leadership in the United States and around the world challenges the espoused values of corporate leaders on LGBT issues. This conservative revolution challenging the gains of the LGBT movement also creates an opportunity for corporate America to develop standards, practices, and policies. Although LGBT people outside of corporate America are likely to remain far more vulnerable to an increasingly more hostile government, corporate America has a unique opportunity to develop best practices and strategies to keep employees safe, make their customers feel welcome, while testing and learning scalable corporate social responsibility solutions.

This project is an archival case study of the multimedia artist and writer David Wojnarowicz. I discuss Wojnarowicz's legacy as a queer activist and public intellectual to explore the potential of his posthumous rhetorical agency. I define "posthumous rhetorical agency" as a process enacted by the living to facilitate the participation of the deceased in public life. I emphasize that developing a theory of posthumous rhetorical agency can fuel the "momentum of the archival turn" while also deepening a "commitment to the queer turn" in rhetorical studies (Morris and Rawson; Crichton). I establish that Wojnarowicz's archive possesses the ability to reach into the future with remarkable velocity to contribute to his posthumous agency because he drew on extant queer kinship networks and engaged multiple mediums as a visual artist, writer, musician, performance artist, and filmmaker. I extend Avery Gordon's position that haunting differs from trauma because haunting produces a "something-to-be-done" quality, which leads to an engagement with the present and a desire "to reveal and learn from subjugated knowledge." I argue that Wojnarowicz's legacy has a "something-to-be-done" quality about it. His legacy stands as an indictment of a nation lulled into apathetic indifference and cowed into fear of social difference: at a national level when the AIDS epidemic began, politicians and corporations were inexcusably slow to respond because the disease was assumed to infect only gay men and other "high risk" populations. Thus, in understanding Wojnarowicz's suffering - as an individual and, to take this line of argument further, as part of a collective of people with AIDS who died due to the US government's neglect of a public health crisis from which the "general public" was assumed to be safe - one can conceive of his posthumous legacy as a positive and needful presence that calls attention to the value of integrating a partially erased or forgotten history more fully into the nation's history. I conclude that a viable theory of posthumous rhetorical agency must attend to issues of how to responsibly and justly represent the work of those who have been systematically excluded, censored, or erased from the historical record.

For decades LGBTQ rights have been approached purely by a legal strategy, in particular advocating for the legalization of same-sex marriage. However, discrimination and violence against the LGBTQ community continues to be a major issue in Latin America because of cultural values such as Catholicism and machismo that uphold a standard of and, in turn, have control over people’s sexuality. Using a human rights approach towards the politics of sexuality, LGBTI activists in Costa Rican and Nicaragua have been successful in transforming public opinion about sexuality and more importantly, sexual diversity. As a result of their egalitarian framework and efforts to educate people about sexual diversity, they have made great advancements toward achieving acceptance and equality for LGBTI people. This study focuses on how Costa Rican and Nicaraguan LGBTI activists have worked around traditional cultural values such as Catholicism and machismo that prevent people from accepting and tolerating LGBTI people. The examples of LGBTI activists in these two countries have important implications for other LGBTI activists and the strategies they use to try to achieve full equality (social and legal) for people whose sexual identity differs from the conventional.

Between 1990 and 2010, lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LOBT) people in Serbia moved from a legal prohibition of homosexuality and widespread hostility, to a legislative and institutional framework of increasing recognition and protection. Social attitudes, too, 3re shifting towards greater acceptance. A vibrant social movement of LGBT activists has been vitally important in these shifts. This thesis explores and analyses a series of semi-structured interviews with these activists, campaigning materials, and primary and secondary literature to present a contextualised account of the history and practice of this under-researched movement. Beginning by developing a model of a theoretical toolbox, the thesis identifies the continuing relevance of a range of social movement theories and concepts, arguing that these must be utilised pragmatically to ensure a full understanding of the complex processes at work in a social movement. It particularly identifies the importance of contextually situated grievances, resources and opportunities to the development of LOBT activism in Serbia. A background of nationalism, warfare, ethnic fragmentation, authoritarianism, shifting international and domestic resources and opportunities have influenced the strategies and tactics, participation, leadership, motivations for taking part, and patterns of cooperation, all of which are explored. At the same time the thesis stresses the importance of actors making choices and acting creatively to influence, as well as work within, this context. To this end, the movement is theorised as representing a model of 'activist citizenship' based on rights, participation and belonging, utilising identity strategically whilst seeking a wider citizenship based on common humanity and linking struggles between oppressed groups. In doing so, this interdisciplinary research fills an important gap in existing sociological literature on the former Yugoslavia and makes a contribution to social movement theory and citizenship studies, as well as contributing to political sciences work on the former Yugoslavia and social movement studies.

During the last five years mediated activism dedicated to LGBT+ issues in Belarus has flourished despite restrictive context: several new online initiatives, including a media project, have been launched. The current study investigates how one of the most politically underprivileged and marginalized groups – LGBT+ activists – make use of online social media to advocate for positive social and political modification in the Belarusian society. By collecting interviews with activists as a primary source of lived experiences, applying thematical analysis on the data from 13 interviews, and then contributing with netnography-informed content analysis as an instrument to analyse 34 posts written in February of 2018 on the personal Facebook pages of the same activists, the current research examines patterns of experiences surrounding participation in mediated LGBT+ activism. The power dynamics and the influence of the repressive context on the practices of mediated activism are analysed through feminist critical discourse analysis with specific focus on heteronormativity as a key-concept of imposing power on marginalized identities. Four global themes emerged in the result of the analysis: 1) heteronormativity and state control; 2) identity as “doing”; 3) the “other” activism, and 4) social change as individual transformation. Topics of heteronormativity, homophobia, hate-crime and violence turned out to be most present in the posts produced by the activists. It was found that in the restrictive spaces mediated activism and social media, instead of serving as tools for mass outreach and mobilization, endanger activists engaged in LGBT+ issues. Burnout, risk of poverty, emotional and physical assaults, and exposure to social sanctions are happening to activists because of their presence online, and there are extremely limited tools to combat these consequences of publicity. In Belarusian context, the shrinking space for civil society and limited political opportunities outweigh the potential of online social media, lower their impact and determine prospects of social change in such a way, when viral organizing or structural transformations become extremely limited.

The title "Enacting Activism" suggests the idea of activism applied to different fields, at the same time that it highlights the power of social movements in respect to influencing change. Situated at the intersection of new social movement theory and queer studies, this thesis examines the impact of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) activism in Portugal since 1995.

Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Kinesiology
Katie M. Heinrich
Engagement in regular physical activity is essential to prevent chronic diseases, yet few individuals are active enough to receive health benefits. Social factors such as relationship status, social support, and social capital are important for engagement in physical activity, although research investigating this area has not accounted for sexual orientation, including gay and bisexual men. The purpose of this dissertation was to examine the associations between relationship status, social support, and social capital by sexual orientation for men by using national-level epidemiologic data from the National Institutes of Health. Chapter one reviewed the literature examining the relationship among social variables, physical activity and sexual orientation to identify the gaps in sexual orientation/physical activity research. Chapter two used logistic regression to identify the prevalence of meeting physical activity recommendations for single and coupled gay and straight men by determining the association between relationship status and physical activity by sexual orientation. Coupled gay men were 1.61 (95% CI: 1.01-2.56) times more likely to meet physical activity recommendations compared to coupled straight men. Chapter three used linear and logistic regression to test the relationships between social support and physical activity by sexual orientation. Social support was not related to increases in physical activity for gay (AOR: 0.98, 95% CI: 0.49-1.97) or bisexual (AOR: 0.64, 95% CI: 0.28-1.51) men as it was for straight men (AOR: 1.63, 95% CI: 1.44-1.90). Chapter four used multiple group structural equation modeling to test the association between social capital and physical activity by sexual orientation. Social capital was related to more light/moderate-intensity physical activity for gay (β = .14, p <.05) and straight men (β = .06, p <.001), and social capital was related to more vigorous-intensity physical activity for straight men only (β = .06, p <.001). Lastly, chapter 5 introduces a conceptual model of how sexual orientation is related to social variables, and ultimately, physical activity. These results provide insight into the complex associations among a social determinant of health and physical activity while highlighting the need for future descriptive and intervention studies.

Over the past 20 years, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals have made progress in attaining the same basic civil rights as heterosexual individuals. As in other civil rights movements, the college campus has played an important role. The LGBT community participates in academic and campus life, and numerous colleges are developing and supporting an inclusive, safe, and respectful culture. However, bias and prejudice continue to occur. While researchers have studied the repercussions of prejudice, discrimination, and low evaluation scores for LGBT faculty, little research has been done to explore professional identity and activism in LGBT faculty at traditional 4-year universities. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to explore how the narratives of LGBT faculty at traditional 4-year universities inform the experience of professional identity and activism. Using social identity theory and the concept of activism as conceptual frameworks, 13 faculty from college campuses across the United States were interviewed. The data were analyzed using NVivo software and hand coding. Ten themes were identified: coming out, identity, gender fluidity, stigmatization, campus climate, blatant prejudice and discrimination, resources, advocacy, responsibility, and positive experiences. Participants described professional identity as being fused with their sexual and social identity and described activism as an obligation. The results of this study will be shared in the scholarly and professional communities to support civil rights, activism, and advocacy for the LBGT community on campuses. Future research is recommended regarding the struggles of coming/being out in the academic workplace, as well as activism for LGBT issues on college campuses.

Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Kinesiology
Katie M. Heinrich
Engagement in regular physical activity is essential to prevent chronic diseases, yet few individuals are active enough to receive health benefits. Social factors such as relationship status, social support, and social capital are important for engagement in physical activity, although research investigating this area has not accounted for sexual orientation, including gay and bisexual men. The purpose of this dissertation was to examine the associations between relationship status, social support, and social capital by sexual orientation for men by using national-level epidemiologic data from the National Institutes of Health. Chapter one reviewed the literature examining the relationship among social variables, physical activity and sexual orientation to identify the gaps in sexual orientation/physical activity research. Chapter two used logistic regression to identify the prevalence of meeting physical activity recommendations for single and coupled gay and straight men by determining the association between relationship status and physical activity by sexual orientation. Coupled gay men were 1.61 (95% CI: 1.01-2.56) times more likely to meet physical activity recommendations compared to coupled straight men. Chapter three used linear and logistic regression to test the relationships between social support and physical activity by sexual orientation. Social support was not related to increases in physical activity for gay (AOR: 0.98, 95% CI: 0.49-1.97) or bisexual (AOR: 0.64, 95% CI: 0.28-1.51) men as it was for straight men (AOR: 1.63, 95% CI: 1.44-1.90). Chapter four used multiple group structural equation modeling to test the association between social capital and physical activity by sexual orientation. Social capital was related to more light/moderate-intensity physical activity for gay (β = .14, p <.05) and straight men (β = .06, p <.001), and social capital was related to more vigorous-intensity physical activity for straight men only (β = .06, p <.001). Lastly, chapter 5 introduces a conceptual model of how sexual orientation is related to social variables, and ultimately, physical activity. These results provide insight into the complex associations among a social determinant of health and physical activity while highlighting the need for future descriptive and intervention studies.

Egyptians who do not fit into the mold of the ideal, heteronormative citizen as perpetuated by the state face widespread persecution and criminalization. State security forces target homosexual and other queer sexualities and behaviors in the private and public spheres. From fake profiles on dating and social media websites to raids on clubs and private parties, this segment of the Egyptian population struggles to find a space for themselves within Egyptian society. When arrest often means abuse, torture, and coerced confessions, they are further pushed to the fringes of society. Although Egypt has promised to protect certain rights of its citizens, it has frequently failed. This paper presents three major systems of oppression for non-heteronormative Egyptians: the state security apparatus and legal code, nationalist discourses, and the dominant ideologies of Islam within Egypt. After analyzing how queer Egyptians are targeted, criminalized, and persecuted, I analyze different activist methods and strategies in order to present and support the most effective strategies for Egypt.

Since 2011, a number of new UK-based non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have emerged with a commitment to transnational lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGBTI) activism, with some existing organisations adopting new strategies to engage with international LGBTI issues. This new wave of engagement in transnational LGBTI activism has emerged in a context of increased attention to LGBTI issues globally. LGBTI rights are debated in international forums, including the United Nations, with widespread condemnation of developments such as Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Bill (2009) and later Anti-Homosexuality Act (2014) continuing to fuel international discourses concerned with LGBTI rights. Underlying contemporary UK-based engagements in transnational LGBTI activism is a history of colonialism that was responsible for the implementation of legal, social, and cultural systems of control that continue to influence the criminalisation of LGBTI populations worldwide. This thesis contributes an analysis of UK-based NGOs engaged in transnational LGBTI activism, including Kaleidoscope Trust, Peter Tatchell Foundation, Stonewall, and UKLGIG, amongst others, exploring the evolution of NGO strategies between 2011-2016. The thesis also examines the relationships and interactions between UK-based NGOs and UK governmental actors, situating an understanding of NGO engagements within the broader context of UK interventions in international LGBTI politics. The thesis adopts a historical approach that contextualises the complexities that colonial legacies perpetuate on contemporary international relations and transnational LGBTI activism. Conceptualising these legacies as a ‘spectre of colonialism,’ the thesis examines the ways in which UK-based actors negotiate, contribute to, and contest the influence of the spectre via engagements with aid conditionality, sodomy laws, the Commonwealth, and LGBTI asylum.

This thesis examines the character of queer political activism in Accra, Ghana. It asks what are the key modes of organising, types of action, and political practices that characterise queer activism in this setting. It further considers how ‘universalist’ models of LGBT rights connect (and disconnect) with local forms of queer politics and explores the lived experience of working class queer men, or sasoi. Methodologically, the study is based on thirteen months of ethnographic research. Theoretically, it draws on Foucault’s work on subjectivity, Deleuzean theorising on becoming, and Gramsci’s concept of cultural hegemony. The thesis begins by examining the subjective, linguistic, and embodied practices of saso activists. Here, it invokes Deleuze to conceptualise these as ‘becomings’, that is, as productive and emergent practices of difference. The study then looks at the politics of the LGBT rights CBO, CEPEHRG, delimiting how the political economy of development, heteronormativity, and homophobia mediate their work. Finally, the thesis sets out the political practices of saso community networks and considers how activists experience peer education programmes predicated on voluntarism. This analysis reveals a dislocation between the agendas and modes of operation of global development actors and the needs and priorities of working class sasoi.

In this thesis, I explore the tensions and contradictions of being African, feminist and activist within sexual and gender minority social movements. I ask how an African activist with multiple backgrounds negotiates the different personal and political landscapes, tensions she encounters, as well as the implications this has for activism work. This study is meant to complement the growing body of activism publications, which, though varied and rich, tend to shy away from depicting and critically analyzing the internal problems experienced in groups, because of differences of ideological perspectives, backgrounds and power differentials. Using an autoethnographic methodology I analyse how a lesbian feminist activist, engages in self-reflections on life outlook, belonging, art and contentious online African and international activism. My materials include extracts of email conversations within two online discussions, my own art pieces and memories of my experiences. The theoretical framework includes situated partial perspectives, disidentification and unlearning. My analysis shows that my situated Kenyan - Swedish backgrounds have affected not only my art, but my thought processes which in turn affect how I engage in different activist contexts. Tensions and contradictions with other activists show how ideological differences, situated perspectives, age and power differentials determine the outcome of some activism agendas. My findings also suggest that activism encounters can lead to partial affective distancing, disidentifications, multiplicitous and holographic identities. Furthermore our origins, and experiences matter a lot in shaping our feminism ideals and ways of working. These ways of working reveal various instances of oppression, subjugation and privilege, effected by maternal affiliations, online invisibility, ethnic and indigenous identities and language. In conclusion, I argue that much more self-reflection, self-revelation, accommodation for individual differences and analysis of our ways of oppressing is required, for activism work to be successful and mutually beneficial.

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A presente pesquisa analisa as construções identitárias performativodiscursivas de três ativistas LGBT que se identificam como bissexuais em narrativas sobre o processo de sair do armário e estereótipos, preconceitos e discriminações bifóbicos. As pessoas bissexuais frequentemente são pouco aceitas nos movimentos LGBT, apesar de serem teoricamente incluídas pela letra B na sigla. A bissexualidade é tratada como só uma fase antes de se assumir heterossexual ou homossexual e as pessoas bissexuais devem lidar com preconceitos de supostamente serem promíscuas e desconfiáveis. A aproximação desta investigação imbrica Linguística Aplicada, Linguística Queer, Antropologia, Teoria Queer, Epistemologias Bissexuais e Análise das Narrativas. Os dados foram gerados em entrevistas individuais com três mulheres bissexuais que participam de uma associação de ativismo e conscientização LGBT do Rio de Janeiro, na qual um campo etnográfico de 22 meses foi realizado entre 2010-2012. A análise se concentra sobre como as três ativistas constroem suas performances identitárias bissexuais como permanentes e nãopromíscuas. Nessas construções, veremos (1) como devem provar que suas performances identitárias não são só uma fase para serem aceitas, mas assim reforçam a ideia de identidades fixas/estáveis, (2) como suas construções identitárias reproduzem e/ou subvertem a tendência de definir a sexualidade com base no sexo/gênero da(s) pessoa(s) desejada(s) e (3) como as construções de performances bissexuais não-promíscuas excluem e/ou abrem outras possibilidades da diversidade sexual. As análises serão usadas para propor estratégias discursivas e de pensamento crítico sobre as categorias identitárias que poderão ser desenvolvidas com as ativistas no grupo para fomentar a aceitação das identidades bissexuais e da diversidade sexual.
The present study analyses the performative, discursive identity constructions of three LGBT activists who identify as bisexual in narrativas regarding the process of coming-out and biphobic stereotypes, prejudice and discriminations. Bisexual-identified individuals are often little accepted in LGBT movements, despite being theoretically included due to the letter B in the anagram. Bisexuality is treated as just a phase before coming out as heterosexual or homosexual, and bisexual-identified people have to deal with being stereotyped as promiscuous and untrustworthy. This study combines Applied Linguistics, Queer Linguistics, Anthropology, Queer Theory, Bisexual Epistemologies and Narrative Analysis. The data were collected in individual interviews with three bisexual-identified women that participate in an LGBT activism and awareness group in Rio de Janeiro, in which 22 months of ethnographic fieldwork were realized from 2010-2012. The analysis concentrates on the ways in which the three activists construct their bisexual identity performances as permanent and not promiscuous. In these constructions, we shall see (1) how they must prove that their identity performances are not just a phase in order to be accepted, but in so doing reinforce the idea of fixed/stable identities, (2) how their identity constructions reproduce and/or subvert the tendency to define sexuality based on the sex/gender of the person(s) desired, and (3) how the constructions of non-promiscuous bisexual performances exclude and/or open other possibilities for sexual diversity. The analysis shall be used to propose discursive and critical-thinking strategies regarding identity categories that can be further developed with the group’s activists, to encourage the acceptance of bisexual identity performances and of sexual diversity.

In this project, I look at the work of the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) and the role that brokers at the organization play in constructing, promoting, and institutionalizing a body of LGBT human rights. While a great deal is being written about the diffusion of LGBT politics and human rights discourses from the Global North, there are few ethnographic analyses of who is doing the exporting, how, and toward what ends. Based on a year of fieldwork in IGLHRC’s New York and Cape Town offices, I look at the history of IGLHRC, the interactions among brokers and how these shape their daily work, how brokers understand their mandate and the hybridity that it so often requires, and how partnership with groups in the Global South, the production, verification, and circulation of information, and the possibilities and constraints of the formal human rights arena all shape the work that brokers do. Ultimately, I conclude that human rights advocacy must be understood holistically if it is to be understood at all. Such advocacy always necessarily involves a degree of theoretical elaboration, promotion, and codification by human rights defenders and NGOs, and focusing exclusively on one or another of these aspects paints a skewed portrait of what it means to work within a human rights framework. Drawing from the anthropology of sexuality, queer theory, literature on brokerage, and interdisciplinary studies of transnational advocacy networks, this project aims to deepen understandings of how LGBT NGOs and the brokers that animate them regularly engage in the construction, promotion, and institutionalization of particular understandings of sexuality and the claims that can be made by sexual subjects globally.

Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) youth are disproportionately the targets of discrimination, hostility and violence (Kosciw et al, 2012). This pattern of oppression can follow LGBT youth onto the college campus, and play a shaping force in their development as young adults (Robison, 2011; Longerbeam et al, 2007). As compared to the larger campus population, LGBT students have to be constantly concerned for their safety and inclusion in all contexts of the college experience: residence halls, bathrooms, locker rooms, classrooms, and transportation, to name just a few (Fanucce & Taub, 2010; Burney, 2012; Evans, 2002; Finkel et al, 2003). The treatment of LGBT youth and college students in school settings reflects the larger issues of a homophobic society. Instead of falling victim to the pathologizing effect of discussing issues of the LGBT community (Renn, 2010; Harper, Bashir & Wilson, 2007), many LGBT youth and young adults have begun to stand and fight. It is within the confluence of a need for civic re-awakening of the present generation and action against LGBT oppression that college LGBT activism shines.

The purpose of this qualitative case study was to take an exploratory approach to assessing and describing the experiences of a group of first year LGBT students forming an LGBT-focused social justice group titled the Queer & Ally (Q&A) Action Research Team at Northern Arizona University. Specifically, I examined the perceptions that these first year undergraduate students hold towards the LGBT movement, other social justice movements, and sustainability. Though just as importantly, I explore with students what led them to be passionate about LGBT rights, through exploring their experiences as youth and new college students, and how it shapes their civic participation in college. Through representing the voices of student participants, I provide key insights regarding how the students articulate their process of civic re-engagement as students beginning their journeys in higher education.

A participant observer method was adopted as a means to gain access to this unique group of students. Through collaborating and building rapport with the students of Q&A, I conducted ten in depth, semi-structured interviews. Through the use of methodological triangulation (multiple participants, researcher journal), data triangulation (conducting interviews of a span of time and with multiple persons) analytic memos, member checking, peer checking, coding, structural analysis, thematic analysis and writing with rich, thick description, I analyzed the words shared by participants, and related them to pertinent literature and research sources. Findings of the study provide insight into students' experiences in the LGBT community and becoming engaged in LGBT activism, and highlight the difficulties, discrimination, and concerns for personal safety that many LGBT people are affected by. However, in the face of the difficulties that some participants shared, the students of Q&Arepresent noteworthy resiliency, strength, and tenacity. The story of Q&A in its first year of functioning represents a success story of students learning to support one another, and enacting meaningful change for the LGBT community and beyond.

Sociology
Ph.D.
This research builds upon recent scholarship on pathways into social movement activism and the role of altruism and self-interest in activists' motivations for political action. The social movement literature has often focused across movements, looking at opponents on different sides of a social movement cause. Training its lens within-movement, this study sought to discover factors that first led gay and lesbian movement constituents to become activists. It also sought to determine their cohesion around, and their motivation for, their present activism. Using a qualitative methodology, I interviewed a convenience sample of 66 lesbian and gay activists at different levels of involvement (leaders and rank-and-file) across a range of social movement organizations (both working-for and not-working-for marriage). I also monitored news reports on changes in laws affecting gays and lesbians, the public communications of a range of LGBT organizations, and engaged in participant observation in a variety of social movement sites. Distinct patterns emerged with activists who did not work-for-marriage (general activists) being more likely than marriage activists to have grown up in politically-active homes or to have had early exposure to active social movements. Leaders (both marriage and general) were more likely than rank-and-file activists to locate their activism in a disposition that resists injustice. And general activists were more likely to situate their activism in a concern for the welfare of others (altruism), while marriage activists were more likely to locate their present activism in their desire to legally protect their partners and/or co-parented children (self-interest).
Temple University--Theses

Cette thèse interroge le sens donné à l'évocation d'un passé de persécutions au sein du mouvement LGBT (Lesbien, Gay, Bisexuel, Trans*) en France. Ce passé, communément appréhendé dans l'espace militant par le terme de déportation pour motif d'homosexualité, désigne la répression et la persécution des homosexuels et des lesbiennes pendant la période nazie et la Seconde Guerre mondiale. À partir d'entretiens biographiques avec des militant.e.s d'une dizaine d'associations LGBT, d'observations et de dépouillement d'un corpus de productions militantes (textes emblématiques, magazines, revues, productions internes des associations) depuis les années 1970, notre travail analyse l'articulation de l'évocation de ce passé à l'engagement dans ce mouvement. D'une part, notre recherche s'appuie sur les acquis de la sociologie de la mémoire pour examiner les formes de présence de ce passé (traces, souvenirs, évocations et commémorations) dans la sphère militante LGBT où il se transmet par divers canaux. D'autre part, nous nous appuyons sur la sociologie du militantisme. Mobilisant la notion de « carrière militante », nous examinons les logiques d'un engagement basé sur la référence à ce passé et les raisons d'agir des militant.e.s qui s'investissent dans des actions visant à faire reconnaître officiellement la déportation pour motif d'homosexualité. Tout d'abord, une analyse des discours et des pratiques liés au rappel de ce passé dans l'histoire du militantisme LGBT montre que les références communes élaborées autour de ce passé participent à la formation d'un registre d'engagement singulier. Il conjugue les évocations du passé de persécution avec la problématisation de l'expérience homosexuelle dans le présent. Les formes d'action et les dispositifs déployés par les militant.e.s LGBT pour inscrire le récit de cette déportation au sein des récits publics, notamment à travers l'investissement de la « Journée du souvenir des victimes et des héros de la déportation », se modifient au cours de l'histoire du militantisme LGBT. Ces transformations dépendent des contextes d'interaction avec la sphère des entrepreneurs de mémoire institutionnalisés et de l'évolution des politiques publiques de la mémoire. Les transformations historiques des actions visant l'inscription de la déportation pour motif d'homosexualité au sein des récits publics et l'hétérogénéité des carrières militantes de personnes impliquées dans ce processus rendent ainsi possible une analyse des évocations du passé dans leur complexité, qui s'écarte de celles, encore très courantes, qui appréhendent ces pratiques et discours en termes de « concurrence ». Ensuite, l'analyse des carrières militantes met en évidence que le processus de socialisation militante opère comme un vecteur de transmission et d'identification. Dans la sphère militante, la mémoire empruntée des enquêté.e.s interagit avec d'autres sources : d'une part, les souvenirs des rares survivants de la déportation pour motif d'homosexualité, d'autre part, les mémoires communes militantes produites au cours des luttes pour la mise en visibilité de ce passé ainsi que la mémoire historique en lien avec cette époque, construite par les militant.e.s au long de l'histoire du mouvement LGBT. Pour l'individu qui se socialise au sein des associations étudiées, le sens de l'évocation de ce passé s'élabore en interaction avec ces différents niveaux de la mémoire. Dans ce processus, les expériences individuelles de discrimination et d'homophobie peuvent être mises en perspective et historicisées en se référant à ce passé. L'investissement dans ce registre d'engagement et la construction du sens de son engagement reposent sur plusieurs facteurs : pluralité des expériences socialisatrices, caractéristiques des espaces d'engagement, engagements multiples des militant.e.s. Recourant à de multiples dispositifs, les militant.e.s aspirent à transmettre ce passé et d'y sensibiliser les gays et les lesbiennes et un public plus large
This thesis examines the meaning given to past persecutions in the LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans*) in France. This past, commonly understood in activist spaces by the term, deportation for reason of homosexuality, denotes the repression and persecution of homosexuals and lesbians during the Nazi period of the Second World War. Based on biographical interviews with activists from French LGBT organizations, observations and the analysis of a body of activist work (key texts, magazines, journals and internal activist writings) since the 1970s, our study analyzes the ways in which the evocation of this past is linked to the involvement in this movement. First, our study relies on the field of the sociology of memory in order to examine the present forms of this past (traces, memories, evocations and commemorations) in the LGBT activist sphere where it gets transmitted in different ways. Second, we rely on the field of the sociology of activism. Using the notion of "activist career" we examine the logics of an activist based on reference to this past and the reasons for being activists that are part of gaining official recognition of the deportation for reason of homosexuality. First of all, an analysis of these discourses and practices linked to the reminder of this past in the history of LGBT activism shows that the common references made about this past contribute to the formation of a singular register of commitment. This register structures the references to the past of persecution with the problematizing of the homosexual experience in the present. The forms of activism and the apparatuses deployed by LGBT activists to inscribe this specific deportation into public deportation narratives, particularly around the "Remembrance Day of the Victims and Heroes of Deportation" change throughout the history of LGBT activism. These shifts depend on the contexts of interacting with the sphere of institutionalized memory entrepreneurs and public policies of memory. Historical transformations of actions aiming at inscribing the deportation for being homosexual in public narratives as well as the heterogeneity of activists' careers implicated in this process thus render possible an analysis of evocations of the past in their complexity, that differ from the main analyses which understand these practices and discourses in terms of "competition". Furthermore, the analysis of activist careers shows that the activist socialization process operates as a vector of transmission and identification. Within the activist space, the borrowed memories of the interviewed activists interact with other sources: the memories of rare survivors of the deportation for being homosexual, but also the common activist memories produced in the struggles for visibility of this past, as well as the historical memory that activists have constructed of this time period. For the individual who is socialized through the organizations studied, the meaning given to the evocation of this past grows in close connection with different levels of memory. In this process, individual experiences of discrimination and homophobia can be put in perspective and historicized with reference to this past. The investment in this register of commitment and the construction of meaning for one's own commitment rely on several factors: the plurality of socializing experiences, the characteristics of the spaces of activism, and multiple forms of activist involvement. Using multiple apparatuses, activists seek to transmit this past and sensitize not only gays and lesbians but also a larger public

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG
It is through communicational processes that people interact with each other and that symbolic goods, social meanings, identities and culture are produced. From this idea, it is understood that the circulation of the senses is directly connected to the production and the discursive dissemination in the public space. Thus, in the present study was proposed to analyze the discourses of the LGBT movements in Goiânia and their circulation in the public space. The aim of this work is to uncover the paths of LGBT activism discourses in the city, considering discursive flows, mediation and resignification. For this purpose, the construction of oral life histories (narratives) was used as a methodology in order to analyze the re-signification constructed by LGBt subjects. In this way, nine people (gays, lesbians, bisexuals and transsexuals) were interviewed to understand how the communicative process takes place in the public space. By observing the communicative flows, was identified the existence of discursive frontiers that interfere in the access, consumption, interpretation and reproduction of LGBT discourses.
É por meio dos processos comunicacionais que as pessoas interagem umas com as outras e que são produzidos os bens simbólicos, os sentidos sociais, as identidades e a cultura. A partir dessa ideia, entende-se que a circulação de sentidos está diretamente conectada à produção e à disseminação discursiva no espaço público. Assim, no presente estudo propõe-se analisar os discursos sos movimentos LGBTS em Goiânia e a sua circulação no espaço público. Busca- se, com esse trabalho, descortinar os caminhos dos discursos do ativismo LGBT na cidade, considerando-se os fluxos, a mediação e a ressignificação discursivos. Para tanto, utilizou-se como metodologia a construção de histórias de vida oral (narrativas) para que se pudesse analisar a ressignificação construída por sujeitos LGBTS. Dessa maneira, foram entrevistadas nove pessoas (gays, lésbicas, bissexuais e transexuais) para que se compreendesse como se dá o processo comunicativo no espaço público. Ao observar-se os fluxos comunicativos, foram identificados a existência de fronteiras discursivas que interferem no acesso, no consumo, na interpretação e na reprodução dos discursos LGBTS.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG
It is through communicational processes that people interact with each other and that symbolic goods, social meanings, identities and culture are produced. from this idea, it is understood that the circulation of the senses is directly connected to the production and the discursive dissemination in the public space. thus, in the present study was proposed to analyze the discourses of the lgbt movements in goiânia and their circulation in the public space. the aim of this work is to uncover the paths of lgbt activism discourses in the city, considering discursive flows, mediation and resignification. for this purpose, the construction of oral life histories (narratives) was used as a methodology in order to analyze the re-signification constructed by lgbt subjects. in this way, nine people (gays, lesbians, bisexuals and transsexuals) were interviewed to understand how the communicative process takes place in the public space. by observing the communicative flows, was identified the existence of discursive frontiers that interfere in the access, consumption, interpretation and reproduction of lgbt discourses.
É por meio dos processos comunicacionais que as pessoas interagem umas com as outras e que são produzidos os bens simbólicos, os sentidos sociais, as identidades e a cultura. a partir dessa ideia, entende-se que a circulação de sentidos está diretamente conectada à produção e à disseminação discursiva no espaço público. assim, no presente estudo propõe-se analisar os discursos dos movimentos lgbts em goiânia e a sua circulação no espaço público. busca-se, com esse trabalho, descortinar os caminhos dos discursos do ativismo lgbt na cidade, considerando-se os fluxos, a mediação e a ressignificação discursivos. para tanto, utilizou-se como metodologia a construção de histórias de vida oral (narrativas) para que se pudesse analisar a ressignificação construída por sujeitos lgbts. dessa maneira, foram entrevistadas nove pessoas (gays, lésbicas, bissexuais e transexuais) para que se compreendesse como se dá o processo comunicativo no espaço público. ao observar-se os fluxos comunicativos, foram identificados a existência de fronteiras discursivas que interferem no acesso, no consumo, na interpretação e na reprodução dos discursos lgbts.

This work emerged from the interest in studying the increasing use of information and communication tools available on the Internet for strengthening the political activism online and offline. To verify the characteristics and specificities of this new type of collective action and its relation to the question of mediatic visibility, we have chosen as the empirical object the electronic discussion group LGBT National Alliance, created by the Brazilian Association of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transvestite and Transgender (ABGLT), which has articulated and consolidated the largest LGBT network in Latin America. The comprehension of the functioning mode of this network and its strategic actions required the theoretical and conceptual supply of social networks, collective action, repertories of action and mediatic visibility applied to the practices of interaction and communication of LGBT movements observable both in digital platforms as well as offline activities. Due to the specificities of this object, the empirical study was based on two complementary methodological approaches: content analysis and virtual ethnography. The first one guided the structural analysis and the analysis of the discussion group dynamics, as well as data collection on topics that motivated larger participation, which concentrated on the years 2012 and 2013. The second one based the online participant observation of performances in the network and semistructured interviews carried out with members from all regions of the country. From these procedures, it was selected four representative case studies of the two main paradigmatic axes identified as the guidelines of the activism of the network: the political-institutional antagonism (conflicts with the evangelical countertop); and the mediatic antagonism (conflicts with traditional media). Among the conclusions of the research are: the repertories of action (on network, mediatic, cyberactivists) emerge as strengthening tactics of political activism, aiming at expanding its reverberation in public debate and in the political sphere; the search for mediatic visibility is an imbricated strategy in activist actions which covers the |intermedia| mobilizations on digital platforms and recurrent attempts of guiding journalistic vehicles; online and offline articulations, mobilizations and interventions are correlated and can be started either in spaces of mediated interaction as in the traditional political spaces and vice versa; the mobilization of occasional activists and other informal partners is a strategic practice to visualize and reinforce the mechanisms of pressure; the discussion group is potentially more active in civil conversations for purposes of exchanging information, conjuncture analysis, specialized consulting, planning and evaluation of actions; cyberactivism is notably more successful in situations in which the Internet plays a relevant role in the dissemination of alternative informative channels for the collective awareness and engagement; the association of political activism to a number of mediatic repertories, online and networked has contributed to increasing public visibility, the set of alliances and the support of society around anti-homophobia struggles in the country.
O presente trabalho surgiu do interesse em investigar a crescente utilização das ferramentas de informação e comunicação disponíveis na Internet para o fortalecimento do ativismo político online e off-line. Para verificar as características e as especificidades desse novo tipo de ação coletiva e sua relação com a questão da visibilidade midiática, escolhemos como objeto empírico o grupo de discussão eletrônico Aliança Nacional LGBT, criado pela Associação Brasileira de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais (ABGLT), que articulou e consolidou a maior rede LGBT da América Latina. A compreensão do modo de funcionamento dessa rede e de suas ações estratégicas exigiu o aporte teórico-conceitual das redes sociais, da ação coletiva, dos repertórios de ação e da visibilidade midiática, aplicados às práticas de interação e comunicação dos movimentos LGBT observáveis tanto no âmbito das plataformas digitais quanto na atuação off-line. Em razão das especificidades desse objeto, o estudo empírico apoiou-se em duas abordagens metodológicas complementares: a análise de conteúdo e a etnografia virtual. A primeira orientou a análise estrutural e da dinâmica do grupo de discussão, assim como a coleta de dados nos tópicos que motivaram maior participação, os quais se concentraram nos anos de 2012 e 2013. A segunda embasou a observação participante online das atuações na rede e as entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas com membros de todas as regiões do país. A partir desses procedimentos, foram selecionados quatro estudos de caso representativos dos dois principais eixos paradigmáticos identificados como norteadores do ativismo da rede: o antagonismo político-institucional (embates com a bancada evangélica); e o antagonismo midiático (embates com a mídia tradicional). Entre as conclusões da pesquisa estão: os repertórios de ação (em rede, midiáticos, ciberativistas) surgem como táticas de reforço do ativismo político, visando ampliar a sua reverberação no debate público e na esfera política; a busca pela visibilidade midiática é uma estratégia imbricada nas ações ativistas que abrange as mobilizações intermídia nas plataformas digitais e as tentativas recorrentes de pautar os veículos jornalísticos; as articulações, mobilizações e intervenções online e off-line estão correlacionadas, podendo ser iniciadas tanto nos espaços de interação mediada quanto nos espaços políticos tradicionais e vice-versa; a mobilização de ativistas ocasionais e demais parceiros informais é uma prática estratégica para visibilizar e reforçar os mecanismos de pressão; o grupo de discussão é potencialmente mais ativo nas conversações civis para fins de troca de informações, análise de conjuntura, consulta especializada, planejamento e avaliação de ações; o ciberativismo é notadamente mais bem-sucedido nas situações em que a Internet exerce um papel relevante na disseminação de canais informativos alternativos para a conscientização e o engajamento coletivos; a associação do ativismo político a uma série de repertórios midiáticos, online e em rede tem contribuído para ampliar a visibilidade pública, o conjunto de alianças e o apoio da sociedade em torno das lutas anti-homofobia no país.

In 2011, Sexual Minorities Uganda (SMUG) was thrust into the Western media spotlight through the murder of LGBTIQ activist, David Kato Kasule, and the now-infamous “Kill the Gays Bill.” During the last six years, SMUG and its members have continued to fight oppressive Ugandan governmental systems and conservative leaders that have been instigated by U.S. evangelical fundamentalists, most notably Scott Lively. And while SMUG and its members have fallen out of the Western media spotlight since 2012, SMUG continues its social justice activism with and for LGBTIQ Ugandans on the ground, while also building transnational coalitions with other LGBTIQ organizations both within and beyond the borders of Uganda. In this dissertation, I examine the ways in which SMUG utilizes its website (sexualminoritiesuganda.com) as a site for transnational and translocal coalition-building for the sake of social justice activism. To understand the ways in which SMUG is engaging in LGBTIQ activism with nuance, I build a conceptual framework for my analysis through five constructs of critical intercultural communication: critical cosmopolitanism, transnational activism, the global-local dialectic, power, and identity. Critical cosmopolitanism, as conceptualized in Communication Studies by Miriam Sobré-Denton and Nilanjana Bardhan (2013), “is a world- and Other-oriented practice of engaging in deliberate, dialogic, critical, non-coercive and ethical communication. Through the play of context-specific dialectics, cosmopolitan communication works with and through cultural differences and historical and emerging power inequalities to achieve ongoing understanding, intercultural growth, mutuality, collaboration and social and global justice goals through critical self-transformation” (p. 50, emphasis in original). Through this definition, I also work with critical cosmopolitanism as conceptualized by Walter Mignolo (2000, 2010, 2012) and Gerard Delanty (2006, 2009). For Mignolo (2000), critical cosmopolitanism “comprises projects located in the exteriority and issuing forth from the colonial difference” (p. 724) as “an argument for globalization from below” (p. 745) that works to dislodge West-centric modes of thinking. Delanty (2006) extends this definition, as critical cosmopolitanism “seeks to discern or make sense of social transformation by identifying new or emergent social realities” (p. 25). In this, critical cosmopolitanism is a project that asks us to consider the ways in which “diversality,” or “diversity as a universal project” (Mignolo, 2000, p. 743), can dislodge Western modernity, colonialism, imperialism, and globalization from above. To understand the ways in which SMUG is engaging in a critical cosmopolitan vision through its website, I examine for clues of transnational activism as a way of performing and engaging in critical cosmopolitanism through Bardhan (2011), Burgmann (2013), and Gledhill (2010). To complicate our understanding of transnational activism, I turn to the global-local dialectic, as conceptualized by Stuart Hall (1997). The global-local dialectic helps me to observe the ways in which SMUG is dislodging all-encompassing narratives that center globalization as a top-down-only mechanism that ceases all local particularities of culture from existing. Kraidy (1999, 2005) also helps me to investigate the ways in which the global and the local are always already present and in a dialectical tension in our postmodern and postcolonial world. To understand more about how these tensions function, I investigate the construct of power through sociologist Jonathan Hearn’s (2012), Theorizing Power. In it, he seeks to shift theorizing of power away from questions regarding what “we mean by power” to questions of “what do we have to bear in mind when studying power?” (p. 4). Through theorizing five oppositions associated with power—“(1) physical versus social power, (2) power ‘to’ versus power ‘over’, (3) asymmetrical versus balanced power, (4) power as structures versus agents, and (5) actual versus potential power” (p. 4)—Hearn helps me to complicate the ways in which power is observed and discussed in relation to SMUG, LGBTIQ Ugandans, Ugandan leadership, U.S. evangelism, and Western political involvement. Finally, I offer a conceptual framework for identity in critical intercultural communication research, including questions on how we theorize difference differently through John T. Warren’s (2008), “Performing Difference,” as well as offering a framework to understand cosmopolitan identity as constructed by Sobré-Denton and Bardhan (2013) and a framing for African queer sexualities through the works of Ugandan feminist scholars, Sylvia Tamale (2003) and Stella Nyanzi (2013). To address my research questions, I engaged in an ideological criticism (Foss, 2003, Hart & Daughton, 2005, Wander, 1983) of SMUG’s website to more fully understand the ideologies driving SMUG’s rhetorical choices. I chose to use ideological criticism as a methodological framework as it allowed me, the critic, to construct a critical framework with which to analyze a text. Ideological criticism also offered me the opportunity to bring critical rhetorical methods into conversation with critical intercultural communication constructs. Through this conceptual and methodological framework, I analyzed 110 screen shots of their website and all 54 articles included as content on their page over the course of 13 months. Through this process, I argue that SMUG is showing signs of a critical cosmopolitan vision in their website through their participation in peripheral partnerships and activism that speaks back to oppressive systems in ways that highlight globalization-from-below, as conceptualized by Walter Mignolo (2000, 2010, 2012). I also trouble the ways in which SMUG represents LGBTIQ Ugandans on the ground as I call for more intersectional representation that speaks more broadly to LGBTIQ Ugandan experiences in the everyday than SMUG is currently offering visitors. This dissertation research also highlights the difficulties of reading critical cosmopolitanism in one online mediated space, and that centering people and the relationships among people is critical when engaging in critical cosmopolitan research. I end this project with a call to critical intercultural communication scholars to offer more nuance around the representations of LGBTIQ people around the world that takes us beyond sensationalized subjects while also not erasing the devastating impacts of LGBTIQ hatred locally and globally.

This paper investigates the development of transnational human rights activists’ networks and how they operate and influence LGBTI human rights activist networks in Uganda against violence on the Ugandan LGBTI communities. The case study, employs semi structured interviews to investigate, how transnational networks are used as a mobilization too in promoting LGBTI human rights in Uganda. Further investigation is done on how transnational networks influence different social networks within local LGBTI activist groups when dealing with violence against the LGBTI communities. The study is taken from a view point of different local LGBTI activist groups and their close link with other international organizations and human rights bodies specifically from countries such as Sweden. Theories surrounding transnational networks and social networks are used in order to frame both cross border relations and local networks among the LGBTI groups. The study also calls for further research on other actors such as transnational migrants and individual activist including social media activist and their impact on the rights of LGBTI in Uganda.

Citizens’ increased access to the internet is transforming political landscapes across the globe. The implications for civil society, culture, religion, governmental legitimacy and accountability are vast. In nations where one does not typically expect “modern” or egalitarian ideals to be prevalent among highly religious and conservative populations, those with motivations to unite around socially and culturally taboo causes are no longer forced to silently acquiesce and accept the status quo. The internet has proven to be an invaluable tool for those aiming to engage in social activism, as it allows citizens in highly oppressive authoritarian regimes to covertly mobilize and coordinate online protest events (such as hashtag campaigns, proclamations via social media, signing of petitions, and even DDoS attacks) without the fear of repression.

What catalyzes lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) equality movements in authoritarian regimes, specifically with respect to the Middle East and North African region? This thesis argues that gay rights movements are more likely to emerge in politically repressive, more conservative states when new political opportunities—namely access to the internet for purposes of political organization—become available. This master’s thesis identifies why LGBTQ movements emerged in Morocco and Algeria, but not in Tunisia until after it underwent democratization. These states will be analyzed in order to gauge the strength of their LGBTQ rights movements and, most importantly, to identify which variables most cogently explain their existence altogether.

This study aims to contribute to the under-researched area of LGBTQI activism in the ‘Global South’ by performing a case study of LGBTQI activism in India, a country that provides an intriguing setting in which a wide range of sexual expressions has developed over time with attitudes towards them varying alongside. Same-sex activities have since the 1860s been considered a penal offence under Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code but in September 2018, the Indian Supreme Court overruled the law and decriminalized same-sex conduct. Within this context, frame analysis has been applied to six petitions by LGBTQI activists, filed to the Indian Supreme Court between 2016 and 2018, to unveil how Section 377 was framed by these activists. Results from the study show that Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code was framed as intrinsically discriminatory, being violative of constitutional as well as human rights, together with an emphasis on how the law relegates the LGBTQI community to second-class citizenship. Within the dominant framing of the law as discriminatory, the activists engaged in highlighting the imposition of Victorian morals by the British as the origin of the issue, along with factors that have enabled the perseverance of the issue, including the phrasing of the law and court failure to adapt to societal and international change. The subsequent consequences of the law were portrayed as stigmatization and personal losses for members of the LGBTQI community, as well as a negative impact on the state economy. By emphasising such aspects of the law, the activists advocated for the Indian Supreme Court to the overrule Section 377.

This thesis examines gay student organizing to understand the role of college students in the burgeoning lesbian and gay movement of the 1970s. Although students are widely recognized as participants in gay activism in this period, few studies have attempted to explore their particular role. The Gay Academic Union (GAU) at Florida Atlantic University in Boca Raton, FL, is presented as a case study, using archival and oral history research. Lesbian and gay students participated in the construction of a new political strategy based on visibility and community, which positioned “coming out” as its central metaphor. During the early to mid-1970s, students were especially well positioned to play a role in the gay movement, which relied on small, local organizations to spread gay politics throughout the nation. However, in the wake of the Anita Bryant-led effort to repeal Miami-Dade’s gay rights ordinance in 1977, the growth of national gay organizations and a national media discourse on homosexuality began to eclipse the type of organizing at which college students had excelled. By extending the narrative of gay organizing in the 1970s outside of urban centers, the story of the GAU at Florida Atlantic demonstrates that college students played a crucial part in disseminating the new forms of gay identity and culture associated with the gay movement.

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The dissertation proposes to analyze the configuration of so-called sexual minorities, discussing concepts and reasons to understand them as vulnerable groups. It provides an overview about human rights, emphasizing the fundamental rights. Also their evolution through history, especially after the Second World War. It highlights the position taken by the principles, so striking in the post-positivist stage right. It notes that, although there is controversy, both the broad inclusion of principles in the latest Constitutions as the movement of said neoconstitutionalism or postpositivism indicate the valuation of axiological load on the right, completing and enriching the old positivist view. It seeks to trace the characteristics of public policy, promoted on behalf of sexual minorities, performing brief analysis of the profile that presents difficulties (limitations) and draw prospects for the near future, as well as alternatives to answer more satisfactorily the target population of the study. It makes a comparison with examples that succeeded in European States with regard to the apparent greater range of the Brazilian Judiciary's role in defining and provocation (the initiative) public policy under study. Thus, making highlighting the characteristics of Brazil, in particular due to its overly analytical and rich constitution in axiological charge (and principles), it focused to explain the reasons why Brazil shows its judicial function as markedly Postpositivist, enforcing fundamental rights and own content of principles adopted in the Constitution; even on behalf the component groups of so-called sexual minorities and against established majority in the National Parliament
A dissertação propõe-se a analisar a configuração das minorias sexuais, discutindo conceitos e as razões de entendê-las como grupos vulneráveis. A pesquisa traça uma análise geral acerca dos direitos humanos, destacando os fundamentais, sua evolução ao longo da história, em especial, após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Põe em relevo a posição assumida pelos princípios, tão marcantes no estágio pós-positivista do direito. Observa que, embora haja controvérsia, tanto a inclusão ampla de princípios nas Constituições mais recentes quanto o movimento do neoconstitucionalismo ou do pós-positivismo indicam a valorização da carga axiológica no direito, completando e enriquecendo a antiga visão positivista. O estudo procura traçar as características das políticas públicas, promovidas em benefício das minorias sexuais, realizando uma breve análise do perfil que se apresenta, suas dificuldades (limitações), além de traçar perspectivas para futuro próximo e alternativas para atender mais satisfatoriamente a população-alvo deste estudo. A pesquisa faz um comparativo com exemplos que sucederam em Estados europeus no que se refere à aparente maior amplitude do papel do Poder Judiciário brasileiro na definição e provocação (da iniciativa) das políticas públicas em estudo. Assim, realçando características próprias do Brasil, em especial, em função de sua Constituição demasiadamente analítica e rica em carga axiológica (e princípios), tentou-se explicar os motivos pelos quais o Brasil mostra sua função jurisdicional tão marcantemente pós-positivista, fazendo valer direitos fundamentais e conteúdo próprio de princípios adotados na Constituição; inclusive, próprios dos grupos componentes das minorias sexuais e na contramão da maioria estabelecida no Parlamento nacional

In the last forty years, U.S. national and statewide LGBT organizations, in pursuit of “equality” through a limited and focused agenda, have made remarkably swift progress moving that agenda forward. However, their agenda has been frequently criticized as prioritizing the interests of White, middle-class gay men and lesbians and ignoring the needs of other LGBT people. In their shadows have emerged numerous grassroots organizations led by queer people of color, transgender people, and low-income LGBT people. These “queer liberation” groups have often been viewed as the left wing of the GRM, but have not been extensively studied. My research investigated how these grassroots liberation organizations can be understood in relation to the equality movement, and whether they actually comprise a separate movement operating alongside, but in tension with, the mainstream gay rights movement.

This research used a qualitative content analysis, grounded in black feminism’s framework of intersectionality, queer theory, and social movement theories, to examine eight queer liberation organizations. Data streams included interviews with staff at each organization, organizational videos from each group, and the organizations’ mission statements. The study used deductive content analysis, informed by a predetermined categorization matrix drawn from social movement theories, and also featured inductive analysis to expand those categories throughout the analysis.

This study’s findings indicate that a new social movement – distinct from the mainstream equality organizations – does exist. Using criteria informed by leading social movement theories, findings demonstrate that these organizations cannot be understood as part of the mainstream equality movement but must be considered a separate social movement. This “queer liberation movement” has constituents, goals, strategies, and structures that differ sharply from the mainstream equality organizations. This new movement prioritizes queer people in multiple subordinated identity categories, is concerned with rebuilding institutions and structures, rather than with achieving access to them, and is grounded more in “liberation” or “justice” frameworks than “equality.” This new movement does not share the equality organizations’ priorities (e.g., marriage) and, instead, pursues a different agenda, include challenging the criminal justice and immigration systems, and strengthening the social safety net.

Additionally, the study found that this new movement complicates existing social movement theory. For decades, social movement scholars have documented how the redistributive agenda of the early 20th century class-based social movements has been replaced by the demands for access and recognition put forward by the identity-based movements of the 1960s New Left. While the mainstream equality movement can clearly be characterized as an identity-based social movement, the same is not true of the groups in this study. This queer liberation movement, although centered on identity claims, has goals that are redistributive as well as recognition-based.

While the emergence of this distinct social movement is significant on its own, of equal significance is the fact that it represents a new post-structuralist model of social movement. This study presents a “four-domain” framework to explain how this movement exists simultaneously inside and outside of other social movements, as a bridge between them, and as its own movement. Implications for research, practice, and policy in social work and allied fields are presented.

Within the historically conservative city of Córdoba, Argentina, LGBTQ activism has grown in the past year during a period in which the movement has achieved significant advances nationwide. This thesis examines how a new LGBTQ organization, Encuentros por la Diversidad en Córdoba, formed its identity by creating boundaries between itself and other organizations in Argentina through a frame of diversity and horizontalism, in which members have an equal opportunity to participate. While the group was able to maintain diversity through its activities, its attempts to create and follow a horizontal structure were not successful. Because of this failure, hierarchies based on members’ social and political capital developed within the group, despite the organization’s commitment to equality.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This paper will be discussing gay and lesbian activism in Indianapolis during the 1980s and how the mayoral administration at the time interacted with it. We know the stories of Stonewall and San Francisco. But what about gay and lesbian activism in the Midwest? What stories does Indianapolis have to tell? This thesis will cover how a portion of the movement played out in Indianapolis. It will shine a light on the 1980s and look specifically at police discrimination on Monument Circle, gatherings like the Gay Knights rallies and the 1990 Celebration on the Circle, and political efforts to combat the HIV epidemic. It will also explore the local actions by city government to undertake the urban renewal movement and how those efforts interacted with queer activism. Collections from the Indiana Historical Society, University of Indianapolis, and the Indiana State Library illuminate both sides of the social conflict to understand what made this moment in Indianapolis a touchstone moment for the city. This thesis argues that gay and lesbian protests and social gatherings on Monument Circle rendered the queer community impossible to ignore in the Hudnut administration’s dreams to reform Indianapolis into an entrepreneurial city.

Shepard and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act (2009) and the work of LGBTQ activists in the U.S. I argue that the act consolidates the U.S. nation-state’s monopoly on violence by relying on criminal law as a cognitive apparatus and stifles the work of LGBTQ activists and cultural labor to expand or challenge sensibilities regarding violence. I look to the work of trans and queer activists and how they frame “minor” hate crime cases in relationship to space and systems of criminalization. The activism surrounding Sakia Gunn, the New Jersey 7, Chrissy Lee Polis, and CeCe McDonald broaden theoretical account of violence provided by hate crime protections by attending to affect, the body, and space, and make political demands that move beyond criminal law. This thesis attempts to follow those trajectories and provide alternative grammars and methods for addressing violence.
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This ethnographic study intends to explain the recent mobilization practices within the LGBTQ movement in contemporary Madrid in reference to the strategic use of identity and networking in collective action. It describes the Spanish movement as an ideologically polarized heterogeneous aggregate. The active challenging groups criticize the dominant part of the movement for giving up its original message of sexual liberation and diluting it in consumerism by supporting capitalist tendencies and the power of leading political parties. Via launching protest campaigns and collaborating in internationally supported networks with other ideologically related social movement communities, the challenging groups demand civil rights for all people, regardless of their sexual orientation or identity. They mobilize upon the collective identity of "precariousness" while integrating elements of queer and transgender theory into their radical leftist oriented politics in order to transform the Spanish society. By bringing on new critical ideas and adherents, the success of the leftist oriented challenging groups has an impact on the direction of the politics of the dominant group, which thereby is forced to adopt such ideas into their politics. Despite the disunity and antagonistic character of the movement, the...

abstract: Sociopolitical involvement has been previously shown to be associated with experiences of discrimination. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) racial/ethnic minorities have faced multiple levels of discrimination from the mainstream community, racial/ethnic minority communities, and LGB communities. However, not many studies have investigated the association between intersectional forms of discrimination and sociopolitical involvement. The present study examines differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community, sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities, and sociopolitical involvement in LGB communities among LGB racial/ethnic minorities (N = 203, MAge = 27.25). The sample included 107 (52.7%) men and 96 (47.3%) women; 41 (20.2%) lesbians, 89 (43.8%) gay men, and 73 (36.0%) bisexuals; 47 (23.2%) African Americans, 50 (24.6%) Asian Americans, 64 (31.5%) Latinos/as, and 42 (20.7%) from another race/ethnicity or mixed race. This study also looks at the association between perceptions of racism in the LGB community and sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities and/or LGB communities. Asian American participants reported perceiving higher levels of racism in the LGB community than Latino/a participants. No other differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community were found between sexual orientation or by racial/ethnic group. No differences between racial/ethnic group or sexual orientations were found in sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic or LGB communities. When controlling for sexual orientation, gender, and race/ethnicity, perceptions of racism in the LGB community predicted sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic and LGB communities. By exploring correlates of discrimination from an intersectional perspective, this study provides a better understanding of the experiences of LGB racial/ethnic minorities.
Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis Counseling Psychology 2016

abstract: The secret Facebook group ////sads only/// was formed in October 2015 to provide a safe space for women and trans and nonbinary people to express their emotions, a sort of digital support group. Members can post individually about things happening in their lives, comment on other members’ posts with advice or support, and contribute to discussion threads. Common subject matters include mental health, relationships, sexuality, gender identity, friendships, careers, family, art, education, and body image. The group’s location on Facebook adds to its utility – it can be an alternative site of community-making and communication, away from the often toxic, triggering, or just plain negative posts that clog up social media news feeds and the unsolicited comments that get appended. The group is informed by principles of affect theory, and in particular, sad girl theory, which was developed by the artist Audrey Wollen. She suggests that femme sadness is a site of power and not just vulnerability. In her view, sadness isn’t passive existence, but instead, an act of resistance. Specifically, it uses the body in a way that is crucial to many definitions of activism, incorporating the violence of revolution, protest, and struggle that has historically been gendered as male. This thesis examines the history and future directions of the ///sads only/// group as well as its theoretical underpinnings and the implications of its intervention, considering such perspectives as cultural studies, gender performance, identity formation, digital citizenship, mental health, and feminist activism.
Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis Women and Gender Studies 2019

This project investigates the network structure and political importance of the popular Appalachian culture and politics page @queerappalachia. Promising users a feed filled with “community.content.culture,” @queerappalachia serves as a digital hub for anyone interested in queer perspectives on Appalachian politics and culture, regardless of their geographic location. The page’s over 3,000 posts include memes about Appalachian culture; celebrations of queer rurality (#saturdaynightinthecountry, #ruralresistance); references to big trucks, Mountain Dew, and The Trailer Park Boys; posts about opioid addiction, needle exchanges, and #harmreduction; jokes about communism and anarchism; calls for establishing #mutualaid drives; and signal boosts which highlight ongoing activist efforts in the region, including the Mountain Valley Pipeline protests and the Kentucky miner’s strikes. The page’s recalcitrant and anti-establishment content has attracted a surprisingly large following of around 230,000. But what does this expansive online network mean for Appalachian and Southern queer people?

Rural queer people often have limited access to offline political organizing due to their geographic location, but online political communities may be a way of increasing rural political engagement. However, the usefulness of social networking sites like Instagram for political organizing is contested. To better understand what @queerappalachia is and how it is being used, I have created a multidimensional network of the page, mapping how users interact with posts, hashtags, and each other. In particular, this study provides evidence for how the collective action concepts of “brokerage,” “diffusion,” “identification,” and “deliberation” are being organized and enacted within the @queerappalachia community. I have also conducted interviews with followers of @queerappalachia who have been identified as central by the network study. The interviews provide evidence of how people within the @queerappalachia network conceptualize their political identities in relation to the page and how users utilize the affordances of Instagram communities for political action.

The thesis deals with issues of LGBT movement in the Czech Republic in the context of the ongoing campaign "We are fair" for equal marriage. The intention was to try to find out on the basis of in-depth semi-structured interviews with LGBT activists how these activists perceive the status of sexual minorities in the Czech Republic and the related situation of the Czech LGBT movement with regard to its emancipatory potential. It turned out that the activists sensitively perceived the limits of the conditionality of the tolerance of Czech society and that they were aware of the changes in the social and political context in relation to minorities. However, particular minorities are not perceived in the same way by the society, and according to activists, LGBT rights can even be a tool for legitimizing aversion to other minorities, especially religious or ethnic minorities. On the level of reflection on the ongoiong campaign's strategies, activists put the emphasis on political lobbying for equal marriage, with the support of community mobilization and the formation of collective identity defined by the requirement of equal marriage. From the perspective of activists, it is therefore important to balance the professionalized lobbying with grassroots activism. Although, according to activists, the...

In recent years, it has become common for firms to get politically engaged in topics that appear marginal or distinct to the general business. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ)- related issues currently receive high levels of interest in the political and corporate setting. And with corporations being publicly evaluated for their (non)engagement, this research aims to understand how the market reacts to corporate stances on LGBTQ-related issues. An event study is conducted over the years 2008 to 2018 to investigate the effect of corporate LGBTQ-related stances which are reported in newspaper articles on the respective corporate share prices. Further, this research analyzes the impact of individual as compared to cooperative stances, headquarter location, and respective predominant political orientation, and CEO activism on abnormal returns throughout the event window. The study returns insignificant abnormal returns which indicate that the market does not react to corporate stands on LGBTQ-related issues. There is also no statistical significance for the moderating variables. Despite the insignificant results, this study suggests that the market undervalues the potential long-term benefits of LGBTQ-related supportive corporate political action.
Nos últimos anos, tornou-se comum que as empresas se envolvam politicamente em tópicos que parecem marginais ou distintos do negócio em geral. Questões relacionadas com lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, transgêneros e homossexuais (LGBTH) atualmente recebem altos níveis de interesse no cenário político e empresarial. E com as corporações sendo avaliadas publicamente por seu (falta de) engajamento, esta pesquisa visa entender como o mercado reage às posições corporativas sobre questões relacionadas à LGBTH. Ao longo dos anos de 2008 a 2018, é realizado um estudo de eventos para entender o efeito das posições corporativas relacionadas à LGBTH, que são relatadas em artigos de jornal sobre os preços das respectivas ações corporativas. Além disso, esta pesquisa analisa o impacto das posições individuais em relação às posições cooperativas, localização da sede e respectiva orientação política predominante, bem como o ativismo do CEO sobre retornos anormais ao longo da janela de eventos. O estudo retorna retornos anormais insignificantes que indicam que o mercado não reage a posições corporativas sobre questões relacionadas à LGBTH. Também não há significância estatística para as variáveis moderadoras. Apesar dos resultados insignificantes, este estudo sugere que o mercado subestima os potenciais benefícios de longo prazo da ação política corporativa de apoio à LGBTH.

From twenty-six months of fieldwork conducted in Athens, Greece from May 2001 through July 2004, this dissertation documents the social and cultural contexts that shape the practices of activists working for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights in Greece. Those practices connect to conceptions of friendship, relations of patronage, informal democratic processes, the routinized suspicion of economic profit, and beliefs about the relationships between sexual identities and social identities. The practices in which the activists engage both restrict the kinds of successes they are able to enjoy, and enable those successes they do achieve. These practices are brought to bear by the activists both consciously and not. Furthermore, these practices draw on and are drawn from a diversity of places, times and realms of meaning beyond particular moments of activist practice---a diversity of locations termed elsewheres. Accounting for these elsewheres, which need not be non-Greek, not only provides insights into how Greek LGBT activists imagine the movement, but serves as an allegory of democratic values and processes at a micro-scalar level, an index of reactions to processes of Europeanization, and a study of the localized responses to globally circulating activist forms, sexual and gender identities, and modes of collectivity.

Anexos podem ser consultados na Biblioteca Mário Sottomayor Cardia
A Marcha é Linda é um projeto documental que aborda a Marcha do Orgulho LGBTI+ de Lisboa com o objetivo de criar um arquivo online e acessível à maior parte das pessoas. Este projeto é composto por dois produtos, um documentário interativo participativo e uma curta-metragem documental, ambos utilizando o arquivo audiovisual da Marcha do Orgulho LGBTI+ de Lisboa, assim como entrevistas recolhidas pela equipa deste projeto. Este projeto utiliza o trabalho de Sandra Gaudenzi e o seu conceito de documentário vivo para enquadrar o documentário interativo participativo que resulta deste esforço arquivista, inspirado pelo sistema Korsakow e as suas funcionalidades a nível de participação da utilizadora através de um sistema de etiquetas. Trabalha o papel do autor em ambos os produtos recorrendo ao trabalho de Stella Bruzzi, que analisa o papel do autor no documentário performativo e participativo, e de Judith Aston e Sandra Gaudenzi que trabalham o autor e o seu papel no documentário interativo. Dialoga também com trabalhos na historização do associativismo LGBT em Portugal com o objetivo de desenhar uma cronologia inicial da Marcha que tenha em conta as diferentes fases deste evento ao longo do seu crescimento e cimentação na agenda cultural Lisboeta. A Marcha do Orgulho LGBTI+ de Lisboa é a mais antiga do país, tendo feito 20 anos em 2019, contudo há pouca informação disponível ao público sobre como é que a Marcha se realiza e organiza. Não só é necessário que haja mais informação disponível sobre este evento mas também é necessário garantir que essa informação histórica não se perde, mantendo-a num arquivo que seja, também ele, acessível à população em geral e, particularmente, à comunidade LGBT. O arquivo LGBT é de particular importância para a comunidade queer enquanto uma ferramenta que permite criar novas narrativas e novas possibilidades de vida. Através de um documentário interativo web-based e uma curta-metragem documental, este projeto permite aos seus utilizadores explorar parte do arquivo LGBT de Lisboa e contribuir para esse mesmo arquivo através da submissão de mais material ou da partilha do seu testemunho, almejando criar um repositório que aborda não só a história da Marcha do Orgulho LGBTI+ de Lisboa mas também o impacto e a importância emocional que este evento tem na comunidade LGBT.
A Marcha é Linda (The March is Beautiful) is a documentary project about the Lisbon LGBTI+ Pride March. It is centred on the creation of a publicly accessible online archive. The project is comprised of a participatory interactive documentary and a short documentary film. Both utilize the audiovisual archive of the Lisbon LGBTI+ Pride March as well as interviews gathered by the team. The project uses the work of Sandra Gaudenzi and her concept of Living Documentary to frame the interactive documentary that results from this archivist effort. It is inspired by Korsakow’s functionalities around participation through tag systems. It analyses the role of the author in both products through the work of Stella Bruzzi, who looks at the role of the author in performative and participatory documentary projects. It is also inspired by Judith Aston and Sandra Gaudenzi, who analyse the role of the author in interactive documentary. The project makes use of works around the history of LGBT activism in Portugal with the purpose of drawing up an initial chronology of the Lisbon LGBTI+ Pride March, while considering the different phases of this event throughout its history. The Lisbon LGBTI+ Pride March is the oldest in Portugal. In 2019 it celebrated 20 years of existence. However, there is very little publicly accessible information about how this event is organized. This archiving project will help ensure that these historic records are not lost. The LGBT archive is of particular importance to the queer community as a tool that allows for the creation of new narratives. Through a web-based interactive documentary and a short documentary film, this project allows its users to explore part of the Lisbon LGBT archive and to contribute to this same archive through the submission of more documents and the sharing of testimony. This has the objective of creating a repository that deals with not only the history of the Lisbon LGBTI+ Pride March but also its impact and emotional importance to the LGBT community.

Este trabalho de investigação foi desenvolvido com o objetivo de descrever as experiências de mães e pais com filhas e/ou filhos com orientação sexual, identidade e expressão de género não normativa. Procurou-se, especificamente, contextualizar o processo de tomada de conhecimento da orientação sexual ou identidade de género das/os filhas/os, explorar as experiências de ajustamento psicossocial subsequentes e discutir a articulação com a entrada no ativismo LGBT. Em termos metodológicos, optou-se pela investigação qualitativa de cariz fenomenológico. Foram realizadas catorze entrevistas em profundidade a mães e pais com participação no ativismo LGBT, residentes em onze concelhos de Portugal Continental. Os resultados, apoiados na análise de conteúdo, sugerem o ativismo como uma rede social de apoio a mães e pais com filhas e filhos LGBT, face à heteronormatividade e cisnormatividade vigente nas sociedades. A falta de modelos e referências de famílias com filhas/os não heterossexuais e não cisgénero revela ser uma problemática que traz angústia e sofrimento às famílias. Por isso, o conhecimento e confraternização entre pares aumenta as chances de mudança e transformação, não só no ambiente familiar como também no ambiente comunitário e social. O processo de ajustamento psicossocial e o empoderamento de mães e pais como ativistas no meio social e político legitima e dignifica as famílias com filhas e filhos LGBT, fazendo aumentar a visibilidade e a coragem de outras famílias em igualdade de circunstâncias.
This research work was developed with the aim of describing the experiences of mothers and fathers with daughters and/or sons with non-normative sexual orientation, identity and gender expression. Specifically, we sought to contextualize the process of becoming aware of the sexual orientation or gender identity of the daughters and sons, explore the subsequent psychosocial adjustment experiences and discuss the articulation with the involvement in LGBT activism. In methodological terms, we opted for the qualitative investigation of a phenomenological nature. Fourteen in-depth interviews were conducted with mothers and fathers who participated in LGBT activism, residing in eleven municipalities in mainland Portugal. The results, supported by content analysis, suggest activism as a social support network for mothers and fathers with LGBT daughters and sons, given the current heteronormativity and cisnormativity in societies. The lack of models and references of families with non-heterosexual and non-cisgender daughters and sons reveals to be a problem that brings anguish and suffering to families. Therefore, knowledge and fraternization among peers increases the chances of change and transformation, not only in the family environment but also in the community and social environment. The psychosocial adjustment process and the empowerment of mothers and fathers as activists in the social and political environment legitimizes and dignifies families with LGBT daughters and sons, increasing the visibility and courage of other families in equal circumstances.

Physical activity is an important determinant of health and overall well-being because improves one’s quality of life and reduces the risk of mortality. For example, low levels of physical activity are associated with increased risk for adverse health outcomes, such as coronary heart disease and cancer, and poor mental health throughout the lifetime (Cooper et al., 2000; Nelson, Lust, Story, & Ehlinger, 2008; Zelli, Reichmann, Lucidi, & Grano, 2007). However, some studies suggested that sports-related contexts may be a particularly problematic setting with remarkable homophobic and heterosexist behavior (Eng, 2008; Griffin, 1993, 1998; Herek & Garnets, 2007; Meyer, 2003; Peguero, 2008; Symons et al., 2010; Volk & Lagzdins, 2009). This could be especially true for the health and well-being of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and all other sexual orientations and gender identities that persons may identify with (LGBT+), who tend to be an ‘at-risk’ group due to prejudice and discrimination suffered. This dissertation is divided in four chapters, containing six studies that are closely related to each other. In more detail, we developed and administered survey questionnaires to capture information on levels of homophobia among different Italian sample (both sports participants and non-participants) in the first four studies. The protocols were approved by the Ethics Commission of the Department of Developmental and Social Psychology of the Sapienza University of Rome. In addition, in order to analyze the role of physical activity and victimization also in other countries, we used two representative sample of the U.S. population for the fifth and sixth study: The study 5 used data from the 2017 Texas Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS), while the study 6 analyzed data from the 2013–2015 California Healthy Kids Survey (CHKS). I worked with these National databases during my visiting scholar period at the University of Texas at Austin (USA), from February 13, 2018 to May 17, 2018, under the supervision of Stephen T. Russell, Distinguished Professor at Population Research Center, Human Development and Family Sciences. All studies have been published or submitted in international scientific journals (according to the doctoral regulations of the Department of Developmental and Social Psychology of Sapienza University of Rome). A reference to the journal for each manuscript published in or submitted to are presented on references section.

After many years of heated debate, in 2016 the Italian parliament passed a law to regulate same-sex civil unions. Although the law extends to same-sex couples most of the rights of married heterosexual couples, the law preserves legal differences between heterosexual marriage and same-sex civil unions; moreover, the possibility of a partner in a same-sex couple adopting the biological children of the other partner was so controversial that it had to be deleted in order for the law to pass. The research project presented in the present thesis aimed at understanding which discourses and social practices are currently used in Italy by heteronormativity to resist challenges to the hegemonic model of kinship. Three studies have been carried out for this purpose, respectively focused on: 1) the public debate that occurred in Italy while the law proposal was under discussion in parliament; 2) the speeches of the Members of Parliament (MP) who opposed the section of the bill concerning lesbian and gay parenthood; 3) the discourses of Italian LGBT activists about lesbian and gay parenting. The analyses highlight that the opposition to the recognition of gay and lesbian couples and their children contributes to maintain the hegemonic gender order and to reiterate restrictive standards of motherhood. Traces of heteronormativity are also present in the discourses of LGBT activists, namely in terms of access to reproduction, the parents’ place within the regime of gender and the right standards for childrearing. Theoretical and practical implications of these discourses are discussed.
Após muitos anos de debates intensos, em 2016 o parlamento italiano aprovou uma lei para regular as uniões civis de casais do mesmo sexo. Apesar da lei permitir a casais do mesmo sexo a maioria dos direitos dos casais heterossexuais casados, a lei preserva diferenças legais entre casais heterossexuais e uniões civis entre casais do mesmo sexo; a possibilidade de um parceiro do mesmo sexo adotar um filho biológico do outro parceiro foi tão controversa que teve de ser eliminada para a lei passar. O projeto de investigação que apresentamos nesta tese pretende entender que discursos e práticas sociais são usados na Itália pela heteronormatividade para resistir às mudanças no modelo hegemónico de parentesco. Três estudos foram realizados para este propósito, respetivamente focados em: 1) o debate público ocorrido na Itália, enquanto a lei esteve sob discussão no parlamento; 2) os discursos de deputados/as que se opuseram á parte da lei sobre parentalidade gay e lésbica; 3) os discursos de ativistas LGBT italianos sobre parentalidade gay e lésbica. As análises mostram como a oposição ao reconhecimento de casais gays e lésbicos e seus/suas filhos/as contribuem para manter a ordem hegemónica de género e reiterar padrões restritivos de maternidade. Encontram-se traços de heteronormatividade também no discurso de ativistas LGBT, sobretudo em termos do acesso à reprodução, ao lugar da parentalidade no regime de género e aos padrões apropriados de educação dos/as filhos/as. Discutem-se também as implicações teóricas e práticas destes discursos.