Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Activisme judiciaire'

La présente thèse porte sur l'activisme juridictionnel du Tribunal Fédéral suprême du Brésil dans le cadre de la constitution de 1988, c'est-à-dire sur les méthodes et les stratégies permettant à la Cour d'affirmer son rôle vis-à-vis du justiciable et des autres pouvoirs publics. L'activisme y est étudié en utilisant les concepts développés par la doctrine française, les plaçant dans le contexte de la séparation des pouvoirs consacrée par la constitution de 1988. D'un point de vue méthodologique, cette thèse s'appuie sur une démarche qualitative, et privilégie l'analyse des décisions judiciaires. Elle se compose de deux parties, découpées en huit chapitres totaux. La première partie se concentre sur les conditions permettant l'activisme du Tribunal fédéral suprême. Elle démontre que ce phénomène a eu lieu en raison de la convergence contextuelle de diverses circonstances historiques, institutionnelles, normatives et doctrinales, au nombre desquelles les plus importantes ont été des innovations apportées par la constitution de 1988 et l'adoption de nouvelles conceptions doctrinales de la fonction du juge constitutionnel dans l’État de droit. La deuxième partie identifie et analyse les manifestations concrètes de l'activisme de la Cour. Partant des motifs des décisions judiciaires, elle expose les orientations et l'évolution des politiques jurisprudentielles du Tribunal fédéral suprême, mises en perspective avec les compétences des autres institutions. La configuration normative et doctrinale de la séparation des pouvoirs au Brésil, comme l'identification des compétences attribuées au Tribunal suprême, servent ainsi d'instrument heuristique pour l'exposition du rhème abordé<br>This dissertation joins a vibrant conversation in legal sciences about judicial activism and the place of supreme courts and constutional tribunal in today's representative democracies. It explores the judicial activism of the Brazilian Supreme court under the Constitution of 1988. Following the tradition of French law schools, the dissertation is divided two parts. The first part examines the scope and context of the Supreme court's activism. It posits that an expansion of the Court's role in relation to the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Branches, starting ine the 1990's, originated in many historical, institutional, normative and doctrinal innovations that took place in Brazil after democratization in the 1980's. Notably, the promulgation of a democratic Constitution in 1988 and the adoption of new theoretical concepts regarding the role of the Judiciary in a democracy were key factors that allowed the court to rethink its place among Brazil'q supreme organs of State. The second part identifies ans examines the concrete manifestations of the Supreme Court's activism. Focusing on the qualitive analysis of the Court's decisions, the dissertation delineates the evolution of selected key themes in the Court's case law, considering it within the context of the competences conferred by the Constitution to other branches of government. Thus, the separation of powers as defined by the Constitution of 1988 is the heuristic device employed to organize the analysis and demonstrate the expansion of the Court into the domains of the Legislative, Executive and Judiciary powers

Les relations de travail sont des relations dynamiques soumises en permanence à des changements, à la fois en raison de facteurs externes mondiaux (comme les changements économiques, technologiques, sociaux, éthiques, culturels et juridiques), mais également en raison de facteurs plus directs, et de leur équilibre entre eux (comme par exemple ceux relatifs aux employés, employeurs, et aux syndicats de travailleurs. L’exposition à ces changements augmente naturellement au fur et à mesure que ces relations se prolongent dans le temps. Les structures du passé n’y répondent plus et doivent s’adapter en conséquence. Le droit du travail doit être suffisamment souple afin de trouver des solutions aux besoins de la vie qui se modifient. Cette étude a pour but d’examiner une des questions fondamentales du droit du travail. La question étant de savoir si l’exécutant d’un travail est considéré comme employé et bénéficie à ce titre de la protection juridique du travail ou s’il est indépendant et ne bénéficie pas de la protection juridique du travail.Cette étude propose donc une approche comparative pour examiner cette question et la façon dont elle est traitée, par rapport au droit du travail Français.Du point de vue de la recherche, le paradigme proposé dans cette étude offre une définition post-universelle du terme « employé », définition nécessaire au vu des réponses non adaptées existantes, basées sur des caractéristiques de l’ère moderne, de l'importance amoindrie de l'existence d'un contrat de travail, de l'entrée de l'universalisme définissant "qui est employé", de l'existence d'une distinction entre "employés forts" et "employés faibles", et l'absence d'une définition juridique claire.L’approche post-moderne servira de base de réflexion à cette décision, ouvrira le cercle des travailleurs et permettra ainsi à chaque travailleur de choisir son statut sur le marché du travail. C’est une décision subjective qui donne une place centrale au travailleur, sans dépendre de l'employeur et/ou autre, répondant ainsi à l’objectif du droit du travail.Sur le plan pratique, ce travail de recherche pourrait aboutir à des réalisations concrètes aussi bien pour les chercheurs dans le domaine du droit du travail que pour les juges devant affronter des publics différents. Les chercheurs et les juges doivent prendre en compte les éléments dominants du paradigme proposé et examiner la meilleure façon de définir l'exécutant d'un travail de la meilleure façon possible<br>Work relations are dynamic relations that constantly change due to both global, externalfactors (i.e. financial, technological, social, value, cultural and legal shifts) and factorsdirectly related to them and their power balance (i.e. change concerning the employee, theemployer and the union). The exposure of work relations to such changes increases,naturally, as they continue. Labor laws must be flexible enough to provide a solution forchanging life needs. Frameworks that were common in the past are no longer commontoday, and must be appropriated accordingly.This paper was meant to examine one of the basic questions existing in labor laws –whether the work performer is an “employee”, benefiting from the protection of labor laws– or an “independent”, who is not protected by labor laws. For such purpose, this paper Offers a comparative approach to examining this question and the way in which it is done, in comparison to French labor laws.In the research aspect, the paradigm offered in this research paper offers a post-universaldefinition of the “Employee”, which is desirable in light of the incompatibility of existingtests that lean on modern characterizations. The post-modern approach will serve as aconceptual basis for this decision and will allow any work performer to choose his standingin the work market. This is a subjective decision that puts the work performer at the center,ithout being dependent on the employer, and by doing so realizes the essence of labor laws.In the practical aspect, the current research paper might be of applicable value for bothlabor law researchers and judges who seek to address various target audiences.Researchers and judges must consider the dominant components of the offered paradigmand examine how to define the work performer in the most appropriate way

Depuis longtemps, la leçon kelsenienne selon laquelle le juge constitutionnel serait un législateur négatif se diffuse dans le monde entier. Néanmoins, de nouvelles techniques de décision / interprétation accordant aux juges davantage de pouvoir pour faire face aux atteintes à la constitution remettent en cause cette notion historique. En effet, le constitutionnalisme contemporain connait plusieurs types de décisions édictés par des cours constitutionnelles créant des droits et obligations nouveaux. De ce fait, il semble exister une incohérence entre la théorie paradigmatique de Kelsen et la pratique constitutionnelle dans certains pays. Cette thèse propose d'analyser cette question au moyen d'une étude de droit comparé Brésil-France. En mettant l'accent sur la technique de décision de déclaration de conformité à la constitution sous réserve d'interprétation, l'objectif de ce travail est d'analyser certains arrêts du Conseil constitutionnel français et du Supremo Tribunal Federal brésilien, afin de vérifier d'abord comment les dites cours manient cette technique de décision et d’identifier ensuite dans quelle mesure le contexte de chaque pays influence la posture adoptée – self-restreint ou activisme judiciaire. Ces considérations faites, cette thèse se propose d'établir un rapport entre prudence interprétative et encadrement du juge constitutionnel, afin de comprendre comment les contextes sociaux, historiques, politiques et juridiques peuvent promouvoir ou contraindre l'activisme judiciaire<br>For a long time, the lesson of Kelsen about the constitutional judge as a negative legislator has been spread around the world. Nevertheless, new kinds of techniques for decision of judicial review that give judges more power to deal with breaches in the constitution under mine this historical notion. Indeed, contemporary constitutionalism includes several types of decisions enacted by constitutional courts creating new rights and obligations. As a result, there seems to be an inconsistency between Kelsen's paradigmatic theory and the constitutional practice in some countries. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze this question by means of a comparative law study between Brazil and France. It focus on the technique of decision constitutional avoidance, in which is possible to analyze certain cases of the Conseil constitutionnel and the Supremo Tribunal Federal. At a first moment, in orderto verify how these Courts handle this type of technique of decision and then to identify how the context of each country influences the conduct assumed – self restreint or judicial activism. After considering these aspects, this thesis is developed around establishing a relationship between interpretative prudence and the framework of the constitutional judge, in order to investigate how the social, historical, political and legal contexts can promote or constrain judicial activism

Judicial activism implies a hidden politicization of the Court. The legal arguments and the methods used by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) might seem coherent. However, an inquiry into judicial activism means looking beyond the legal reasoning of the Court and trying to “connect the dots” of an alternative narrative that can explain the Court’s long-term approach to certain issues. In the case of judicial activism of the CJEU in the case-law concerning public international law, the veil for the politicization of the Court is provided by the pluralist architecture of global law. The heterarchical structure of relations among legal orders in the international arena activates the CJEU as an actor of global governance. Simultaneously, it results in the Court adopting a rather internal and defensive approach, undermining legal security.<p><p>Judicial activism of the CJEU finds its particular expressions in the case-law concerning public international law. The pro-integrationist tendency of the CJEU often raised in the literature concerning the Court’s role in the process of EU integration, translates into a substantial and an institutional dimension of judicial activism. The substantial articulation of judicial activism in the case-law concerning international law is the Court’s emphasis on the autonomy of the EU legal order. This internal perspective is adopted not only for virtuous reasons, but also in defense of definitely not universal European interests. The institutional dimension refers to the Court’s position within the EU structure of governance. The case-law concerning international law is marked by a close alignment with the European Commission and the integration of the EU goals in external relations. Moreover, the pluralist veil can cover the extent to which the Court’s decisions concerning international law are influenced by considerations completely internal to the EU. <p><p>In my analysis I proceed in three steps that are reflected in three chapters of the thesis. There is no clear and prevalent definition of judicial activism, but instead rather multiple possibilities of approaching the concept. While the general intend of the research project is to critically reflect on the concept of judicial activism of the highest courts within a legal order, the particular focus will be on the CJEU dealing with international law. I proceed in three steps. First, I assess different understandings of the role of the judge and the concept of judicial activism in legal literature in view of ascertaining the relevance of the debate and distilling some general components of a possible definition. Secondly, I identify the factors particular for the position of the CJEU within the EU legal order and with regard to international law. The particular characteristics of the CJEU result in a limited applicability of the general definitions of judicial activism. Finally, I analyze the case-law in view of identifying examples as well as counter-examples of the particular symptoms/attributes. Because judicial activism broadens the scope of the factors guiding judicial decision-making, it enables us to better understand the contingencies in the Court´s jurisprudence.<br>Doctorat en Sciences juridiques<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Longtemps considérés comme des actionnaires passifs, inorganisés, voire divisés, les actionnaires minoritaires mécontents se coalisent dans le but de faire entendre leur voix dans la gestion des sociétés et de tenter, sinon de conquérir le contrôle de la société, du moins d'influer sur la valeur de leurs titres. Inspirée de la "judiciarisation" systématique des contestations par les actionnaires minoritaires et de l'abondance des travaux américains relatifs aux "batailles de procuration" et à l'activisme institutionnel, nous nous sommes interrogée sur les caractéristiques des entreprises françaises visées par des actionnaires minoritaires mécontents, sur les facteurs explicatifs du succès de leurs dissensions et sur les effets de ce processus de contestations sur la valeur" actionnariale". Conformément au modèle américain, l'activisme peut être défini comme un processus long et complexe formé par un ensemble d'activités d'influence combinant les ressources, les capacités et les compétences d'un ensemble d'actionnaires minoritaires, plus ou moins actifs. Toutefois, compte tenu du contexte institutionnel français et notamment du droit d'action reconnu à la minorité, ce processus de contestations diffère en de nombreux points des études américaines. A partir du cadre d'analyse de la gouvemance, notre modèle théorique de l'activisme repose sur l'étude des stratégies de la coalition minoritaire dissidente et des stratégies de neutralisation des mécanismes de gouvernement des entreprises par une coalition de contrôle formée de l'équipe de direction et d'actionnaires affiliés. Par le biais de plusieurs études quantitatives, nous avons déterminé que les actionnaires minoritaires choisissent de mettre en œuvre un processus d'activisme suite à l'évaluation d'un risque de faillite élevé d'une entreprise à cotation multiple qui choisit d'utiliser plusieurs clauses anti-OPA. L'activisme des actionnaires minoritaires se traduit essentiellement par un ensemble d'activités judiciaires et "associationnelles" accompagnées ou non de "batailles de procuration" ponctuelles. Favorisées par l'existence d'imprécisions sur des notions juridiques et la présence d'associations d'actionnaires ou d'investisseurs, ces activités garantissent le succès de la dissidence des actionnaires minoritaires. Toutefois, l'absence de réaction boursière le jour de l'annonce publique de la mise en place d'un processus d'activisme témoigne d'une faible visibilité publique de la cause des actionnaires minoritaires dissidents.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2016-05-09T20:51:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Pereira Alqualo.pdf: 1298585 bytes, checksum: 214c2be0b180f2c4030f8a769707d76f (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-09T20:51:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Pereira Alqualo.pdf: 1298585 bytes, checksum: 214c2be0b180f2c4030f8a769707d76f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-15<br>The efficiency of the judiciary is not limited to the temporal aspect of length of proceedings, given that the concept of efficiency must be understood as beyond the speed of the procedural action. This is because, for an efficient judiciary necessarily judicial decisions shall be effective with respect to its own content, then, that the claimants have true access to justice, essential that the judiciary has provided you with a legal and appropriate response to you, regardless of the outcome. The decision ruled in Economic Analysis of Law does not convey the idea of effectiveness, since it is up to the magistrate first function as the link with the law and the commitment to intepretação. In interpreting the judge should be cautious when using the principles and indeterminate concepts to justify their decision and should make use of them only in character complementarity. The Justice Activism is most often characterized by the indiscriminate use of interpretative principles to overcome the limits and justify the decision according to personal conviction of the judge. Thus, the phenomenon of Justice Activism ends up interfering with other powers and face the democratic rule of law, to the extent that the judge's decision goes beyond standard and often distorts the legal text. Similarly, this disparity reflected in the jurisprudence and ultimately cause legal uncertainty on claimants who do not have the minimum of predictability decision by the current way of interpreting some judges, considered "activists". The New Code of Civil Procedure which will come into force next year was prepared with energetic devices in order to curb the features postures activism. The method chosen for this research was the hypothetical-deductive and dialectical, using specialized works and detailed study of all the case law, duly investigated according to the relevance of the work.<br>A eficiência do Poder Judiciário não se limita ao aspecto temporal de duração dos processos, sendo certo que o conceito de eficiência deve ser entendido como além da celeridade do trâmite processual. Isso porque, para um Poder Judiciário eficiente necessariamente as decisões judiciais deverão ser efetivas com relação ao seu próprio conteúdo, pois, para que o jurisdicionado tenha o verdadeiro acesso à justiça, imprescindível que o Judiciário lhe forneça uma resposta legal e adequada ao seu caso, independente do desfecho. A decisão pautada na Analise Econômica do Direito não traduz a ideia de efetividade, posto que cabe ao magistrado como função primeira o vínculo com a lei e o comprometimento com a intepretação. No interpretar, o juiz deve ser cauteloso quando da utilização dos princípios e conceitos indeterminados para fundamentar sua decisão, devendo se valer dos mesmos somente em caráter de complementariedade. O Ativismo Judicial tem na maioria das vezes como característica a utilização indiscriminada dos princípios para ultrapassar os limites interpretativos e justificar a decisão consoante a convicção pessoal do magistrado. Assim, o fenômeno do Ativismo Judicial acaba por interferir nos demais poderes e afrontar o regime democrático de direito, na medida em que o juiz vai além da norma de decisão e muitas vezes desvirtua o texto legal. De igual modo, isso reflete na disparidade jurisprudencial e acaba por causar insegurança jurídica no jurisdicionado que não tem o mínimo de previsibilidade de decisão pela atual maneira de interpretar de alguns magistrados, considerados “ativistas”. O Novo Código de Processo Civil que entrará em vigor no próximo ano foi elaborado com enérgicos dispositivos no sentido de coibir as posturas características do ativismo. O método escolhido para a presente pesquisa foi o hipotético-dedutivo e dialético, utilizando-se de obras especializadas, bem como estudo minucioso sobre toda a jurisprudência, devidamente pesquisada de acordo com a pertinência do trabalho.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Livia de Paiva Ziti Afonso.pdf: 720736 bytes, checksum: dfad43a24c7a9b97f129b8b34b642e67 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-25<br>This dissertation aims to study the role of the judiciary in the effectiveness of fundamental social rights. Besides the traditional functions performed as guarantor of rights, the judiciary has acted to give effect to the social rights under the Constitution, such as the right to education, health and others. However, this performance has been criticized by many scholars as judicial activism, since the judiciary, when giving effect to social rights, acts as to fill the gap left by the omission of the Government, participating in spheres of the Legislative and Executive. Article 5, paragraph 1 of Federal Constitution (CF/88) expressly consecrates that: "The rules defining the rights and guarantees are immediately applicable". This rule reinforces the imperative of social rights and reflects the inevitable commitment made especially by the judiciary in ensuring the effectiveness of them. Reaching the conclusion that social rights are authentic subjective public rights, it is a Judiciary important role to implement the abovementioned rights and guide the actions within the limits set by the Federal Constitution. What is underlined here is the responsibility of the Judiciary in the enforcement of social rights, demystifying the ideas against the effectiveness of social rights and also contrary to the actions of the Judiciary concerning the implementation of these rights<br>A presente dissertação de mestrado pretende estudar o papel do Poder Judiciário na efetividade dos direitos fundamentais sociais. Além das funções clássicas desempenhadas como garantidor de direitos, o Poder Judiciário tem atuado no sentido de dar efetividade à norma que estabelece os direitos sociais previstos na Constituição, como o direito à educação, o direito à saúde, entre outros. No entanto, tal atuação tem sido criticada por muitos doutrinadores como ativismo judicial, uma vez que o Judiciário, ao dar efetividade aos direitos sociais, acaba superando, por via judicial, as omissões do Poder Público, atuando nas esferas dos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo. O artigo 5o, parágrafo 1º da CF/88 prevê expressamente que: As normas definidoras de direitos e garantias fundamentais têm aplicação imediata . Tal norma reforça a imperatividade dos direitos sociais e reflete o compromisso inevitável dos Poderes constituídos, especialmente do Judiciário, em garantir a sua efetividade. Chegando-se à conclusão de que os direitos sociais são autênticos direitos públicos subjetivos, cabe ao Judiciário o importante papel de implementador desses direitos, tendo sua atuação pautada dentro dos limites estabelecidos pela própria Constituição Federal. O que se pretende demonstrar é a responsabilidade do Poder Judiciário na efetivação dos direitos sociais, desmitificando não somente os argumentos contrários à eficácia dos direitos sociais, como também aqueles infensos à atuação do Poder Judiciário na concretização desses direitos

O princípio da separação de poderes sofreu alterações fundamentais ao longo dos mais de três séculos desde sua consagração. Dentre as alterações na balança dos poderes, destaca-se a evolução do Poder Judiciário, com o alargamento de suas funções e aumento de sua importância se comparado em face da concepção clássica. No contexto brasileiro pós Constituição de 1988, dois fatores têm se mostrado fundamentais ao avanço do Poder Judiciário a uma posição de destaque no cenário político e constitucional: o desenvolvimento sistema de controle de constitucionalidade aliado às características das normas do texto constitucional, aliados a outros fatores, permitindo o seu avanço ao campo do chamado ativismo judicial. Dentro desta abordagem, o presente estudo busca apontar as implicações desta nova forma de atuação do Poder Judiciário denominada de ativismo judicial em face da democracia, analisando os principais pontos de tensão e críticas surgidas de seu confronto<br>The principle of separation of powers has undergone fundamental changes over the last three centuries since its establishment. Among the changes in the balance of powers, there is the evolution of the judiciary, with the enlargement of its functions and increase its importance compared in view of the classical conception of the separation of powers principle. In the Brazilian context after the 1988 Constitution, two factors have been shown to be fundamental to the advancement of the Judiciary to a prominent position in political and constitutional landscape, the development of the mechanisms of judicial review combined with the features of constitucional norms, also combined with other factors, allowing its advancement to the field of so-called judicial activism. Within this approach, this study seeks to identify the implications of this new form of action of the Judiciary called judicial activism in the face of democracy, analyzing the main points of tension and conflict that arises from them.

A efetivação dos direitos sociais, inseridos na Constituição Federal de 1988 como direitos fundamentais, em norma de aplicação imediata, é imprescindível para o alcance dos objetivos do Estado brasileiro, declarados no artigo 3º da Carta Constitucional. Ao Estado foi atribuída a tarefa de concretizá-los por meio de políticas públicas. A busca pela efetivação dos direitos sociais, diretamente relacionada ao exercício da cidadania e à atuação dos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo, tem se deslocado para o Poder Judiciário, que tem assumido um importante papel na concretização desses direitos. A própria concepção dos direitos sociais já desafia os aplicadores do direito, porque dependem, para sua concretização, da atuação prestacional do Estado; estão condicionados às restrições orçamentárias e são materializados, por meio de políticas públicas, que se materializam a partir de escolhas políticas. Para o desenvolvimento do controle jurisdicional de políticas públicas de direitos sociais não basta identificar a existência de um direito fundamental social, é necessário que se enfrentem as questões próprias de um direito mutável na sua concretização e execução. É necessário que se conheça a realidade que envolve a adoção de uma determinada política pública e se amplie o campo de cognição além do interesse do autor que reclama a prestação jurisdicional. O presente trabalho traz uma análise sobre o controle jurisdicional de políticas públicas que tratam de direitos sociais, procurando identificar os limites para a atuação jurisdicional e as possibilidades existentes no ordenamento para que esse controle se desenvolva no sentido de contribuir para a efetivação desses direitos de forma coletiva e isonômica, sem que a atuação jurisdicional venha a afrontar o exercício democrático e acabe por invadir a esfera de competência dos demais poderes.<br>Effective implementation of social rights introduced into the 1988 Federal Constitution as fundamental rights under rules of immediate enforcement, is crucial to ensure attainment of the Brazilian State goals, as stated under article 3 of the Federal Constitution. The State was given the task of turning such rights into actions by means of public policies. Search for effective enforcement of social rights, typically related to the exercise of citizenship and to Legislative and Executive realms of power, has been shifting to the Judiciary, which has been assuming an important role in rendering such rights effective. The very notion of social rights brings challenges to those in charge of applying the Law since enforcement of these rights depend of States actions; they are subject to budget constraints and are turned into actions based on political choices. Development of judicial control on social right-based public policies requires not only identification of a fundamental social right but it also requires addressing of matters of law, the perfecting and enforcement of which are constantly changing. It is necessary to get to know the reality involving selection of a given public policy and to expand such knowledge beyond the specific interests of that plaintiff who seeks relief. This paper brings a review judicial control of public policies addressing social rights and the possibilities available in the existing legal framework to assure that such control develops towards contributing to enforcement of social rights in a collective and equalitarian manner, therefore preventing judicial actions from violating exercise of democracy and ultimately reaching the realm of other powers.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3925.pdf: 1404945 bytes, checksum: 00c0d22f0e38de432475ee6e0cbb709d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-28<br>This present work is meant to examine the judiciary and the process of construction of social identities in Brazil after the 1988 Constitution. The search is assumed that after the process of democratization, the Brazilian state has experienced a new constitutionalism, encouraging new time to seek effective constitutional guarantees, setting up what will be called judicialization of politics in this inset the participation of the Judiciary, the Ministry public and civil society by the action of social movements, lead to a relentless pursuit of recognition and therefore construction of social identities. Understanding the relationship between law and politics, theoretical part of this arrangement, being guided by the phenomena of the contemporary debate legalization and judicial activism. The logic of any research that set the conceptual and empirical analysis of social transformations, guided by the action of those that structure the State, is the understanding that everything will be built will be based on a true democratic state of law, directing roughly the effective organization that society we want to search.<br>Este presente trabalho tem por intuito analisar o Poder Judiciário e o processo de construção das identidades sociais no Brasil após a Constituição de 1988. A pesquisa tem como pressuposto que após o processo de redemocratização, o Estado brasileiro vivenciou um novo constitucionalismo, fomentando novo momento para busca efetiva das garantias constitucionais, configurando o que será denominado de judicialização da política, nesse entremeio a participação do Poder Judiciário, do Ministério Público e da sociedade civil pela ação dos Movimentos Sociais, conduzirá para uma busca incessante do reconhecimento e conseqüentemente para construção das identidades sociais. Entender a relação direito e política, faz parte desse arranjo teórico, sendo orientada pelo debate contemporâneo dos fenômenos da judicialização e ativismo judicial. A lógica de qualquer pesquisa que configure a análise conceitual e empírica das transformações sociais, orientadas pela ação daqueles que estruturam o Estado, está no entendimento que tudo que será construído terá como base um verdadeiro estado democrático de direito, orientando grosso modo a efetiva organização daquela sociedade que se quer pesquisar.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:46:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LAZARO ALVES MARTINS JUNIOR.pdf: 977344 bytes, checksum: a62a188f9b3cb28c468092d2e9472547 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-20<br>The present study aims to analyze the institution of diplomatic immunity procedural matters and the elements that give them footstool, confronting him with the interpretation that leads to its partial exemption for labor law formed in the primeval bodies in the field of enforcement actions against foreign states with local representatives. Boasting the Foreign States sovereignty and therefore valid legislation in their domestic sphere that extends to the territories requiring compliance with diplomatic immunities to the right of diverse country, perquire is the reason for the immunity from enforcement of foreign States, which maintain with retaining legal and logical to see repealed by idiosyncratic understanding within the Labour Court, one of the segments of national jurisdiction, moving away from the literal interpretation of national legislation in force in relations, forgetting the rules of classical hermeneutics, as well as and especially ignoring the laws of those sovereign countries that has not violating fundamental human rights domestically and internationally. It is considered that the Judiciary, under pressure from the defense will be negative adjudication, advancing into the field reserved for the legislative branch that shows silent for reasons of political nature, printing the current understanding wife who defends post-positivist activism justice to the phenomenon of judicialization of social issues. It appears that the understanding implemented by labor justice of first instance and the core of this study empirically equivalent to a placebo and no treatment generates isonomic court plan among workers in violation of his rights by their employers as uniquely allows the attachment of assets will not affect activities diplomatic, legal entities of the external public, not extending this understanding to processes that involve national federal entities bearing the same status before the absolute inalienability and immunity from seizure of their property of any kind. Analysis and construction of the study is based on the literature and case law, having as a basis for inafastabilidade theory of state sovereignty and the consequent effect of its legal system while consistent with the fundamental precepts of acceptance supra. The conclusion is not appropriate to assert depart without sufficient legal basis, implementing the immunity of foreign States constitutionally elect their property as inalienable in our country when the federal entities enjoy the same privilege, the Legislature should implement regramento law that allows the recruited worker in our country by foreign States see themselves adequately compensated for, but without violating the sovereignty emanating from the independent state through its political structures, because this attack compromises the essential harmonization of diplomatic relations in today's globalized times and the usurpation of powers promotes hate among the leading powers to undue interference by the judiciary and growing in the field of legislation, contributing to the weakening of the parliament and conflicts that are causing the fading ideal legal and democratic foundation magnum stamped on national and political activism to foster ideology that favors the current panorama.<br>O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar o instituto da imunidade diplomática no âmbito processual e os elementos que lhes dá supedâneo, confrontando-o com a interpretação que leva a sua parcial derrogação pela jurisprudência trabalhista formada nas instâncias primevas no campo das ações de execução contra os estados estrangeiros com representações locais. Gozando os Estados Estrangeiros de soberania e, portanto, de legislação válida em seu âmbito interno que se estende aos territórios diplomáticos exigindo a observância às imunidades perante o direito de país diverso, perquire-se o motivo da imunidade de execução dos Estados Estrangeiros, que mantêm-se com arrimo legal e lógico, se ver derrogada por entendimento idiossincrático no âmbito da Justiça Trabalhista, um dos segmentos da jurisdição nacional, se afastando da interpretação literal da legislação vigente nas relações nacionais, olvidando das regras de hermenêutica clássicas, bem como e sobretudo ignorando a legislação soberana daqueles países que não se apresenta violadora dos direitos humanos fundamentais no plano interno ou internacional. Considera-se que o Poder Judiciário, sob a pressão de lhe ser defesa a negativa da prestação jurisdicional, avança sobre campo reservado ao Poder Legislativo que se mostra omisso por razões de cunho político, imprimindo entendimento que esposa corrente pós-positivista que defende o ativismo judicial diante do fenômeno da judicialização das questões sociais. Constata-se que o entendimento implementado pela justiça laboral de primeiras instâncias e cerne deste estudo equivale empiricamente a um placebo e gera tratamento não isonômico no plano judicial entre trabalhadores prejudicados em seus direitos pelos respectivos empregadores quando permite excepcionalmente a penhora de bens não afetos as atividades diplomáticas, pessoas jurídicas de direito público externo, não estendendo este entendimento aos processos que envolvem entes federativos nacionais que ostentam a mesma natureza jurídica diante da inalienabilidade e impenhorabilidade absoluta de seus bens de qualquer espécie. A análise e construção do estudo fundamenta-se na pesquisa bibliográfica e jurisprudencial, tendo como teoria de base a inafastabilidade da soberania dos Estados e consequente vigência de seu ordenamento jurídico quando em consonância com os preceitos fundamentais de aceitação supranacional. Conclui-se não se asseverar pertinente derrogar, sem base legal suficiente, a imunidade de execução dos Estados Estrangeiros que elegem constitucionalmente seus bens como inalienáveis, quando em nosso país os entes federativos gozam do mesmo privilégio, devendo o Poder Legislativo implementar regramento legal que permita ao trabalhador recrutado em nosso país por Estados Estrangeiros ver-se indenizado por forma adequada, mas, sem violar a soberania que emana do Estado independente através de sua estruturação política, pois, esta agressão compromete a imprescindível harmonização das relações diplomáticas nos tempos globalizados hodiernos e fomenta a usurpação de competências provocando cizânia entre os Poderes com a indevida e crescente ingerência do Judiciário no campo legislativo, contribuindo para o enfraquecimento do parlamento e provocando conflitos que fazem esmorecer o ideal jurídico e democrático estampado no alicerce magno nacional e fomentam o ativismo político com ideologia que se favorece com o atual panorama.

La thèse étudie la question de l’autonomie des francophones hors Québec au regard de trente ans d’activisme judiciaire dans le domaine des droits linguistiques depuis l’adoption de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. Nous étudions la jurisprudence importante dans ce domaine, provenant majoritairement de la Cour suprême du Canada et la possibilité, pour les juges, de faire avancer une norme d’autonomie pour les francophones hors Québec (FHQ). La thèse démontre que l’interprétation des droits linguistiques par les juges est contrainte par des éléments contextuels comme les traditions étatiques du compromis politique et du fédéralisme. Ces traditions étatiques conditionnent les représentations que se font les juges des droits linguistiques et créent des effets de « dépendance au sentier » dans le domaine de la jurisprudence, limitant la possibilité, pour les juges, de faire avancer une norme d’autonomie pour les FHQ. Les juges peuvent toutefois réviser ces éléments de dépendance au sentier afin de présenter de nouvelles représentations des droits linguistiques dans la jurisprudence, instigatrices de « points tournants », voire de nouveaux paradigmes d’interprétation, dans l’évolution des droits linguistiques. La thèse permet de voir que l’activisme judiciaire dans le domaine des droits linguistiques demeure soumis aux éléments structurants du régime linguistique canadien. En conséquence, les juges ont répondu, de façon graduelle, à certaines revendications des minorités francophones du Canada, sans toutefois combler toutes leurs aspirations d’autonomie. Afin de réaliser cette recherche, nous avons proposé une analyse herméneutique de la jurisprudence. Nous avons aussi mobilisé les outils théoriques de l’institutionnalisme historique et la notion de représentations afin de montrer les facteurs de continuité et de changement dans le domaine des droits linguistiques. Ces outils nous ont permis de compléter l’approche personnelle aux décisions des juges en arrimant l’analyse de la jurisprudence à son contexte institutionnel d’énonciation et d’observer la dépendance au sentier et les points tournants dans l’interprétation des droits linguistiques sur trois décennies. Cette recherche contribue à l’avancement des connaissances en participant au débat normatif et à l’analyse institutionnelle des droits des minorités linguistiques. D’abord, la thèse met en dialogue les disciplines du droit et de la science politique, grâce à une analyse institutionnelle de la jurisprudence canadienne dans le domaine des droits linguistiques. Elle contribue aussi au domaine d’étude de la judiciarisation de la politique canadienne et la mobilisation judiciaire des « citoyens de la Charte » - où les FHQ brillent par leur absence. Ensuite, sur le plan normatif, la thèse montre comment l’évolution de la jurisprudence pose de nouveaux jalons pour penser l’autonomie des FHQ. Cette discussion nourrit aussi le débat international sur les droits auxquels les minorités linguistiques peuvent aspirer, dans le sillon des travaux de Cardinal (2008), de Cardinal et González Hidalgo (2012), de Foucher (2012), de Léger (2015) de Kymlicka (2012), et de Poirier (2012). Finalement, au plan théorique, en tentant de démontrer l’existence d’éléments contextuels contraignant l’évolution de la jurisprudence de droit linguistique au Canada, notre thèse confirme l’utilité de l’approche néo-institutionnaliste historique pour l’étude de la question de la « judiciarisation de la politique » au Canada, un domaine dominé par les approches instrumentalistes.

Le rôle intégratif que la Cour de justice des Communautés européennes (CJCE) a joué dans la construction européenne est bien connu et très documenté. Ce qui l'est moins ce sont les raisons qui l'ont motivé, et le motivent encore. Si certains se sont déjà penchés sur cette question, un aspect a néanmoins été complètement négligé, celui de l'influence qu'a pu avoir à cet égard le contexte conjoncturel sur la jurisprudence communautaire et plus précisément sur l'orientation que la Cour a choisi de lui donner. Dans ce cadre, les auditoires de la Cour ont un rôle déterminant. Pour s'assurer d'une bonne application de ses décisions, la Cour est en effet amenée à prendre en considération les attentes des États membres, des institutions européennes, de la communauté juridique (tribunaux nationaux, avocats généraux, doctrine et praticiens) et des ressortissants européens (citoyens et opérateurs économiques). Aussi, à la question du pourquoi la CJCE décide (ou non) d'intervenir, dans le domaine de la libre circulation des marchandises, en faveur de l'intégration économique européenne, j'avance l'hypothèse suivante: l'intervention de la Cour dépend d'une variable centrale : les auditoires, dont les attentes (et leur poids respectif) sont elles-mêmes déterminées par le contexte conjoncturel. L'objectif est de faire ressortir l'aspect plus idéologique de la prise de décision de la Cour, largement méconnu par la doctrine, et de démontrer que le caractère fluctuant de la jurisprudence communautaire dans ce domaine, et en particulier dans l'interprétation de l'article 28 du traité CE, s'explique par la prise en compte par la Cour des attentes de ses auditoires, lesquels ont majoritairement adhéré à l'idéologie néolibérale. Afin de mieux saisir le poids - variable - de chaque auditoire de la Cour, j'apprécierai, dans une première partie, le contexte conjoncturel de la construction européenne de 1990 à 2006 et notamment le virage néolibéral que celle-ci a opéré. L'étude des auditoires et de leur impact sur la jurisprudence fera l'objet de la seconde partie de ma thèse. Je montrerai ainsi que la jurisprudence communautaire est une jurisprudence « sous influence », essentiellement au service de la réalisation puis de l'approfondissement du marché intérieur européen.<br>The integrative role played by the Court of Justice of the European Communities (CJEC) in the construction of Europe is well known and documented. However the reasons that have motivated the CJEC in this role are far less known. Although some studies have been conducted on this topic, one aspect has been completely ignored: the influence of the conjunctural context on the European Community case law, and more precisely the orientation that the Court has chosen to give to the latter. Within this scope the Court's audiences play a determining role. To ensure that its decisions are well followed, the CJEC takes into consideration the expectations of the Member States, the European institutions, the judicial community (national tribunals, Advocates General, doctrine and practitioners), and the European citizens and economic operators. In regard to the question as to whether or not the CJEC decides to intervene in the domain of free movement of goods, in favour of the European economic integration, I argue the following hypothesis: the intervention of the Court depends on a central variable, that of the audiences, of which the expectations (and their relative weight) are determined by the conjunctural context. My objective is to point out the ideological aspects of the Court's decision making, mostly unknown to legal scholarship, and to demonstrate that the fluctuating character of case law in this domain, and more precisely in the interpretation of Article 28 of the CE Treaty, is explained by the Court’s taking into consideration the expectations of its audiences, which are mainly committed to the neoliberal ideology. In order to evaluate the varying weight of each audience of the CJEC, the first part of the thesis will delve into the conjunctural context and the European construction from 1990 to 2006 where in particular, we observe a turn towards neoliberalism. The study of the audiences and their impact on EC case law will be the subject of the second part of the thesis. I will show that this case law is "under influence", essentially to the service of the development and the strengthening of the European internal market.

It is often accentuated - not only by legal scholars, but also by political scientists - that law, politics, and society in the modern West have been marked by the increasing power of the judge. Therefore in my thesis I have decided to describe the current problems in the constitutional judiciary, including the issue of the so-called goverment of judges (or judicial tyranny) and the role of constitutional courts and judges in modern society. Needless to say, my work is based on extensive use of the fundamental book "Constitutional Courts and Democratic Values: A European Perspective" written by Victor Ferreres Comella, which provides the most detailed analytic description of the centralized model of constitutional review currently available. My thesis consists of an introduction, four chapters and a final conclusion. In the first chapter, the history of Czechoslovak and Czech constitutional judiciary is described from the beginning in the 1920s to the birth of the Czech Republic in the 1990s. In the second part of my thesis, the models of constitutional judiciary in contemporary world in brief are dealt with. French, American and German model are characterized and the specific way in which they function is investigated. In the third chapter I focus on the so-called problem of judical republic,...

Dissertação de Mestrado em Direito apresentada à Faculdade de Direito<br>RESUMOEm tempos de constantes e importantes demandas, principalmente das esferas políticas, económicas e sociais levadas ao Judiciário, nos deparamos com, no mínimo, três possíveis situações: a primeira, onde o Judiciário se posiciona estritamente quanto aos aspetos jurídicos da demanda; a segunda, quando o posicionamento extrapola os aspetos jurídicos apresentando uma postura ativista ou judicialista; e o terceiro, quando ao posicionamento do Judiciário frente a essas demandas que se embasam no sentido de não extrapolar seus limites constitucionais, respeitando a independência e soberania dos poderes, porém sem que esta seja uma postura presa a interpretação da lei, uma postura autocontida. A problemática central dessa dissertação reside em verificar as relações entre os poderes, que fazem com que o Judiciário esteja maioritariamente voltado a se posicionar de forma ativista e judicialista, em outras palavras, o estudo da judicialização da política e da politização da justiça. Observamos que essa postura não está intrinsecamente ligada à vontade do Judiciário agir de tal forma, mas também se relaciona tanto na interferência que o Executivo e o Legislativo fazem historicamente no Judiciário, quanto na própria incompetência em cumprir seus papéis constitucionais com plenitude. RESUMOEm tempos de constantes e importantes demandas, principalmente das esferas políticas, económicas e sociais levadas ao Judiciário, nos deparamos com, no mínimo, três possíveis situações: a primeira, onde o Judiciário se posiciona estritamente quanto aos aspetos jurídicos da demanda; a segunda, quando o posicionamento extrapola os aspetos jurídicos apresentando uma postura ativista ou judicialista; e o terceiro, quando ao posicionamento do Judiciário frente a essas demandas que se embasam no sentido de não extrapolar seus limites constitucionais, respeitando a independência e soberania dos poderes, porém sem que esta seja uma postura presa a interpretação da lei, uma postura autocontida. A problemática central dessa dissertação reside em verificar as relações entre os poderes, que fazem com que o Judiciário esteja maioritariamente voltado a se posicionar de forma ativista e judicialista, em outras palavras, o estudo da judicialização da política e da politização da justiça. Observamos que essa postura não está intrinsecamente ligada à vontade do Judiciário agir de tal forma, mas também se relaciona tanto na interferência que o Executivo e o Legislativo fazem historicamente no Judiciário, quanto na própria incompetência em cumprir seus papéis constitucionais com plenitude.<br>ABSTRACTIn times of constant and important demands, mainly in the ones of political , social and economic fields, which are taken to the judicial power,we encounter, at least,three possible situations: the first one,in which the judicial power positions itself for the jurisdictional aspects of demand; the second, when it´s position extrapolate the jurisdictional aspects by assuming an activist or justiciary position; and, the third one, when the posture of the judicial power related to these demands is based on not extrapolate it´s constitutional limits, respecting the independence and sovereignty of the three powers, but without a stance attached to the mere interpretation of the law, a self-contained stance.The main question of this dissertation is grounded to verify the relation between the three powers, which make the judiciary overwhelmingly directed to position itself as in the second, namely,in an activist and judicialist manner. In other words, the study of the judicialization,Politics and the politicization of justice. We observed that this posture is not intrinsically affined to the will of the judiciary power. Act in such way, is related to the interference that the executive and the legislative power historically make in the judiciary and also in their own incompetence in fulfilling their constitutional roles in a fullest way.ABSTRACTIn times of constant and important demands, mainly in the ones of political , social and economic fields, which are taken to the judicial power,we encounter, at least,three possible situations: the first one,in which the judicial power positions itself for the jurisdictional aspects of demand; the second, when it´s position extrapolate the jurisdictional aspects by assuming an activist or justiciary position; and, the third one, when the posture of the judicial power related to these demands is based on not extrapolate it´s constitutional limits, respecting the independence and sovereignty of the three powers, but without a stance attached to the mere interpretation of the law, a self-contained stance.The main question of this dissertation is grounded to verify the relation between the three powers, which make the judiciary overwhelmingly directed to position itself as in the second, namely,in an activist and judicialist manner. In other words, the study of the judicialization,Politics and the politicization of justice. We observed that this posture is not intrinsically affined to the will of the judiciary power. Act in such way, is related to the interference that the executive and the legislative power historically make in the judiciary and also in their own incompetence in fulfilling their constitutional roles in a fullest way.

The ECJ as a Political Actor In both the US and in the EU, the judiciary is often accused of being political. This thesis does not attempt to compare and contrast the two grand judiciaries; they are too dissimilar to be compared in this context. It only deals with the judiciary of the EU, trying to analyse its presumably 'political' character: why is it that political and legal scholars label the Court as 'political' or 'activist'? This thesis seeks to investigate the validity of these accusations by proposing a synthesis of various political theories and a certain clarification of the terminology in the context of the European judiciary. Chapter 1 deals with the ECJ as an institution, discussing its functioning and its presumably constitutional character. Chapter 2 then focuses on the notions of 'politics' and 'political', firstly in terms of their definitions by various authors and consequently in terms of the various political theories of European integration. Chapter 3 then deals with the central question of the thesis: is the ECJ a political actor or not? The analysis in the third chapter is split into five dimensions: (1) the judges' motivations in adjudication, (2) the appointment of judges, (3) the subject-matter of the Court's adjudication, (4) the institutional balance within the Union,...

Diante da crise que assombra Brasil e Portugal, neste trabalho discorremos brevemente sobre qual a importância e o sobre o crescimento do ativismo judicial para a garantia dos direitos sociais que são constitucionalmente garantidos. Além disso, apresentamos sobre as principais diferenças entre os direitos sociais e assistência social entre os países e como o ativismo judicial se faz necessário mais em um país do que no outro. Não obstante, destacamos a importância da interferência do Poder Judiciário para tutelar e garantir a efetivação do Princípio da Dignidade da Pessoa Humana, bem como se há uma quebra na separação de poderes diante o crescimento do judiciário em matéria de proteção aos direitos sociais.<br>Facing the crisis that affects Brazil and Portugal, we briefly discuss the importance and growth of judicial activism to ensure social rights which are constitutionally guaranteed. We discussed about the differences between social benefits and social assistance on both countries and how judicial activism is most required in one country than the other. Nevertheless, we emphasize the importance of the interference of the Judiciary to protect and ensure the effectiveness of the Principle of Dignity of the Human Person and if there is a breach in the separation of powers with the growth of the Judiciary in terms of protection of social rights.

Text in Afrikaans<br>Summaries in Afrikaans and English<br>Die beginsel van die onafhanklikheid van die regbank word verskans in die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika van 1996. 'n Onafhanklike regbank is noodsaaklik ten einde te voldoen aan die primere funksie van die regbank, naamlik die bewerkstelliging van geregtigheid. Openbare vertroue in die onafhanklikheid van die regbank verhoog die legitimiteit van hierdie instelling, wat noodsaaklik is vir nakoming en eerbiediging van die howe se beslissings deur die gemeenskap. In die verlede het kritici beweer dat die regbank 'n legitimiteitskrisis beleef op grond daarvan dat polilieke oorwegings 'n rol gespeel het by die aanstelling van regsprekende amptenare, dat die regbank nie verteenwoordigend genoeg is van die bevolking wat betref ras en geslag nie en dat die howe in die verlede in sommige gevalle te owerheidsgesind was en soms diskriminerende wetgewing sonder veel skroom of teenspraak aanvaar en toegepas het. Kritici het daarop gewys dat die opbloei in die volkshowe as alternatief tot die formele howe, as voorbeeld dien van die algehele miskenning van en wantroue in die reg bank. 'n Kritiese evaluering van hierdie aangeleenthede is gedoen aan die hand van 'n regsvergelykende ondersoek. Daar is tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die Regterlike Dienskommissie en die Landdrostekommissie 'n belangrike hervorming teweeg gebring het op die gebied van aanstelling van regterlike amptenare. Verder is bevind dat die juriestelsel nie 'n realistiese oplossing bied om die regbank meer verteenwoordigend van die gemeenskap te maak nie, maar dat die assessorestelsel blyk 'n meer praktiese en geskikte alternatief te wees. Dit het verder geblyk dat daar van regterlike beamptes verwag word om, in die lig van die Grondwet van 1996 en 'n stelsel van grondwetlike oppermagtigheid, 'n aktivistiese waarde-ge6rienteerde of waarde-aktiverende benadering by wets- en grondwetuitleg te volg. Daar is verder bevind dat die informele howe behoue moet bly, maar aangepas behoort te word by veranderende omstandighede, in die lig van die Grondwet en die handves van fundamentele regte. Ten slotte is voorstelle gemaak as moontlike oplossing vir bepaalde probleme wat geidentifiseer is.<br>The principle of the independence of the judiciary is entrenched in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 1996. An independent judiciary is essential in order to fulfill the primary function of a judiciary, namely the realisation of justice. Public confidence in the independence of the judiciary increases the legitimacy of this institution, which is essential for respect for and compliance with the decisions of the court by the community. In the past critics maintained that the judiciary is experiencing a legitimacy crisis, due to the fact that political considerations have played a role in the appointment of judicial officials, that the judiciary is not representative of the community in respect of race and sex and that the courts have been too executive-minded in the past and have at times accepted and applied discriminatory legislation without much hesitation or contradiction. Critics alleged that the proliferation of people's courts as an alternative to the formal courts, was an indication of the general denial of and loss of confidence in the judiciary. A critical evaluation of these aspects was undertaken by way of a comparative study. It lead to the conclusion that the Judicial Service Commission and the Magistrates Commission brought about an important reform regarding the appointment of judicial officials. It was found that the jury system does not constitute a realistic solution to make the judiciary more representative of the community, but that the assessor system seems to be a more practical alternative. It became apparant that in view of the Constitution of 1996 and our system of constitutional supremacy, it is expected of judicial officals to follow an activistic value-orientated or value-activated approach during legislative and constitutional interpretation. It is furthermore concluded that the informal courts should be retained, but that they should be adapted to the changing circumstances in view of the Constitution and the bill of rights. Finally, suggestions are made in order to address certain problems which have been identified.<br>Criminal and Procedural Law<br>LL.D.