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1

Kelly, James B., and Michael Murphy. "Confronting Judicial Supremacy: A Defence of Judicial Activism and the Supreme Court of Cananda's Legal Rights Jurisprudence." Canadian journal of law and society 16, no. 1 (2001): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100006554.

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RésuméCet article étudie la relation entre le contrôle constitutionnel exercé par la Cour Suprême du Canada et la démocratie en analysant la jurisprudence portant sur les droits garantis par la Charte. Plus précisément, l'article vise à engager le débat avec un groupe influent d'universitaires, les interprétivistes canadiens, illustrés par les contributions scientifiques de F. L. Morton, Rainer Knopff et Christopher P. Manfredi. Contrairement aux interprétivistes qui concluent que l'activisme judiciaire de la Cour Suprême du Canada a compromis le constitutionnalisme libéral, cet article suggèr
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Christie, Gordon. "Judicial Justification of Recent Developments in Aboriginal Law." Canadian journal of law and society 17, no. 2 (2002): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100007249.

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RésuméPendant les dernières décennies, la Cour suprême du Canada a élaboré les conséquences de la constitutionalisation des droits autochtones. La jurisprudence a d'abord adopté une approche fondée sur les droits envers leur protection, les mettant dans une large mesure à l'abri d'intrusions législatives. Dans des décisions plus récentes toutefois, la Cour suprême à considérablement réduit le degré de protection dont ces droits jouissent. Elle a développe un ensemble de principes généraux sur la justification de l'activisme judiciaire, des principes qui s'appuient ultimement sur une vision du
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3

Jochelson, Richard. "Multidimensional Analysis as a Window into Activism Scholarship: Searching for Meaning with Sniffer Dogs." Canadian journal of law and society 24, no. 2 (2009): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100009923.

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RésuméCet article s'appuie sur l'analyse multidimensionnelle de l'activisme judiciaire de Cohn et de Kremnitzer et applique celle-ci dans le contexte canadien. L'analyse est effectuée suite aux décisions récentes de la Cour suprême qui donnaient aux policiers le droit d'utiliser des chiens renifleurs durant des fouilles. Ce contexte légal sert de substrat afin de démontrer l'utilité ainsi que les limitations de l'approche multidimensionnelle. Tandis que l'activisme académique s'est concentré sur la quantification de l'activisme à travers le temps, sur la composition de la cour et sur des quest
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4

de Montigny, Yves. "Les rapports difficiles entre la liberté d’expression et ses limites raisonnables." Revue générale de droit 22, no. 1 (2019): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1058171ar.

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L’auteur passe en revue la jurisprudence de la Cour suprême en matière de liberté d’expression depuis l’entrée en vigueur de la Charte et constate que l’on n’a pas craint d’élargir considérablement la portée de ce concept. Cet activisme judiciaire repose néanmoins sur des fondements théoriques fragiles et empreints de contradictions. Une analyse serrée de certaines décisions permet d’abord de constater que l’article 2b) de la Charte ne protège pas toutes les activités expressives sans égard à leur contenu; d’autre part, il n’est pas tout à fait exact de prétendre que la raisonnabilité d’une re
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5

Eltis, Karen. "Rétablir l’intégrité du processus électoral : le droit à la participation politique utile et les transfuges." Colloque : L'État en marche, transparence et reddition de comptes 36, no. 4 (2014): 629–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1027163ar.

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L’intervention de plus en plus active des tribunaux dans des questions réputées « politiques » et dans l’élaboration des politiques publiques reflète un phénomène que Michael Mandel baptise la « judiciarisation du politique ». Il est proposé que cette réalité croissante découle non dudit « activisme judiciaire » mais d’une perte de confiance préoccupante du public dans les institutions politiques représentatives de l’État, qui semblent déléguer les questions les plus épineuses aux tribunaux. Pis encore, ce phénomène semble être alimenté par une perception publique de la construction élitiste e
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6

Cohn, Margit, and Mordechai Kremnitzer. "Judicial Activism: A Multidimensional Model." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 18, no. 2 (2005): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900004033.

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The article addresses the question of the role of the judiciary in the constitutional democratic state through an analysis of the concept of judicial activism. The model advanced in the article is based on a composite theory of the role of the judiciary, drawing on, and developing, Canon’s (1982) analysis of judicial activism and more recent multidimensional approaches to the assessment of judicial output. The article supplements the traditional vision of the judiciary as law enforcer in two directions. Drawing on the ‘constitutional dialogue/constitutional interdependence’ paradigm, the artic
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7

Parslow, Joakim. "Lawyers against the Law." Anthropology of the Middle East 13, no. 2 (2018): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2018.130203.

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Despite increasing subordination of the judiciary to executive authorities, Turkish cause lawyering associations are more assertive than ever in their defiance of forced closures and legal persecution. Why would activist lawyers ‘play the game’ of law when the legal system is being undermined? Focusing on the historical genesis of Turkey’s oldest activist lawyering association, the Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği (ÇHD), I argue that Turkish legal activism results from not just clashing political causes but also the strategies attorneys are forced to adopt to effect change within an authoritarian-cor
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8

Sultan, Shazia, and Tahira Jabeen. "Changing Facetsof Judicial Activism in Pakistan." Review of Education, Administration & LAW 3, no. 3 (2020): 523–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v3i3.75.

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This paper deals with the troublesome history of Pakistan Judiciary in comparative perspective. The judicial restraint showed by the superior courts in the initial phase of Pakistan’s emergence and its failure in the enactment of extra-constitutional deeds of Military Generals and executive heads that troubled the smooth political and constitutional progress has been highlighted. The paper throws light on the struggle of the Judiciary for its independent status in the defiance of the military establishment in 2007 that catapulted the Judiciary as main stakeholder in the governmental power stru
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Laffitte Fernandes, Rafael, and Rocco Antonio Rangel Rosso Nelson. "De la capacidad de innovación normativa del poder judiciario: un análisis a partir del sistema jurídico brasileño." Prolegómenos 20, no. 39 (2017): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18359/prole.2720.

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<p>Este texto tiene como objetivo analizar el rol actual del poder judiciario en la estructura de los poderes de la República Federativa de Brasil. La propuesta es estudiar la creciente actuación del poder judiciario, en especial del Supremo Tribunal Federal, dentro de lo que se llama activismo judicial. La investigación en cuestión, utilizando una metodología de análisis cualitativa y usando el abordaje hipotético-deductivo de carácter descriptivo y analítico, examinará casos concretos decididos por el poder judiciario brasileño y sus implicaciones en el arreglo político-institucional b
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10

Stychin, Carl F. "Relatively universal: globalisation, rights discourse, and the evolution of Australian sexual and national identities." Legal Studies 18, no. 4 (1998): 534–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1998.tb00079.x.

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Successful law reform campaigns leave behind a rich history; a story of engagement between activists seeking legal change, opponents who attempt to maintain the status quo, legislators, and the judiciary. The repeal of the provisions of the Tasmanian Criminal Code which prohibited certain private, consensual sexual relations between adults, and which were aimed primarily at male samesex sexual acts, by the state legislature in May 1997, signaled the end of a particularly arduous campaign which lasted several years. What makes this struggle worthy of academic treatment, first, is the simple fac
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Ramos Alves, Luís Henrique, and Shirley Oliveira Lima Nomura. "ATIVISMO JUDICIAL E A SEPARAÇÃO DOS PODERES NO SÉCULO XXI: EXORBITAÇÃO DA FUNÇÃO ATÍPICA DO PODER JUDICIÁRIO." Colloquium Socialis 2, Especial 2 (2018): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5747/cs.2018.v02.nesp2.s0274.

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The separation of powers is a general principle of Brazilian Constitutional law prescribed in article 2 of the Federal Constitution following the model idealized by Montesquieu, Executive, Legislative and Judiciary, each of the powers has its respective characteristics and also has its typical and atypical functions. In the system of separation of powers there is a theory called System of Brakes and Counterweights, where it controls the division of powers and ensures that each one acts within its respective sphere of competence. With the passage of time within the Brazilian scenario has been e
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Reayat, Nauman, Neelam Farid, Muhammad Kamran Khan, and Anwarul Mujahid Shah. "Judicial Activism and Its Implications for Good Governance: A Case for Judicial Reforms in Pakistan." Review of Applied Management and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/ramss.v4i1.94.

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Judicial activism plays an important role in shaping various countries' political contexts with different political systems and regime types. Academic literature and debates are divided among various groups in favour and against judicial activism. This work reviews range of available data to probe case of judicial activism in Pakistan from 2005 to 2013. Judicial activism in Pakistan seemed to be short-lived and selective in nature. The Supreme Court of Pakistan (SCP) exercised activism without limits in cases against representative parliamentarians who were already constrained in many matters
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13

Anand, Sanjeev. "The Truth About Canadian Judicial Activism." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 15, no. 1, 2 & 3 (2011): 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9nd5w.

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The topic of judicial activism in Canada generates considerable disagreement. At a recent conference, retired Supreme Court of Canada Justice John Major stated that “there is no such thing as judicial activism in Canada.”1 In 2001, speaking in his capacity as the Canadian Alliance’s Justice critic, the current federal Minister of Justice and Attorney General, Vic Toews, told Parliament that the Supreme Court has “engaged in a frenzy of constitutional experimentation that resulted in the judiciary substituting its legal and societal preferences for those made by the elected representatives of t
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14

Hennigar, Matthew A. "Exploring Complex Judicial–Executive Interaction: Federal Government Concessions in Charter of Rights Cases." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 4 (2010): 821–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000739.

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Abstract. This article analyzes the federal government's concessions before the Supreme Court of Canada that its own laws are unconstitutional under the Charter of Rights, marking the first time that concessions have been analyzed empirically in Canada. Using data from 1984–2004, the author finds that full concessions of unconstitutionality are exceptionally rare but that partial concessions are not uncommon. There is weak support for the hypothesis that governments are more willing to concede laws passed by previous governments of a different party, but, on the whole, the federal government a
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15

Tchotourian, Ivan, and Naomi Koffi. "Renforcer le conseil d’administration et mieux encadrer le vote actionnarial : les réponses possibles du droit à l’activisme dur des hedge funds." Les Cahiers de droit 59, no. 3 (2018): 617–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1052479ar.

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L’activisme de certains fonds d’investissement tels que les fonds de couverture ou fonds de placement spéculatif (plus connus sous le nom de « hedge funds ») rompt avec la philosophie et la démarche qui ont longtemps caractérisé l’activisme actionnarial traditionnel. La stratégie des hedge funds consiste à contraindre les administrateurs et les dirigeants d’entreprises à mettre en oeuvre des politiques de rentabilité à court terme en ayant recours aux instruments classiquement utilisés par les actionnaires activistes (batailles de votes, propositions actionnariales, recours judiciaires, etc.).
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16

Akbar, Dr Muqarrab, and Mahnoor Malik. "Judicial Activism and Pakistani Society: A Case Study of Musharaf Era." Journal of Law & Social Studies 1, no. 2 (2019): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.01.02.6168.

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Judicial organ is one of the three organs of the state of Pakistan. It plays important role in Constitutional machinery by performing its functions like interpreting laws and keeping an eye over the laws made by legislature that they are according to the injunctions of Islam or not and whether these laws are implemented properly by the executive or not. Judicial activism refers to the judicial rulings based on personal views rather than on existing law. The research is based on the questions like, is Judiciary playing effective role in Pakistan? What is the role of judiciary in Musharaf’s regi
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17

Marmo, Marinella. "The Empowering of the Italian Judiciary: The Shift Towards Activism." International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice 31, no. 1 (2007): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01924036.2007.9678762.

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18

Cristóvam, José Sérgio Da Silva, and Manoella Peixer Cipriani. "Sobre o ativismo judicial nas questões relacionadas ao direito à saúde: mensageiro da boa nova ou lobo em pele de cordeiro / Judicial activism in matters related to the right to healthcare: bearer of good news or wolf in sheep’s clothing." Revista Brasileira de Direito 13, no. 3 (2017): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.18256/2238-0604.2017.v13i3.1944.

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Resumo: Com a omissão dos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo na formulação de políticas públicas adequadas e satisfatórias, a sociedade passou a buscar no Judiciário a efetivação de seus direitos constitucionais, principalmente o direito à saúde. Submisso ao princípio da inafastabilidade judicial e primando pelo respeito e efetivação da constituição, o Poder Judiciário popularizou a concessão de medicamentos e tratamentos médicos por meio de ações judiciais. A justificativa é de que cabe também ao Judiciário a concretização da Constituição e, diante da característica de eficácia plena que possui
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19

Ding, Chunyan. "Judicial Activism of Provincial Courts in China: Medical Negligence Law as a Case Study." Chinese Journal of Comparative Law 7, no. 3 (2019): 505–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjcl/cxaa001.

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Abstract By presenting a case study of local judicial activism in medical negligence law reform in recent China, this article examines the active engagement of Chinese provincial courts in bottom-up reform of national laws. Contrary to conventional wisdom that law-making is the least important function of local courts, it finds that provincial courts in China, like the Supreme People’s Court, are actively engaging in law-making, which is an essential part of their functions. It also reveals that the national judiciary is more susceptible to political pressure while the provincial judiciary ten
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20

Mair, George. "Book Review: The New Judiciary: The Effects of Expansion and Activism." International Criminal Justice Review 11, no. 1 (2001): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105756770101100127.

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21

Laidler, Paweł. "Judicial activism and the American election process." Politologia 2 (November 27, 2020): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/p.7281.

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This article analyses the phenomenon of judicial activism in the American electoral process. It tries to estimate whether the political system of the United States of America has become hostage to the law-making role of the judiciary, which actively controls the compliance of election laws with the Constitution, thus drawing courts into purely political processes, or whether the nature of the disputes settled by judges rather makes it impossible for them to avoid being influenced by and influencing issues of a political nature. The article analyses various legal acts and court decisions, mostl
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WHITTINGTON, KEITH E. "“Interpose Your Friendly Hand”: Political Supports for the Exercise of Judicial Review by the United States Supreme Court." American Political Science Review 99, no. 4 (2005): 583–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055405051890.

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The exercise of constitutional review by an independent and active judiciary is commonly regarded as against the interest of current government officials, who presumably prefer to exercise power without interference. In this article, I advance an “overcoming obstructions” account of why judicial review might be supported by existing power holders. When current elected officials are obstructed from fully implementing their own policy agenda, they may favor the active exercise of constitutional review by a sympathetic judiciary to overcome those obstructions and disrupt the status quo. This prov
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Agbor, Avitus. "The Role of the Judiciary in the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights in Cameroon." African Journal of Legal Studies 8, no. 1-2 (2015): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342057.

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The ratification and domestication of international human rights instruments could be used as indices to determine a state’s commitment to the promotion and protection of, and respect for, human rights. Within municipal legal systems, the judiciary is one of the stakeholders to fulfil these tasks. As one of the organs of government, it can play a critical role in defining the content and evolution of both democracy and human rights. Even though a state party to numerous international human rights instruments, a critical analysis of Cameroon’s institutional mechanisms reveals that there is a co
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Krever, Tor. "A life in human rights: a conversation with Dennis Davis." London Review of International Law 9, no. 1 (2021): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lril/lrab008.

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Abstract Dennis Davis is Judge of the High Court of South Africa, Judge President of the Competition Appeal Court, and Honorary Professor of Law at the University of Cape Town. In this wide-ranging conversation with Tor Krever, he reflects on his political and intellectual trajectory—from early encounters with Marx to anti-apartheid activism to a leading position in the South African judiciary—and his lifelong commitment to a radical left politics.
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Warren, Marilyn. "Unelected does not Equate with Undemocratic: Parliamentary Sovereignty and the Role of the Judiciary." Deakin Law Review 13, no. 2 (2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2008vol13no2art158.

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<p>One feature of judicial life that strikes most appointees to judicial office early on is the silence of the Judiciary outside our judgments and statements in court. We are also struck, when we deliver our first judgment that raises controversy or higher public interest, by the vulnerability of the Judiciary to<br />criticism, sometimes vehement and trenchant. Judges do not answer back. With the exception of Chief Justices, judges are generally only heard in court, unless the speaking occasion involves an extra-curial or academic discussion on the law or judicial life. This is pr
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Giunchi, Elisa. "Islamization and Judicial Activism in Pakistan: What Šarīʿah?" Oriente Moderno 93, № 1 (2013): 188–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340008.

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Abstract The Islamization of Pakistani law started at the end of the 1970s under the stimulus of the executive and has continued in subsequent decades mainly through the judiciary. Increasingly, Pakistani High courts, and later on Islamic appellate courts, have applied uncodified šarīʿah principles to supplement and, at times, contradict codified law, particularly in the field of family matters and sexual crimes. On the basis of court records, the author reviews first, the religious sources referred to by the judges and, second, the implications of their religiously inspired “judicial activism
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Gerard, Jules B. "Roe v. Wade Is Constitutionally Unprincipled and Logically Incoherent: A Brief in Support of Judicial Restraint." American Journal of Law & Medicine 15, no. 2-3 (1989): 222–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0098858800012211.

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The Center for Judicial Studies is the only educational and public policy organization in the United States that focuses exclusively on the problem of judicial activism. It seeks to confine the power of the federal judiciary to the bounds envisioned by the Framers of the Constitution. The Center's brief was signed by fifty-six members of Congress who were concerned that Roe v. Wade “has expanded federal judicial powers into areas that are within the rightful legislative domain of Congress and the states.”
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Bhagwati, P. N. "The role of the judiciary in the democractic process: Balancing activism and judicial restraint." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 18, no. 4 (1992): 1262–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1992.9986224.

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Solangi, Hatim Aziz. "THE NEO-JURISPRUDENCE OF PIL IN SUPERIOR COURTS OF PAKISTAN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF PRE AND POST LAWYERS’ MOVEMENT WORKING OF SUPERIOR COURTS." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 60, no. 1 (2021): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v60i1.444.

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The dynamics of the superior judiciary in Pakistan have undergone a drastic transformation in its approach and working in post 2007 emergency followed by a landmark movement of civil and legal fraternity for restoration of constitutional supremacy. The neo-jurisprudence is being applauded and criticized at the same time. The excessive use of Suo-motto and public interest litigation at one hand and frequent judicial review of executive and legislative action on other have been the main source of contention between judiciary and other two pillars of state, legislature and executive. The Superior
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Das, Lalatendu Keshari. "Social Movements– Judicial Activism Nexus and Neoliberal Transformation in India: Revisiting Save Chilika Movement." Sociological Bulletin 67, no. 1 (2018): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022917751979.

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Both the supporters and distractors of ‘social movements–judicial activism nexus’ project litigation strategies as the greatest challenge to neoliberal transformation in India. This fieldwork-based study on shrimp cultivation in Chilika Lake shows otherwise. By historically situating the developments in Chilika, it shows that in case of unpopular economic policies during the neoliberal period, the judiciary and other state agencies follow a revolving-door strategy and continuously externalise the problematic of resource conflicts by creating a regime of blame-avoidance. This regime nullifies t
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Rayment-Law, Eric. "The American Judiciary Through the Lens of The Federalist Papers." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 1 (March 27, 2011): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora10084.

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The manner in which a Supreme Court justice ought to rule in any given case before him or her is a controversial topic in America, with a number of American lawmakers feeling that each justice should exercise “judicial restraint.” Those who feel this way often subscribe to the interpretive strategies of strict construction or originalism, which both cast judges as activists who have a political agenda, imposing it on America while ignoring the Constitution. As a remedy to their grievances, constructionists propose that the constitutional text should be rigorously adhered to while constitutiona
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DUGARD, JACKIE. "Judging the Judges: Towards an Appropriate Role for the Judiciary in South Africa's Transformation." Leiden Journal of International Law 20, no. 4 (2007): 965–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156507004578.

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In this article I draw on John Dugard's criticism of apartheid judges to initiate a discussion of the role and functioning of judges in the post-apartheid era. Using John's critique of the limits of judicial interpretation in an illegitimate order, I extend the analysis to review the record of the Constitutional Court in adjudicating socioeconomic rights cases post-1994. In doing so I propose a radical interpretation of the Court's role in society and an activist functioning of judges in South Africa's constitutional democracy. I conclude that, notwithstanding the momentous changes in the Sout
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Harms, Louis TC. "Judging Under a Bill of Rights." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 12, no. 3 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2009/v12i3a2732.

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We are pleased to publish here, as an oratio, the Ebsworth Memorial Lecture delivered by Mr Justice Louis Harms in February 2007. In his lecture he addressed a range of contentious issues regarding the challenges of judging under a (new) Bill of Rights and he inter alia raises, "without answering, the question of whether a bill of rights should reflect existing societal values or whether it should create them." He also spoke candidly of judicial activism, verbosity emanating from the bench, the judiciary and the separation of powers and (in-)consistency in constitutional adjudication. Among hi
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Venter, Francois. "Editorial." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 12, no. 3 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2009/v12i3a2738.

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We are pleased to publish here, as an oratio, the Ebsworth Memorial Lecture delivered by Mr Justice Louis Harms in February 2007. In his lecture he addressed a range of contentious issues regarding the challenges of judging under a (new) Bill of Rights and he inter alia raises, "without answering, the question of whether a bill of rights should reflect existing societal values or whether it should create them." He also spoke candidly of judicial activism, verbosity emanating from the bench, the judiciary and the separation of powers and (in-)consistency in constitutional adjudication. Among hi
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Kuźnicka-Błaszkowska, Dominika. "Pozycja prawnoustrojowa Komisji do spraw Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości Malty." Przegląd Prawa i Administracji 119 (January 20, 2020): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1134.119.11.

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THE LEGAL AND POLITICAL POSITION OF THE COMMISSION FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE OF MALTAThe Commission for the Administration of Justice of Malta is an advisory and control body of the judiciary which, in accordance with the Constitution of Malta, safeguards the independence of judges. Despite the reform of its system and scope of competence in recent years, social activists are still demanding changes in the way it functions. The main allegations relate primarily to the too strong position of the executive representatives in its work, the lack of openness of the Commission, as well as ne
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RIBEIRO, Sirlene Elias. "SEPARAÇÃO DE PODERES E ATIVISMO JUDICIAL: LEGISLAÇÃO SIMBÓLICA E OS DIREITOS FUNDAMENTAIS." Percurso 2, no. 29 (2019): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.21902/revpercurso.2316-7521.v2i29.3503.

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RESUMOO presente artigo cuida de uma análise da atuação dos poderes Legislativo Executivo e Judiciário na realização e implementação dos direitos fundamentais previstos na Constituição Federal do Brasil. O Enfoque dado ao trabalho é a análise de considerações e definições doutrinárias acerca do tema proposto, bem como de julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal, com o objetivo de uma conclusão acerca do crescimento do ativismo judicial e da judicialização das políticas públicas voltadas aos direitos humanos, passando por uma análise da elaboração de legislação simbolicamente e de uma atuação simbó
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Salman, Radian, Sukardi Sukardi, and Mohammad Syaiful Aris. "JUDICIAL ACTIVISM OR SELF-RESTRAINT : SOME INSIGHT INTO THE INDONESIAN CONSTITUTIONAL COURT." Yuridika 33, no. 1 (2018): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/ydk.v33i1.7279.

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The Constitutional Court of Republic of Indonesia is centralized judicial review institution which implements a posteriori and abstract control. Constitutional court decision often politically sensitive and involve important issues. On the one hand handing down strong decisions that uphold important constitutional principles can bring great benefits to citizens and can strengthen support for democracy but on the other hand, strong role of the court in judicial review tends to encroach increasingly on the territory of the law making institution. This article examines the decision of constitutio
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GALDINO, Valéria Silva, Caio Eduardo Costa CAZELATTO, and Luiz Augusto RUFFO. "DA LEGITIMIDADE DO ATIVISMO JUDICIAL NA FAMÍLIA HOMOAFETIVA A PARTIR DA AÇÃO DIREITA DE INCONSTITUCIONALIDADE 4.277/2011." Revista Juridica 2, no. 55 (2019): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.21902/revistajur.2316-753x.v2i55.3402.

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RESUMORealiza-se um questionamento acerca da legitimidade da decisão cometida pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, resultante da divisão de competências entre os poderes da União. A metodologia utilizada foi a de investigação bibliográfica, tendo base nas críticas levantadas por Lênio Streck sobre a atuação do Poder Judiciário, caracterizando-a como um ativismo judicial a ser combatido, fazendo-se uma reflexão sobre as motivações concretas que fazem o ativismo vir a ocorrer, utilizando-se das considerações de Rachel Nigro, que propõe uma revisão dos conceitos de democracia, fazendo defesa de um ativ
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Gesta Leal, Rogério. "RISCOS E POSSIBILIDADES DO ATIVISMO JUDICIAL NA DEMOCRACIA." Revista Eletrônica Direito e Política 16, no. 1 (2021): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v16n1.p181-200.

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RESUMOO objetivo deste trabalho é verificar em que medida é possível conciliar ativismo judicial e democracia, considerando principalmente os desafios que se apresentam as relações sociais contemporâneas. A justificativa desta proposta se sustenta no fato de que o Poder Judiciário tem sido cada vez mais procurado para dar conta de demandas envolvendo as insuficiências das politicas públicas governamentais em face de direitos fundamentais. Demarcamos como problema da abordagem verificar se é possível superar eventuais tensões entre o excesso de ativismo judicial e a democracia enquanto represen
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Liang, Jessica. "The Inherent Jurisdiction and Inherent Powers of International Criminal Courts and Tribunals." New Criminal Law Review 15, no. 3 (2012): 375–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2012.15.3.375.

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The concepts of inherent powers and inherent jurisdiction are curious under international criminal law. Their source is unclear and their content indeterminate. With potentially coercive consequences on individuals, the exercise of such powers in the criminal context deserves close scrutiny. This article argues that the concepts serve a legitimate function within international criminal courts and tribunals. They are indispensable for filling lacunae in jurisdiction and controlling the abuse of process. Invocations of a court's inherent powers are guided by the necessity of guarding the judicia
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Deluque Júnior, Romano. "Uma Análise sobre a Expansão do Poder Judicial no Brasil: Construindo Sentidos sobre Democracia e Ativismo Judicial." Revista de Ciências Jurídicas e Empresariais 21, no. 1 (2020): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17921/2448-2129.2020v21n1p21-30.

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ResumoDa descrença de um povo junto aos seus representantes eleitos ascende o protagonismo do Poder Judiciário. Nunca antes na história nacional, os olhares populares, agora dotados de uma aguçado poder de corte, se voltaram às decisões proferidas pelos Tribunais e Cortes superiores. Desse modo, decisões de questões políticas, sociais e morais de grande relevância, que outrora seriam resolvidas por instâncias políticas tradicionais como o Executivo e o Legislativo, agora são prostradas a serem apreciadas pelo Poder Judiciário. Com a fragilização das instituições politicas, judicializa-se a vid
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Lo, Sonny. "Hong Kong in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.34.

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Due to Beijing’s deep concern about its national security being undermined in Hong Kong, where the anti-extradition protests from June to December 2019 not only challenged the legitimacy of both the central and Hong Kong governments but also constituted an attempt at initiating a “color revolution,” a national security law was enacted in late June 2020. The new law aims at demonstrating its immediate deterrent effects on protestors and dissidents by empowering the Hong Kong authorities to pursue suspected offenders. The results were the escape, arrest, and imprisonment of some local political
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Carmo, Valter Moura do, and Ewerton Ricardo Messias. "Pós-modernidade e principiologia jurídica: O ativismo judicial e sua validade no âmbito do Estado Democrático de Direito / Post-modernity and legal principiology: The judicial activism and its validity in the context of the Democratic State of Law." Revista Brasileira de Direito 13, no. 3 (2017): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.18256/2238-0604.2017.v13i3.2163.

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Resumo: Atualmente, a hermenêutica jurídica assume características específicas, vez que, diante dos conceitos jurídicos indeterminados, exige-se do juiz uma postura altamente construtiva do conteúdo semântico dos enunciados sob análise, ambiente propício para o surgimento do ativismo judicial. O presente artigo visa a analisar o que seja o ativismo judicial e sua eventual validade no âmbito do Estado Democrático de Direito. Com esse intuito, são investigados a distinção entre Direito e sistema jurídico e entre ordenamento jurídico e sistema jurídico; a principiologia jurídica pós-moderna e sua
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Kirby, Justice Michael. "The Role of the Judge in Advancing Human Rights - Knight Errant or Slot Machine Automation?" Nordic Journal of International Law 57, no. 1 (1988): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181088x00029.

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AbstractIn this paper, the author deals with the "role" of judges in "advancing" human rights. He cautions that the needs of different countries will vary. He starts with a reference to the recent failure of Judge Robert Bork to secure confirmation to the Supreme Court of the United States. Bork had been a long time proponent of judicial restraint in the interpretation of the Bill of Rights, urging that protection of human rights should normally be left to the democratically accountable branches of government - the executive and the legislature. After reviewing the theoretical and practical ar
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Casier, Marlies, Joost Jongerden, and Nic Walker. "Fruitless Attempts? The Kurdish Initiative and Containment of the Kurdish Movement in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 44 (2011): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005951.

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AbstractFollowing the victory of the Kurdish party DTP (Demokratik Toplum Partisi, Democratic Society Party) in Turkey's southeastern provinces in the local elections of March 2009, Turkey witnessed the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, Justice and Development Party) government's Kurdish initiative, the closure of the victorious Kurdish party, and waves of arrests of Kurdish activists and politicians. This rush of action constituted a renewed effort to contain and roll back the political and societal influence of the Kurdish movement. But what is it exactly that the government and the state wer
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McMahon, Adam M. "Unchained Succubus: A Queer New Institutional Analysis of U.S. Supreme Court Nomination Hearings." Politics & Gender 13, no. 04 (2017): 683–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000241.

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Modern Supreme Court nomination hearings are contentious political events, as evidenced by the four held during the 109th and 111th Congresses to confirm John Roberts, Samuel Alito, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan. Senators appear to raise suspicion of nominees purposefully through their questioning during Judiciary Committee hearings, connecting the label of “judicial restraint” with candidates who are male, white, straight, and prone to “reason.” Appointees thought to embody the feminine, nonwhite, queer, and emotional practices of “judicial activism” to offer a contrast. This dichotomous c
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Southworth, Ann. "Lawyers and the Conservative Counterrevolution." Law & Social Inquiry 43, no. 04 (2018): 1698–728. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12363.

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What roles have lawyers played in the conservative counterrevolution in US law and public policy? Two recent books, Jefferson Decker's The Other Rights Revolution: Conservative Lawyers and the Remaking of American Government (2016), and Amanda Hollis-Brusky's Ideas with Consequences: The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution (2015), speak to the question. This essay explores how these books relate to a larger story of the conservative legal movement and the roles that lawyers and their organizations and networks have played in the conservative turn in American law and polit
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Kühn, Zdenek. "All-Pervasive Legacies of Socialist Constitutionalism? The Case of Judiciary." Russian Law Journal 9, no. 2 (2021): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2021-9-2-26-43.

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The success of the legal transitions occurring in the 1990s was quite dubious. Although, as a result of enlargement of the EU, much of the “other Europe” became part of the European Union, it would be too simplistic to assume that, with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the region became part of Western European political and legal landscape. While the books of the old era were discarded, legislation repealed and new institutions created, one should not underestimate the continuing strength of the old values, principles and legal thought in general. After all, the authors of those discarded books r
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Bator, Andrzej. "Ewolucja analitycznej teorii prawa a bezpośrednie stosowanie konstytucji." Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna 7, no. 1 (2018): 97–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fped.2018.7.1.5.

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The paper analyses the sources of diversity in opinions about the acceptability of direct application of constitution by courts in the so-called confrontational version (a judicial review: the refusal of application of the parliamentary act which is incoherent with a constitution). I claim that such differences result from diverging assumptions accepted within analytic jurisprudence. More precisely speaking, the above differences stem from the three alternative approaches within analytic legal theory: a traditional, a modern, and a postmodern (postanalytic) one. Polish legal thought is dominat
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Klaaren, Jonathan, and Theunis Roux. "The Nicholson Judgment: An Exercise in Law and Politics." Journal of African Law 54, no. 1 (2010): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855309990209.

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AbstractThe Nicholson judgment was clearly a precipitating factor in the resignation of former South African President Thabo Mbeki in 2008. Engaging with the judgment in its own terms, this note first puts forward a best legal interpretation of the judgment, covering the doctrines of prosecutorial independence and legitimate expectations. It then identifies the degree to which the comment in the judgment may be termed politically activist. In the authors' view, Nicholson tackled political issues in his judgment that he need not have: in particular, allegations of executive interference in the
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