Dissertations / Theses: 'Activisme social'

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Wei, Jiaying. "Corporate social responsibility and shareholder activism." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, Ecole supérieure des sciences économiques et commerciales, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018ESEC0007/document.

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Motivés par des articles et des discussions récentes sur les valeurs monétaires par rapport aux valeurs sociales, j'ai un grand intérêt à étudier l'impact des valeurs sociales ou de la responsabilité sociale des entreprises (“CSR”) sur les valeurs des entreprises. Le chapitre un et le chapitre deux étudient tous deux l'activisme des actionnaires sur les questions de CSR, tout en ayant des objectifs différents. Le premier chapitre étudie les propositions d'actionnaires déposées par des fonds socialement responsables (“SRIs”) en utilisant un échantillon collecté à la main. Le premier chapitre fournit des statistiques descriptives sur ces propositions et examine les caractéristiques de l'entreprise cible. Deuxièmement, à l'aide de la méthodologie de l'étude des événements, il examine la réaction du marché autour du dépôt de la proposition et constate une réaction positive du marché à ces propositions. Troisièmement, il examine l’horizon à plus long terme et étudie l’impact à long terme de ces propositions sur la valeur marchande, la performance opérationnelle et la performance sociale des entreprises. Le deuxième chapitre étudie un échantillon plus large de propositions d'actionnaires déposées par différentes parties, notamment des investisseurs institutionnels (par exemple, fonds de pension, fonds SRI), des syndicats, des fondations, des groupes religieux et des particuliers. Le chapitre deux se concentre plus sur l'identification de l'impact des différents déclarants sur le résultat de la proposition, et les résultats montrent que les investisseurs institutionnels tels que les fonds SRI et les fonds de pension sont des déclarants plus performants. Si une proposition est déposée par des fonds SRI ou des fonds de pension, elle a beaucoup plus de chances de réussir et recevoir des votes plus favorables. La réaction du marché aux activités de dépôt de propositions est également positive pour ces déposants et a également une incidence à long terme sur les entreprises cibles. Le chapitre trois étudie la performance des fonds SRI. En choisissant une période de temps particulière (c’est-à-dire la crise financière), elle tente de séparer la performance des investissements des fonds des rendements générés par des groupes spécifiques d’entreprises (c’est-à-dire les entreprises ayant de bonnes notes CSR). Les résultats montrent que ces SRIs génèrent des rendements inférieurs à ceux des fonds conventionnels pendant la crise, alors que ces entreprises obtiennent en moyenne des rendements plus élevés pendant la crise, comme le suggèrent d'autres études (Lins et al. 2017). Cependant, ce résultat ne persiste pas après la crise financière dans l'échantillon correspondant. La volatilité des flux des SRIs est inférieure à celle des fonds conventionnels. L'analyse de la sensibilité des flux dans une régression linéaire par morceaux montre que les SRIs attirent plus de flux que les fonds conventionnels après avoir contrôlé divers autres facteurs. Une analyse plus poussée montre que les SRIs ont tendance à avoir un horizon d'investissement plus long et à vendre moins pendant la crise. Il aborde également les raisons potentielles et les motivations des investisseurs en examinant les flux de fonds SRI, les sensibilités aux performances des flux, horizons des investisseurs et les activités de vente pendant la crise
Motivated by papers and recent talks on monetary values versus social values, I have great interest in studying how social values or corporate social responsibility (“CSR”) could impact firm values. Recent studies have shown that there are mainly three potential channels, through which CSR affects firm value. Firstly, employees help create firm value. Employee welfare is part of CSR (measured by MSCI ESG KLD Statistics, known as KLD scores), and employee satisfaction improves firm value shown by positive long-term abnormal stock market returns. (eg. Edmans 2011) Secondly, customers strongly link to firm value. Product quality and safety are part of CSR, and product characteristics are the main reasons directly linked to customer purchasing decisions, especially for firms in manufacturing and retail industries. Moreover, part of the customers may be socially conscious and are sensitive to firms’ actions towards environmental, community or human rights issues. They may form updated opinion of the firm based on their CSR activities and thus influence their purchasing decisions. Papers find that firms with more customer awareness benefit more from CSR. (eg. Servaes and Tamayo 2013) Thirdly, investors are associated with firm value. Investors, especially socially-conscious investors help discipline the firms’ CSR activities. Shareholder proposal is one good venue where they raise their voice and engage in the firms. Investors could use exit strategy to sell their shares, and changes in investment flows could affect firms’ value. (eg. Bialkowski & Starks 2016) The third channel, investors’ engagements in CSR issues in the firm and their association with firm value implications, as well as the related SRI investment performance are the main focus of this dissertation

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Lahiri, Debtanu. "Corporate Politics, Social Activism, and Corporate Social Performance : Three essays underscoring firms' complex relationships with non-market stakeholders." Thesis, Jouy-en Josas, HEC, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022EHEC0002.

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Cette dissertation étudie les conséquences des relations complexes entre les entreprises et les diverses parties prenantes non commerciales. Le premier essai tente de déterminer si l'activité politique des entreprises (APE) contribue à maintenir les avantages concurrentiels. Les recherches antérieures n'abordent pas cette question et se contentent d’estimer si l'APE augmente les bénéfices, avec des résultats mitigés sur de courtes échelles de temps. Nous théorisons sur la manière dont le capital politique affecte la régression vers la moyenne des bénéfices, par le biais de mécanismes de persistance de l'entreprise et du secteur. En utilisant des données sur plus de 6 000 entreprises de 14 pays démocratiques, nous estimons des coefficients de persistance de la performance variant dans le temps et spécifiques à l'entreprise avec des modèles à coefficients aléatoires et des mesures de volatilité des bénéfices. La triangulation sur diverses méthodes d'identification suggère que la demi-vie du capital politique est plus courte que prévu, et l’est également par rapport à d'autres interventions stratégiques. Les connexions politiques sont très peu efficaces pour maintenir la performance et réduire la volatilité, puisqu’elles retardent la convergence des bénéfices de 0,180 an seulement et sont sans effet au-delà de sept ans. Le deuxième essai met en évidence les compromis impliqués dans la relation des entreprises avec deux parties prenantes non marchandes : les politiciens et les activistes sociaux. Cette étude soutient que la présence de connexions politiques au sein du conseil d'administration augmente la sensibilité de l'entreprise aux actions militantes, en raison, i. des objectifs contradictoires de ces deux acteurs non marchands, et ii. de la perception d'une plus grande sensibilité des entreprises connectées aux attentes de la société. En outre, à l'aide d'un modèle analytique simple, je démontre que cet effet dépend fortement du niveau d'adoption des politiques ESG (politiques sociales, de gouvernance et relatives aux salariés) par les entreprises, de sorte qu’à des niveaux plus élevés d'adoption des politiques ESG, la responsabilité de la connectivité se dissipe (ou diminue considérablement). Les deux propositions sont étayées de façon adéquate par l'analyse empirique. Sur le plan théorique, en révélant un déterminant spécifique à l'entreprise des actions militantes, cette étude nous rapproche de la définition de la « structure d'opportunité de l'entreprise » pour l'activisme, tout en caractérisant mieux les compromis complexes intervenant dans les relations des entreprises avec les différentes parties prenantes. Enfin, le troisième essai étudie les motivations des entreprises à adopter des pratiques de RSE (responsabilité sociale des entreprises). J'adopte le point de vue de « l’assurance-risque » sur l'engagement RSE des entreprises pour soutenir que, face à un changement brutal du paysage institutionnel, conduisant à un assouplissement considérable des règles et réglementations relatives à la durabilité, les entreprises seraient désireuses d'améliorer de manière proactive la performance sociale de l'entreprise (PSE), afin de neutraliser la responsabilité associée à l'intégration dans un régime mettant peu l’accent sur la RSE. Cette étude utilise la victoire de Trump à l'élection présidentielle américaine de 2016 comme un événement exogène qui a entraîné une réduction marquée de l'importance accordée par le gouvernement américain aux politiques liées à la durabilité. L'analyse Diff-in-diff sur un échantillon apparié d'entreprises américaines et non américaines suggère qu'en moyenne, les entreprises américaines ont amélioré leur empreinte de durabilité après l'élection de Trump. Une hétérogénéité considérable a été observée sur la base des tendances idéologiques des entreprises : les entreprises non partisanes ont rapporté un degré d'amélioration sensiblement plus faible que leurs homologues partisanes
This dissertation investigates the consequences of the complex relationships between firms and various non-market stakeholders. The first essay examines if corporate political activity (CPA) helps sustain competitive benefits. Prior literature does not address this question, only whether CPA increases profits – with mixed results over short timescales. We theorize about how political capital affects the regression-to-the-mean of profits through firm and industry persistence mechanisms. Using data on over 6,000 firms from 14 democratic countries, we estimate time-varying, firm-specific performance persistence coefficients with random-coefficient models - and profit volatility measures. Triangulation over various identification methods suggests that the half-life of political capital is shorter than expected, and also compared with other strategy interventions. Political connections are marginally effective at sustaining performance and reducing volatility, delaying profit convergence by only 0.180 years – and with no effect beyond seven years. These modest CPA benefits are further curbed by legislative constraints and political stability. The second essay highlights the tradeoffs involved in the firms’ relationship with two non-market stakeholders: politicians and social activists. This study argues that the presence of board political connections increases the susceptibility of the firm to activist actions – owing to, i. the conflicting objectives of these two non-market actors, and ii. the perceived higher sensitivity of connected firms to societal expectations. Furthermore, using a simple analytical model, I demonstrate that this effect is strongly contingent on the firms’ level of ESG (employee, social and governance policies) adoption – such that, at higher levels of ESG adoption, the liability of connectedness dissipates (or diminishes considerably). Both propositions find adequate support in the empirical analysis.Theoretically, by revealing a firm-specific determinant of activist actions, this study takes us a step closer towards defining the ‘corporate opportunity structure’ for activism, while also better characterizing the complex trade-offs involved in the firms’ relationship with various stakeholders. Finally, the third essay examines firms’ motivations for adopting CSR (corporate social responsibility) practices. I adopt the ‘risk-insurance’ view of firms’ CSR engagement to argue that when faced with an abrupt change in the institutional landscape leading to considerable muting of the rules and regulations pertaining to sustainability, firms would be keen to proactively improve corporate social performance (CSP) in order to neutralize the liability associated with being embedded in a low CSR-emphasis regime. The study uses Trump’s win in the 2016 US Presidential election as an exogenous event that resulted in a marked reduction in the US govt’s emphasis on sustainability related policies. Diff-in-diff analysis on a matched sample of US and non-US firms suggest that, on average, US firms improved their sustainability footprint after Trump’s election. Considerable heterogeneity was observed based on firms’ ideological proclivities: non-partisan firms reported a significantly lower magnitude of improvement compared to their partisan counterparts

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González, Castillo Eduardo. "Jeunesse, activisme culturel et espace urbain à Puebla, Mexique." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/21268.

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Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2009-2010
Ancrée dans la perspective de l'économie politique, cette thèse porte sur les pratiques expressives et les projets politico-culturels de plusieurs groupes d'activistes culturels de la ville de Puebla. au Mexique. Nous défendons la thèse selon laquelle l'étude des pratiques en question nécessite une analyse détaillée de l'ensemble des conditions socioéconomiques et politiques se trouvant à leur base, et non seulement une analyse interprétative de leurs dimensions identitaires et symboliques, tel que proposé par d'autres études sur la jeunesse. Ce positionnement analytique a entraîné la discussion et révision de concepts propres aux études des jeunes, comme production et consommation culturelle, style, transgression, production et construction de l'espace urbain, etc. Le travail ethnographique fut réalisé auprès de divers groupes des jeunes connus sous l'appellation de collectifs et qui mènent des projets culturels dans la ville de Puebla. Les espaces semi-privés et publics fréquentés par ces groupes ont aussi constitué l'objet de recherche de cette thèse. Une attention spéciale a été accordée à l'étude des formes d'accès des activistes à ces espaces. En général, les résultats du travail montrent que, malgré leur caractère contestataire et leur richesse discursive, les pratiques mises de l'avant par les activistes à l'étude ne peuvent échapper aux rapports sociaux et aux dynamiques économiques, politiques et culturelles qui configurent, dans une logique capitaliste, l'espace urbain et régional à Puebla. Ces dynamiques ne sont cependant pas conçues comme univoques, mais plutôt comme complexes et contradictoires. Le modèle analytique de la recherche comprend des apports conceptuels tels que l'inclusion de l'analyse régionale dans l'étude des pratiques des jeunes, l'insertion de ces dernières dans une approche tenant en compte les conflits et les négociations reliées à la reproduction de l'espace urbain et, enfin, la mise en évidence de la dimension politique des pratiques expressives des jeunes.

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Perelló, Sobrepere Marc. "The Use of New Media and ICT by Social Movements in Contemporary Processes of Political Activism." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Ramon Llull, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664631.

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El començament del segle XXI va ser testimoni del naixement de les xarxes socials, que van portar les comunicacions personals i socials a noves fites. Aquests nous mitjans de comunicació, recolzats per unes tecnologies de la informació i la comunicació en un canvi constant, van permetre la creació de noves esferes de discussió multidisciplinàries i multiculturals. En aquest context, l'ús dels nous mitjans per part dels moviments activistes polítics ha atret l'atenció de la comunitat acadèmica en els últims anys. Recentment, ha aparegut un nou actor en aquest camp: Catalunya. Aquesta regió autònoma d’Espanya ha estat testimoni de les majors manifestacions a Europa en els últims temps, amb centenars de milers de persones obstruint els carrers de les seves ciutats per demanar la independència de Catalunya. El nostre estudi se centra en les diverses teories dels moviments socials i l'activisme polític, en com es relacionen amb els nous mitjans de comunicació i les noves tecnologies, i en com s'apliquen al cas català, mentre es comparen les característiques de les protestes catalanes amb altres com la Primavera Àrab, la Revolució Egípcia, el moviment indignats 15-M, o les marxes Occupy Wall Street.
El comienzo del siglo XXI fue testigo del nacimiento de las redes sociales, que llevaron las comunicaciones personales y sociales a nuevas metas. Estos nuevos medios de comunicación, respaldados por unas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación en constante cambio, permitieron la creación de nuevas esferas de discusión multidisciplinarias y multiculturales. En este contexto, el uso de los nuevos medios por parte de los movimientos activistas políticos ha atraído la atención de la comunidad académica en los últimos años. Recientemente, ha aparecido un nuevo actor en este campo: Cataluña. Esta región autónoma en España ha sido testigo de las mayores manifestaciones en Europa en los últimos tiempos, con cientos de miles de personas obstruyendo las calles de sus ciudades para pedir la independencia de Cataluña. Nuestro estudio se centra en las diversas teorías de los movimientos sociales y el activismo político, en como se inter-relación con los nuevos medios de comunicación y las nuevas tecnologías, y en cómo se aplican al caso catalán, mientras se comparan las características de las protestas catalanas con otras como la Primavera Árabe, la Revolución Egipcia, el movimiento indignados 15-M, o las marchas Occupy Wall Street.
The beginning of the 21st century witnessed the birth of social networks, which took personal and social communications to new heights. These new means of communication, supported by ever-changing information and communication technologies, allowed for the creation of new, multidisciplinary and multicultural spheres of discussion. In this context, new media usage by political activist movements has attracted the attention of the academic community over recent years. Recently, a new actor has appeared in this field: Catalonia. This autonomous region in Spain has witnessed the biggest demonstrations in Europe in recent times, with hundreds of thousands clogging the streets calling for Catalan independence. Our study focuses on the various theories of social movements and political activism, how do these relate to new media and new technologies, and how these apply to the Catalan case, while comparing the characteristics of the Catalan protests to others such as the Arab Spring, the Egyptian Revolution, the 15-M Indignados movement, or the Occupy Wall Street marches.

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Girard, Carine. "L' activisme des actionnaires minoritaires au sein du gouvernement des entreprises françaises." Phd thesis, Université de Bourgogne, 2001. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00854533.

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Longtemps considérés comme des actionnaires passifs, inorganisés, voire divisés, les actionnaires minoritaires mécontents se coalisent dans le but de faire entendre leur voix dans la gestion des sociétés et de tenter, sinon de conquérir le contrôle de la société, du moins d'influer sur la valeur de leurs titres. Inspirée de la "judiciarisation" systématique des contestations par les actionnaires minoritaires et de l'abondance des travaux américains relatifs aux "batailles de procuration" et à l'activisme institutionnel, nous nous sommes interrogée sur les caractéristiques des entreprises françaises visées par des actionnaires minoritaires mécontents, sur les facteurs explicatifs du succès de leurs dissensions et sur les effets de ce processus de contestations sur la valeur" actionnariale". Conformément au modèle américain, l'activisme peut être défini comme un processus long et complexe formé par un ensemble d'activités d'influence combinant les ressources, les capacités et les compétences d'un ensemble d'actionnaires minoritaires, plus ou moins actifs. Toutefois, compte tenu du contexte institutionnel français et notamment du droit d'action reconnu à la minorité, ce processus de contestations diffère en de nombreux points des études américaines. A partir du cadre d'analyse de la gouvemance, notre modèle théorique de l'activisme repose sur l'étude des stratégies de la coalition minoritaire dissidente et des stratégies de neutralisation des mécanismes de gouvernement des entreprises par une coalition de contrôle formée de l'équipe de direction et d'actionnaires affiliés. Par le biais de plusieurs études quantitatives, nous avons déterminé que les actionnaires minoritaires choisissent de mettre en œuvre un processus d'activisme suite à l'évaluation d'un risque de faillite élevé d'une entreprise à cotation multiple qui choisit d'utiliser plusieurs clauses anti-OPA. L'activisme des actionnaires minoritaires se traduit essentiellement par un ensemble d'activités judiciaires et "associationnelles" accompagnées ou non de "batailles de procuration" ponctuelles. Favorisées par l'existence d'imprécisions sur des notions juridiques et la présence d'associations d'actionnaires ou d'investisseurs, ces activités garantissent le succès de la dissidence des actionnaires minoritaires. Toutefois, l'absence de réaction boursière le jour de l'annonce publique de la mise en place d'un processus d'activisme témoigne d'une faible visibilité publique de la cause des actionnaires minoritaires dissidents.

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Fernández, Planells Ariadna 1983. "Keeping up with the news: youth culture, social activism & digital communication." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/371740.

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Esta tesis presenta una exploración global del uso de medios e información a partir del estudio de las generaciones más jóvenes, tanto en su día a día así como en situaciones excepcionales. Para tal fin, hemos abordado los hábitos de consumo de medios, noticias e información de jóvenes y activistas, los soportes utilizados para el consumo de información, las motivaciones para consumir-la de un medio u otro, en un soporte u otro y las demandas de la juventud sobre los contenidos informativos. Se trata de una tesis doctoral por compendio de artículos. Los seis artículos que la componen contribuyen, de este modo, a aumentar la comprensión de las actitudes informativas de las personas jóvenes en etapas, edades y contextos distintos. A partir de una primera aproximación al consumo mediático de jóvenes adolescentes en sus rutinas diarias, la tesis se adentra en un contexto específico (el activismo) y en una práctica mediática definida (la búsqueda de información). El resultado presenta un escenario amplio y completo de la ecología de medios de las personas jóvenes y, concretamente, de los/las jóvenes activistas de los nuevos movimientos en red como el Movimiento 15M o el Umbrella Movement. De este modo, nuestra investigación aporta conocimientos sobre un segmento de la población de vital importancia para comprender el futuro de la comunicación, dada su condición de ciudadanos jóvenes, activos y comprometidos con la sociedad. Además, aporta modelos de análisis que pueden ser utilizados para futuras investigaciones o por parte de otros investigadores.
Aquesta tesi presenta una exploració global de l'ús de mitjans i informació d'actualitat a partir de l'estudi de les generacions més joves, tant en el seu dia a dia així com en situacions excepcionals. Hem abordat l’estudi dels hàbits de consum de mitjans, notícies i informació de joves i activistes, els suports utilitzats per consumir informació d'actualitat, les motivacions per consumir-la d'un mitjà o d’un altre, amb un suport o un altre i què esperen les persones joves dels continguts informatius. Es tracta d'una tesi doctoral per compendi d'articles. Sis són els articles que la composen i que contribueixen a incrementar la comprensió de les actituds informatives de les persones joves en etapes, edats i contextos diferents. A partir d'una primera aproximació al consum mediàtic de joves adolescents en les seves rutines diàries, la tesi s'endinsa en un context específic (l’activisme) i en una pràctica mediàtica definida (la cerca d’informació). Els resultats presenten un escenari ampli i complert de l'ecologia de mitjans de les persones joves i, concretament, dels i les joves activistes dels nous moviments en xarxa com el Moviment 15M o l’Umbrella Movement. D'aquesta manera, la nostra investigació aporta coneixement sobre un segment de la població d'importància vital per comprendre el futur de la comunicació, donada la seva condició de ciutadans joves, actius i compromesos amb la societat. A més, aporta models d'anàlisi que poden ser utilitzats per a futures investigacions i/o per part d'altres investigadors.
The thesis presents a global exploration of youth information behaviour, both in their daily lives and in specific situations. Media and information consumption habits among young people and young activists have been studied, as well as the media used for news consumption, the motivations to choose information from one media or another, and youth expectations about news content. This is a thesis submitted in the form of compendium of publications. Each of the six papers contributes to enhance the understanding of young people’s information behaviour in different stages, ages and contexts. The first approach is made through teenagers’ media habits. Afterwards, the thesis delves into a specific context (activism) and a particular media practice (keeping up with the news). The results show us a broad and comprehensive picture of young people’s media ecology. More concretely, it sheds light on the ecology of young activists who participated in the so-called networked social movements, such as the 15M Movement or the Umbrella Movement. Therefore, our research provides insight into a crucial age group that can help us to understand future trends of the communicative landscape. The thesis also provides models of analysis that can be used for future research and/or by other researchers.

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Duane, Bernedo Lucas John. "The institution of linguistic dissidence in the Balearic Islands: Ideological dynamics of Catalan standardisation." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/565508.

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Aquesta tesi descriu etnogràficament l'establiment recent de la dissidència lingüística a les illes Balears, entesa com l'assentament en el camp sociopolític de l'arxipèlag d'una creença que reivindica que el «balear», i no l'actual llengua catalana, ha de compartir oficialitat amb el castellà com a autèntica llengua pròpia. Tres associacions d'activistes lingüístics creades el 2013 són les responsables d'aquest moviment. Aquesta tesi analitza aproximadament dos anys d'activitat a les xarxes socials d'aquestes tres associacions, a més d'altres materials. L'anàlisi mostra com els activistes es van implicar en un afany per legitimar un estàndard alternatiu basat en ideologies d'autenticitat, el qual simultàniament afermava i potenciava el valor d'anonimat del castellà. Les xarxes socials van ser fonamentals per a aquests objectius, atès que van oferir als activistes un control representatiu per a articular discursos lingüístics i per a patrullar i avaluar pràctiques lingüístiques davant dels seus seguidors. Aquesta tesi també examina les implicacions d'aquests esdeveniments per a l'estandardització de la llengua catalana, mitjançant entrevistes a onze tècnics lingüístics de diferents institucions de les illes Balears i dos activistes favorables a la normalització del català. Les entrevistes van proporcionar perspectives sobre la manera com els agents institucionals controlen i practiquen la varietat estàndard. Un cop identificada una distribució vertical de les pràctiques de la varietat estàndard entre els actors institucionals, l'anàlisi se centra en l'ús de les xarxes socials que fa una tècnica lingüística que treballa en l'àmbit local. En resum, aquesta tesi presenta tres arguments: a) l'adopció estratègica d'un règim d'estàndard lingüístic pels activistes dissidents, b) l'existència d'una necessitat d'identificació en el mercat lingüístic balear, i c) la influència de la minorització sobre l'estandardització.
Esta tesis describe etnográficamente el establecimiento reciente de la disidencia lingüística en las islas Balears, entendida como el asentamiento en el campo sociopolítico del archipiélago de una creencia que reivindica que el «balear», y no la actual lengua catalana, tiene que compartir oficialidad con el castellano como auténtica lengua propia. Tres asociaciones de activistas lingüísticos creadas en 2013 son las responsables de este movimiento. Esta tesis analiza aproximadamente dos años de actividad en las redes sociales de estas tres asociaciones, además de otros materiales. El análisis muestra cómo los activistas se implicaron en un afán por legitimar un estándar alternativo basado en ideologías de autenticidad, el cual simultáneamente aseguraba y potenciaba el valor de anonimidad del castellano. Las redes sociales fueron fundamentales para estos objetivos, dado que ofrecieron a los activistas un control representativo para articular discursos lingüísticos y para patrullar y evaluar prácticas lingüísticas ante sus seguidores. Esta tesis también examina las implicaciones de estos acontecimientos para la estandarización de la lengua catalana, mediante entrevistas a once técnicos lingüísticos de diferentes instituciones de las islas Baleares y dos activistas favorables a la normalización del catalán. Las entrevistas proporcionaron perspectivas sobre la forma en que los agentes institucionales controlan y practican la variedad estándar. Una vez identificada una distribución vertical de las prácticas de la variedad estándar entre los actores institucionales, el análisis se centra en el uso que hace de las redes sociales una técnica lingüística que trabaja en el ámbito local. En resumen, esta tesis presenta tres argumentos: a) la adopción estratégica de un régimen de estándar lingüístico por los activistas disidentes, b) la existencia de una necesidad de identificación en el mercado lingüístico balear, y c) la influencia de la minorización sobre la estandarización.
This thesis comprises an ethnographic description of the recent development of linguistic dissidence on the Balearic Islands: the establishment of a belief within the archipelago’s socio-political sector claiming that ‘Balearic’, rather than Catalan, should share official status with Spanish as its authentic autochthonous language. Three associations of language activists created in 2013 are responsible for this development. This thesis analyses two years of these three associations’ social media activity, as well as other materials. Findings show that activists engaged in a struggle to legitimize an alternative standard revolving around ideologies of authenticity, while simultaneously ensuring and advancing the level of anonymity towards Spanish. Social media was instrumental for these purposes, as it provided activists representational control to spread discourse about language and to police language practices. This thesis also examines the implications that this development represented for Catalan standardization. I interviewed 11 language planners working at different institutions on the Balearic Islands and two Catalan language advocates. The interviews provided accounts on the ways institutional figures police the standard variety of Catalan. After finding a vertical distribution of standard practices among institutional figures, the analysis focused on a local planner’s social media practices. In all, this thesis advances three arguments regarding activists’ strategic adoption of the standard language regime, the existence of a need to identify in the Balearic linguistic market, and the role of minoritization on standardization.

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Davis, Leslie Karen. "The impact of long-term psychotherapy on the social activism of social activists." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ35398.pdf.

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9

Bloch, Emmanuel. "Communication de conflictualité et mouvements activistes sur Internet (2006-2011)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA020069.

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Internet et en particulier les réseaux sociaux numériques (RSN) sont devenus en quelques années des lieux privilégiés de l’activisme. Pétitions, détournements, « bad buzz », blogs polémiques, etc s’affirment désormais comme des moyens d’expressions récurrents de controverses entre institutions – entreprises, organisations, etc – et contradicteurs. Cependant, si les causes de ces oppositions sont extrêmement variables, les modalités de la conflictualité ne suivraient-elle pas des processus similaires ? Cette thèse, dans sa première partie, évoque l’évolution de l’activisme au prisme des nouvelles technologies et de l’émergence des RSN. Puis, à partir de l’étude de stratégies militaires et, en particulier, des conflits dits « asymétriques », la deuxième partie est consacrée à l’identification de caractéristiques susceptibles de modéliser ces nouvelles approches conflictuelles développées sur les RSN. Enfin, la troisième partie, dans une démarche empirique et descriptive permet d’évaluer la pertinence de ce modèle à partir d’un matériel de recherche composé à la fois d’entretiens avec des professionnels et de l’analyse de données issues de trois cas de crises sur internet ayant opposé activistes et entreprises. Ce travail de recherche permet de constater que cette doctrine asymétrique fournit un cadre de décryptage original des mouvements activistes sur internet éclairant notamment plus distinctement la dynamique des enjeux majeurs de la conflictualité, à savoir la quête permanente d’une légitimité de l’action vis-à-vis des parties prenantes
Within a few years, internet, and particularly social media, has turned to be a center place for activism. Petitions, brandjacking, bad buzz, controversial blogs, etc have become common means of opposition between institutions – mostly companies and business organizations – and their opponents. However, if the causes of controversies are extremely diverse, would it be possible to identify common process patterns followed by activists among recent controversies developed on internet? This thesis, in its first part, studies the evolution of activism behaviors and their evolution in linked with the rising of internet and social networks. Then, on a second part, from the identification of specific characteristics of the asymmetric warfare doctrine, we propose a new model to study these controversies and activist behaviors developed on internet. Lastly, the third part of this thesis is dedicated to the the assessment of the validity of this model through an empirical and descriptive approach made up from interviews with professional and analysis of three major internet crisis opposing companies and activists.Through this research, it appears that this “asymmetric communication” model proved to be, in these cases, a comprehensive framework. It particularly makes sense of the key stakes of the controversy: the permanent quest for demonstrating its legitimacy towards key stake holders

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Riboni, Ulrike Lune. ""Juste un peu de vidéo" : la vidéo partagée comme langage vernaculaire de la contestation : Tunisie 2008-2014." Thesis, Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080074.

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Du soulèvement survenu en Birmanie en 2007 aux révoltes qui ont traversé les pays de la Méditerranée en 2011, les usages de la vidéo partagée sur internet n’ont cessé de se développer au cœur des manifestations et des émeutes. À partir d’observations menées sur internet et d’une enquête de terrain en Tunisie, la thèse s’attache à décrire l’évolution des usages de l’image animée sur le temps long du processus révolutionnaire tunisien entre 2008 et 2014, et à questionner la place et le rôle de ces pratiques dans un monde social en ébullition. L’analyse des contenus mais aussi des tensions socio-politiques qui ont présidé et succédé au moment insurrectionnel, suggère que la prise d’images n’est pas seulement une pratique utilitaire et stratégique destinée à sensibiliser ou à produire une information alternative, mais qu’elle sert des objectifs complexes traversés par les enjeux de lutte qui ont animé les différentes périodes. Des premiers usages en période autoritaire aux productions en plan-séquence dans le temps de l’urgence insurrectionnelle, des montages et mises en scènes accompagnant les mobilisations pour la reconnaissance des acteurs de la révolte à ceux réaffirmant les revendications des populations marginalisées, la vidéo partagée s’est affirmée comme le langage vernaculaire de la contestation
From the Burma uprising in 2007 to the revolutions of the Arab world in 2011, the uses of digital video have continued to grow, from the heart of demonstrations and riots to the internet. Based on observations conducted on the internet and on a field survey in Tunisia, the thesis describe the evolution of moving image uses in the Tunisian revolutionary process between 2008 and 2014, and interrogates the place and role of these practices in a social world in turmoil. Content analysis combined with analysis of the socio-political tensions that led and succeeded the uprising, suggests that taking pictures is not only a strategic utility practice to raise awareness or to produce alternative information, but that it serves complex objectives marked by the struggle issues of the different periods. From the first uses in authoritarian period to the uses during riots weeks, from edited clips for recognition of revolutionary actors to productions for the recognition of marginalized populations, shared videos revealed as the vernacular language of protest

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Celka, Marianne. "L'Animalisme : enquête sociologique sur une idéologie et une pratique contemporaines des relations homme / animal." Phd thesis, Université Paul Valéry - Montpellier III, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00806908.

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La présente recherche s'attache de comprendre les manières dont la culture occidentale contemporaine modélise la nature humaine. Cette constante anthropologique qui fait de l'homme un être au monde particulier est sans relâche réactualisée selon des singularités propres à la culture dominante, mais aussi selon des singularités propres à des groupes sociaux donnés. La construction de la forme de l'homme est donc en perpétuelle mutation et aujourd'hui, suite à diverses révélations, révolutions scientifiques (éthologie, écologie, biologie ou encore paléoanthropologie) et techniques (révolution des images et des nouveaux médias), plus que jamais, la nature humaine est sujette aux métamorphoses. La compréhension du phénomène animaliste se situe au coeur de la recherche en tant que ce dernier exprime d'une manière paroxystique les conséquences sociologiques desdites révélations et révolutions. Il est le prisme par lequel cette recherche tâche de rendre compte de ce qui, dans l'esprit du temps, préside dans les relations anthropozoologiques.

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Rhodes-Kubiak, Robert. "Activist citizens : social movement theory, citizenship and the development of LGBT activism in Serbia." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599556.

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Between 1990 and 2010, lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LOBT) people in Serbia moved from a legal prohibition of homosexuality and widespread hostility, to a legislative and institutional framework of increasing recognition and protection. Social attitudes, too, 3re shifting towards greater acceptance. A vibrant social movement of LGBT activists has been vitally important in these shifts. This thesis explores and analyses a series of semi-structured interviews with these activists, campaigning materials, and primary and secondary literature to present a contextualised account of the history and practice of this under-researched movement. Beginning by developing a model of a theoretical toolbox, the thesis identifies the continuing relevance of a range of social movement theories and concepts, arguing that these must be utilised pragmatically to ensure a full understanding of the complex processes at work in a social movement. It particularly identifies the importance of contextually situated grievances, resources and opportunities to the development of LOBT activism in Serbia. A background of nationalism, warfare, ethnic fragmentation, authoritarianism, shifting international and domestic resources and opportunities have influenced the strategies and tactics, participation, leadership, motivations for taking part, and patterns of cooperation, all of which are explored. At the same time the thesis stresses the importance of actors making choices and acting creatively to influence, as well as work within, this context. To this end, the movement is theorised as representing a model of 'activist citizenship' based on rights, participation and belonging, utilising identity strategically whilst seeking a wider citizenship based on common humanity and linking struggles between oppressed groups. In doing so, this interdisciplinary research fills an important gap in existing sociological literature on the former Yugoslavia and makes a contribution to social movement theory and citizenship studies, as well as contributing to political sciences work on the former Yugoslavia and social movement studies.

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Eriksson, Asa. "Empowering women activists : creating a monster : the contentious politics of gender within social justice activism." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14627.

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Includes bibliographical references (p. 160-167).
This Master's Research Project has sought to investigate the discursive space for 'gender struggles' within contemporary South African class based social justice activism. It has done so in the form of a qualitative case study, analysing particular 'gender' interventions designed by a left-wing popular education organisation during 2006, and how these are theorized and contextualised against this specific moment in time in post-apartheid South Africa. The research has looked at how and why the organisation is presently trying to challenge gendered power inequalities in its internal and external work, strengthening women activists in the Community-based organisations and Social Movements which it targets, and contribute to putting women's strategic gender interests on the agenda of these movements, while simultaneously seeking to theorize the meaning of 'political' gender work in relation to its dominant perspective of class justice. The researcher has followed a specific empowerment initiative targeting women activists during the year, and has also engaged closely with the institutional dynamics in the organisation under study. The data has been gathered through interviews with staff members and women activists, and through participatory observation in educational events and office meetings. The theoretical framework for the study was designed in relation to Shireen Hassim's investigations of the "discursive space" for South African feminist groups to articulate their demands while continuing to work within the dominant, male-led resistance movements (Hassim, 2006:14-19), and to Amanda Gouws' theorizing of citizenship as including 'embodied' participation in political processes and activism (Gouws, 2005:1-16,71-87). It furthermore builds on contemporary theories on social movements and grassroots mobilisation in South Africa (recaptured by Ballard et. aI., 2006:3-19), on feminist consciousness-raising (Kaplan, 1997) and on organisational change for gender equality (Rao and Kelleher, 2003). Some of the suggestions made, while analysing the data against this theoretical framework, include; That the conflict which has emerged in the organisation under study in relation to the new 'gender programme' is indeed a contestation over the meaning of 'political' gender work, and over who can be a legitimate 'political actor' (Hassim, 2006: 17); simultaneously and contradictive, there is an awareness in the organisations that the nature of the 'working class' is shifting in pace with neo-liberal globalisation processes, and that rank-and-file members in working class organisations are now the unemployed or the casual workers, a majority of them being women (although leadership structures largely remain male territory), which theoretically should also prompt a shift in the focal organisations approach to 'political' gender work, but in practice, this is still a struggle; the empowerment programme which the research has followed closely throughout the year has led to women participants being ostracised, after surfacing issues of sexual harassment in the movements, but the rational/intellectual, spiritual and emotional learning which has happened in the group is analyzed as having been empowering on both an individual and collective level, inspiring new women's network to develop within movements of both men and women. The study suggests that engaging 'gender' and expanding the notion of 'political work' and who can be a 'political actor' is crucial if left-wing education and support organisations seek to remain relevant within a rapidly changing context.

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Kyparissis, Dimitrios. "Becoming and activist life stories of Greek activists participating in the European Social Forum." Thesis, University of Essex, 2011. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.549296.

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Fernández, Laura. "Imágenes que liberan: Shock moral y comunicación visual estratégica en el activismo por la liberación animal." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/673034.

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Esta tesis doctoral explora la efectividad y la ética comunicativa de las producciones visuales activistas antiespecistas, especialmente las imágenes de violencia y la estrategia comunicativa del shock moral. El objetivo principal de esta tesis es conocer qué contenidos visuales y estrategias de comunicación visual son más efectivas para promover cambios en las actitudes especistas de las personas. Para ello, se han realizado 60 entrevistas semiestructuradas a personas veganas y activistas antiespecistas en Suecia, Dinamarca y el Estado español para conocer la influencia de las imágenes de violencia y el shock moral en sus cambios de actitud con relación a los animales no humanos. Este cambio se mide a partir de la adopción del veganismo y el involucramiento en el activismo antiespecista. Además, se ha elaborado y validado una herramienta de clasificación de la violencia visual. Dicha validación se ha testado cualitativamente y se ha incluido como parte de la entrevista una encuesta cuantitativa para valorar el nivel de violencia explícita de diez fotografías que representan la explotación de animales considerados de granja en una escala 1-10. Previamente a la encuesta, se realizó un análisis visual (interpretación composicional) de las diez fotografías testadas. Los resultados obtenidos permiten concluir que las imágenes de violencia explícita y menos explícita y el shock moral son estrategias de comunicación efectivas muy relevantes para promover cambios en las actitudes y comportamientos especistas de las personas. Los resultados de la investigación se han puesto en discusión interdisciplinar desde los ámbitos de los estudios críticos animales, los estudios de los movimientos sociales y la comunicación medioambiental, visual y estratégica. La investigación se compone de tres publicaciones: 1) “The Emotional Politics of Images: Moral Shock, Explicit Violence and Strategic Visual Communication in the Animal Liberation Movement”; 2) “Using Images of Farmed Animals in Environmental Advocacy: An Antispeciesist, Strategic Visual Communication Proposal” y 3) “Images That Liberate: Moral Shock and Strategic Visual Communication in Animal Liberation Activism”. La presente memoria organiza, contextualiza y amplía las principales aportaciones de estos artículos.
Aquesta tesi doctoral explora l'efectivitat i l'ètica comunicativa de les produccions visuals activistes antiespecistes, especialment les imatges de violència i l'estratègia comunicativa del shock moral. L'objectiu principal d'aquesta tesi és conèixer quins continguts visuals i estratègies de comunicació visual són més efectives per promoure canvis en les actituds especistes de les persones. Per a això, s'han realitzat 60 entrevistes semiestructurades a persones veganes i activistes antiespecistes a Suècia, Dinamarca i l'Estat espanyol per conèixer la influència de les imatges de violència i el shock moral en els seus canvis d'actitud amb relació als animals no humans. Aquest canvi es mesura a partir de l'adopció del veganisme i l'involucrament en l'activisme antiespecista. A més, s'ha elaborat i validat una eina de classificació de la violència visual. Aquesta validació s'ha testat qualitativament i s'ha inclòs com a part de l'entrevista una enquesta quantitativa per valorar el nivell de violència explícita de deu fotografies que representen l'explotació d'animals considerats de granja en una escala 1-10. Prèviament a l'enquesta, es va realitzar una anàlisi visual (interpretació composicional) de les deu fotografies testades. Els resultats obtinguts permeten concloure que les imatges de violència explícita i menys explícita i el shock moral són estratègies de comunicació efectives molt rellevants per promoure canvis en les actituds i comportaments especistes de les persones. Els resultats de la investigació s'han posat en discussió interdisciplinària des dels àmbits dels estudis crítics animals, els estudis dels moviments socials i la comunicació mediambiental, visual i estratègica. La investigació es compon de tres publicacions: 1) “The Emotional Politics of Images: Moral Shock, Explicit Violence and Strategic Visual Communication in the Animal Liberation Movement”; 2) “Using Images of Farmed Animals in Environmental Advocacy: An Antispeciesist, Strategic Visual Communication Proposal” i 3) “Images That Liberate: Moral Shock and Strategic Visual Communication in Animal Liberation Activism”. La present memòria organitza, contextualitza i amplia les principals aportacions d'aquests articles.
This doctoral thesis explores the effectiveness and communicative ethics of antispeciesist activist visual productions, especially images of violence and the communicative strategy of moral shock. Its main objective is to identify the visual content and visual communication strategies that are most effective in promoting changes in people’s speciesist attitudes. To this end, 60 semi-structured interviews were carried out with vegans and antispeciesist activists in Sweden, Denmark, and Spain to learn about the influence of violent images and moral shock on their attitude changes in relation to nonhuman animals. These changes are measured from the adoption of veganism and involvement in antispeciesist activism. In addition, a visual violence classification tool was developed and validated. This validation was qualitatively tested, and a quantitative survey was included as part of the interview to assess the level of explicit violence of ten photographs that represent the exploitation of farmed animals on a scale of one to ten. Prior to the survey, a visual analysis (compositional interpretation) of the ten tested photographs was conducted. The results obtained allow us to conclude that the explicit and less explicit violent images and moral shock are communication strategies that are relevant to and effective in promoting changes in people’s speciesist attitudes. The results of the research have been discussed from the interdisciplinary fields of critical animal studies, social movements studies and environmental, visual and strategic communication. The research consists of three publications: 1) “The Emotional Politics of Images: Moral Shock, Explicit Violence and Strategic Visual Communication in the Animal Liberation Movement”; 2) “Using Images of Farmed Animals in Environmental Advocacy: An Antispeciesist, Strategic Visual Communication Proposal”; and 3) “Images That Liberate: Moral Shock and Strategic Visual Communication in Animal Liberation Activism”. This report organizes, contextualizes, and expands on the main contributions of these articles.

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Loomis, Jennifer Cullen. "Activist Doctors: Explaining Physician Activism in the Oregon Movement for Single-Payer Healthcare." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2214.

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Changes in American healthcare over the last half century have created social and economic crises, presenting challenges for doctors and patients. The recently-implemented Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act is an incremental reform that does little to change the complex multi-payer financing characterizing American healthcare. There have been growing demands for more equitable financing arrangements, notably, a single-payer healthcare system in which medical care is financed through a single, non-profit payer and in which medical care is treated as a public good and medically-necessary care is available to everyone. Nationally-representative surveys have demonstrated widespread physician support for single-payer legislation. Yet, very little scholarship has examined physician activism and virtually no studies have examined physician activism for single-payer healthcare. It is important to examine physician activism for single-payer because their participation is considered fundamental to achieving the goals of the movement. If the movement is successful in implementing single-payer financing , more efficient use of healthcare resources will ensure that all residents have access to needed medical care without being saddled by financial burdens from their care. Oregon is one of several US states with a growing grassroots movement to enact single-payer healthcare at the state level. This study seeks to examine the determinants of collective action for physicians in the Oregon movement for single-payer healthcare by answering two research questions. First, what accounts for differences in activism among physicians who support single-payer healthcare system? And second, for those physicians who are active, what activities do they do and what shapes those choices of activities? Data includes 21 semi-structured interviews with physicians around the state of Oregon supplemented with participant observation data. The interview data was analyzed using techniques from grounded theory and thematic analysis. I find that among collective action theories, collective identity theory best accounts for whether or not a physician engages in single-payer activism. A strength of collective identity theory is that it brings to light the importance of subjective interpretations of structural conditions by movement actors. The findings suggest that differences in interpretation shape the influence of motivators for and barriers to an individual's decision to engage in activism. Physicians that become active are primed to engage in single-payer activism because of their moral value sets and frustrating work experiences. They seek out groups of like-minded physicians who then are part of the process of socially-constructing a collective identity. This collective identity is emotionally-laden, is a reaction to state policies, serves to distinguish insiders from outsiders, and facilitates activism. Activist physicians engaging in the process of collective identity come to believe that altering financing is the only way to solve healthcare system issues. The activists view the political and cultural barriers to single-payer as surmountable by their activism. In contrast, non-activists interpret structural conditions like American politics and American culture as immutable barriers that will prevent the attainment of single-payer at the national or state level. In addition, non-activists lack the collective identity activists share because their beliefs contradict key beliefs of activists. The combination of the lack of collective identity and the perception of immutable barriers results in their non-participation.

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Krebs, Viola. "Le cybervolontariat : socio-pragmatique d'une activité citoyenne au XXIème siècle." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAG046/document.

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L'avènement des nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication (TIC) a ouvert des horizons nouveaux, mais pose également un certain nombre de défis aux sociétés humaines. Vaste plateforme de communication et d’expression, Internet a un impact sur les comportements sociaux des personnes et des communautés. Avec l’introduction du World Wide Web, de nouvelles formes de bénévolat/volontariat ont vu le jour. L'objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser ces nouvelles formes d’entraide regroupées sous le terme ‘cybervolontariat’. Le but est de construire un cade de référence grâce auquel le lecteur sera mieux en mesure de comprendre le rôle et l’influence de ce phénomène social tant sur la vie en ligne et hors ligne. Pour comprendre un phénomène nouveau, il faut observer, identifier, distinguer, définir, analyser et quantifier. Ce travail s’appuie sur un éventail d'exemples afin de distinguer le cybervolontariat d’autres formes de cyberactivité
The advent of new information and communication technologies (ICT) has opened new horizons, but introduces also a certain number of challenges for human societies. A vast platform of communication and expression, the Internet has an impact on the social behavior of individuals and communities. With the introduction of the World Wide Web, new forms of volunteering have emerged.The objective of this research is to understand and present these new forms of mutual assistance which are brought together under the term ‘cybervolunteering’. This research is based on a range of examples in order to distinguish ‘cybervolunteering’ from other forms of cyber-activity. In order to understand a new phenomenon, it is necessary to observe, identify, distinguish, define, analyze and quantify. The purpose of this research is to build a framework through which the reader will be better able to understand the influence of this phenomenon on lives both online and offline

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Pascal, Capdevila Marta. "Política en l'era digital: l'impacte de les noves pautes comunicatives en la política catalana durant la crisi institucional de 2017." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Ramon Llull, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/673430.

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El procés de digitalització constitueix un dels elements de disrupció més importants en la història de la humanitat. El canvi en les pautes comunicatives i l’emergència de nous instruments digitals que faciliten la nostra interacció social han suposat, en els darrers anys, una verdadera revolució en els paràmetres tradicionals de la política i dels lideratges polítics. Catalunya i el seu sistema polític no ha viscut de forma aliena a aquest procés global de transformació digital. Aquest estudi pretén analitzar, de forma detallada, l’impacte del procés de digitalització sobre la crisi institucional viscuda a Catalunya durant l’any 2017. Aquest treball d’investigador de naturalesa interdisciplinar combina una anàlisi comunicativa i política a través d’una successió històrica de fets que es prolonga des de la sentència del Tribunal Constitucional contra l’Estatut d’Autonomia de Catalunya (2010) fins a la sentència del Tribunal Suprem de 14 d’octubre de 2019 sobre el Procés. Concretament, s’estudia de forma exhaustiva la crisi institucional viscuda durant el 2017, específicament la remodelació del Govern de juliol de 2017, l’1-O de 2017 i el 27 d’octubre de 2017, i l’impacte que les noves pautes de comunicació van tenir sobre els lideratges polítics i la presa de decisions en aquests tres casos. La metodologia és qualitativa i es combinen les tècniques d’investigació de l’observació participant, l’estudi de cas, l’entrevista en profunditat i l’anàlisi de contingut. És d’especial interès d’aquest estudi conèixer la interacció entre quatre grans actors: les xarxes socials i els nous continguts digitals i mediàtics, els polítics, la societat civil organitzada i la ciutadania.
El proceso de digitalización constituye uno de los elementos de disrupción más importantes en la historia de la humanidad. El cambio en las pautas comunicativas y la emergencia de nuevos instrumentos digitales que facilitan nuestra interacción social han supuesto, en los últimos años, una verdadera revolución en los parámetros tradicionales de la política y de los liderazgos políticos. Cataluña y su sistema político no han vivido de forma ajena a este proceso global de transformación digital. Este estudio pretende analizar, de forma detallada, el impacto del proceso de digitalización sobre la crisis institucional vivida en Cataluña durante el año 2017. Este trabajo de investigación de naturaleza interdisciplinar combina un análisis comunicativo y político a través de una sucesión histórica de hechos que se prolonga desde la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional contra el Estatuto de Autonomía de Cataluña (2010) hasta la sentencia del Tribunal Supremo de 14 de octubre de 2019 sobre el Procés. Concretamente, se estudia de forma exhaustiva la crisis institucional vivida durante el 2017, específicamente la remodelación del Gobierno de julio de 2017, el 1-O de 2017 y el 27 de octubre de 2017, y el impacto que las nuevas pautas de comunicación tuvieron sobre los liderazgos políticos y la toma de decisiones en estos tres casos. La metodología es cualitativa y se combinan las técnicas de investigación de la observación participante, el estudio de caso, la entrevista en profundidad y el análisis de contenido. Es de especial interés de este estudio conocer la interacción entre cuatro grandes actores: las redes sociales y los nuevos contenidos digitales y mediáticos, los políticos, la sociedad civil organizada y la ciudadanía.
The process of digitization is one of the most important elements of disruption in our history. The change in communication patterns and the emergence of new digital instruments that facilitate our social interaction have led, in recent years, to a real revolution in the traditional parameters of politics and political leadership. Catalonia and its political system have not lived alien to this global process of digital transformation. This study aims to analyse, in detail, the impact of the digitization process on the institutional crisis experienced in Catalonia during 2017. This work of an interdisciplinary researcher combines a communicative and political analysis through a historical succession of facts, extended from the ruling of the Constitutional Court against the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia (2010) to the ruling of the Supreme Court of October 14, 2019 on the “Procés”. In particular, the institutional crisis experienced during 2017 is studied in detail, and more specifically the cabinet reshuffle in July 2017, the 1-O of 2017 and October 27, 2017, and the impact that the new communication guidelines had on political leadership and decision-making in these three cases. The methodology is qualitative and combines the research techniques of participant observation, case study, in-depth interview and content analysis. One of the main challenges of this study is to analyse and understand the interaction between four major players, that is to say, social media and new digital and media content, politicians, organized civil society and the citizens.

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Snizhko, Yana. "“I can’t stop being an activist” : study on mediated activism and social change in Belarusian LGBT+ community." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157026.

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During the last five years mediated activism dedicated to LGBT+ issues in Belarus has flourished despite restrictive context: several new online initiatives, including a media project, have been launched. The current study investigates how one of the most politically underprivileged and marginalized groups – LGBT+ activists – make use of online social media to advocate for positive social and political modification in the Belarusian society. By collecting interviews with activists as a primary source of lived experiences, applying thematical analysis on the data from 13 interviews, and then contributing with netnography-informed content analysis as an instrument to analyse 34 posts written in February of 2018 on the personal Facebook pages of the same activists, the current research examines patterns of experiences surrounding participation in mediated LGBT+ activism. The power dynamics and the influence of the repressive context on the practices of mediated activism are analysed through feminist critical discourse analysis with specific focus on heteronormativity as a key-concept of imposing power on marginalized identities. Four global themes emerged in the result of the analysis: 1) heteronormativity and state control; 2) identity as “doing”; 3) the “other” activism, and 4) social change as individual transformation. Topics of heteronormativity, homophobia, hate-crime and violence turned out to be most present in the posts produced by the activists. It was found that in the restrictive spaces mediated activism and social media, instead of serving as tools for mass outreach and mobilization, endanger activists engaged in LGBT+ issues. Burnout, risk of poverty, emotional and physical assaults, and exposure to social sanctions are happening to activists because of their presence online, and there are extremely limited tools to combat these consequences of publicity. In Belarusian context, the shrinking space for civil society and limited political opportunities outweigh the potential of online social media, lower their impact and determine prospects of social change in such a way, when viral organizing or structural transformations become extremely limited.

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Ballesté, Isern Eduard. "El poder en los movimientos. Jóvenes activistas en el post-15M: estudio de caso sobre la Marea Blanca, la PAH y los Colectivos Anticapitalistas en Lleida." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Lleida, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664831.

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El post-15 emergeix com una nova fase de resituació política després d’un gran esdeveniment com va ser la indignació. En aquest nou context, els joves polititzats ocupen un paper diferenciat en els moviments socials depenen del format i de les demandes d’aquests, dels perfils interns, de les relacions de poder que es donen al seu sinus, de les acumulacions diferenciades de capital militant, entre altres factors. A través d’aquestes formes diferenciades s’han pogut observar, per un costat, les relacions que estableixen aquests moviments amb altres actors del campo polític o de l’espai social, les formes d’actuar i d’organitzar-se, així com els discursos que utilitzen; per l’altre costat, i en conseqüència, depenen del caràcter que adquireix cada moviment es pot observar una diferent relació o participació d’aquests joves polititzats. És a través d’aquest anàlisis intern dels propis moviments des d’on es poden il·luminar a les diferents formes d’activisme polític juvenil i observar com actua la mateixa categoria de “joves” en aquests contextos. Per això, s’analitzen processos d’estigmatizació, de marginació, de normalització o de reestructuració del poder que es donen a través de la participació dels joves en moviments locals com la Marea Blanca, la Plataforma d’Afectats per les Hipoteques o els Col·lectius Anticapitalistes.
El post-15M emerge como una nueva fase de resituación política después de un gran evento como fue la indignación. En este nuevo contexto, los jóvenes politizados ocupan un papel diferenciado en los movimientos sociales dependiendo del formato y las demandas de estos, de los perfiles internos, de las relaciones de poder que se dan en su seno, de las acumulaciones diferenciadas de capital militante, entre otros factores. A través de estas formas internas diferenciadas se pueden observar, por un lado, las relaciones que establecen dichos movimientos con otros actores del campo político o del espacio social, las formas de actuar y de organizarse, así como los discursos que utilizan; por el otro, dependiendo del carácter que adquiere cada movimiento, se puede observar una diferente relación o participación de dichos jóvenes politizados. Es a través de dicho análisis interno de los propios movimientos desde donde se puede arrojar luz a las formas diferenciadas de activismo político juvenil y observar cómo actúa la categoría de “jóvenes” en dichos contextos. Para ello, se analizan procesos de estigmatización, de marginación, de normalización o de reestructuración del poder que se dan a través de la participación de los jóvenes en movimientos locales como la Marea Blanca, la Plataforma de Afectados por las Hipotecas y los Colectivos Anticapitalistas.
The post-15M emerges as a new phase of political resituation after an important event as it was the indignation. In this new context, politicised young people occupy a distinguished role in the social movements. This role depends on the kind movement (and the demands made by each of them), the internal profiles, the power relationships within the movements and the different distributions of militant capital accumulated by each member, among others. Through these contrasts, it can be observed, on the one hand, the relations established by these movements with other actors of the political field or the social space, as well as the utilised discourses and the ways they act and organise themselves. On the other hand, depending on the nature that each movement acquires, it can be observed different relations or participations by these politicised young people. It is through the internal analysis of these movements that different forms of political youth activism can be enlightened, observing how the “young people” category acts in these contexts. In order to do that, processes of stigmatisation, marginalisation, normalisation or power reorganisation are analysed. This reorganisation is produced by the participation of the young people in local movements like Marea Blanca, Plataforma de Afectados por las Hipotecas and Colectivos Anticapitalistas.

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Nilsson, Josefine. "Online to On-Ground Activism : Contemporary Indian feminism and the #MeToo movement from an urban activist perspective." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-87051.

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The #MeToo movement is related to new forms of feminism, taking advantage of the online space for mobilisation. There are currently debates on the effect of feminist universalisation, post-colonial feminism and global movement’s on a local level. This study aims to understand how a globalmovement like the #MeToo integrates into already existing feminist efforts. While using India as a caste study, 10 urban Indian feminists have been interviewed to share their experiences on contemporary feminist mobilisation and the #MeToo movement. The study finds that the #MeToo movement have had an impact on Indian feminism, but at the same time is limited in its reach. Indian feminism is identified as ever diverse, with an increased incentive to learn and exchange experiences over identities to make feminist efforts more inclusive.

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Lintelman, Karryn Audra. "Students for Social Change: Activist Literacy and Digital Media." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1248473294.

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Rodríguez, Tortajada Almudena. "El Craftivisme com a mecanisme integrador de transformació social. Entreteixint des de la individualitat a la col·lectivitat, de l'artesania a l'activisme post-media." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de València, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/62590.

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[EN] Abstract: Craftivism is an artistic-social movement that, through handcraft and generally with a social approach, aims to transform something already used for a better end, through creativity, in an individual or collective way. This investigation tries to understand the repercussion of the craftivist actions, and of its DIY ethic (Do-It-Yourself). The present PhD bases its deductions on the analysis of different local and international projects, dividing the theoretical body in two principal sections completed by an annexe with cards, which illustrate and gather the most important characteristics of every mentioned example. It tries to be a space to think about the efficiency on reclaiming crafts, emphasizing its transforming capacity. These pages will consider if knitting is a feminist act and/or reinforces stereotypes of femininity, if it's an apolitical form of consumerism, if it's possible to engage in knitting (or another type of crafts) as a political activity, and how can be an effective mode of social action-transformation and community building. In addition, my own participation in some projects has allowed to better outline the movement operating, to determine the principal threads that tie its intentions, to be impregnated with the spirit of (re)claiming the domestic arts and the public space, and finally to compose and put in all the pieces of this fabric that you have in your hands, which every reader has to interpret and internalize, and (probably) would celebrate the crafts in a mindful way.
[ES] Resumen: El craftivismo es un movimiento artístico-social que, a través de la/las artesanía/s y con un enfoque generalmente social, busca transformar algo ya usado para un fin mejor, a través de la creatividad, ya sea de forma individual o colectiva. Esta investigación intenta comprender la repercusión de las acciones craftivistas, y de su ética DIY (Do-It-Yourself), "hazlo tú mismo/a". La presente Tesis Doctoral basa sus deducciones en el análisis de diferentes proyectos locales e internacionales, dividiendo el cuerpo teórico en dos pilares fundamentales, completados por un anexo con fichas, que ilustran y recogen las características más importantes de cada ejemplo citado. Pretende ser un espacio para reflexionar sobre la efectividad al reclamar las artesanías, enfatizando su capacidad transformadora. En sus páginas se considera hasta qué punto el tejer se trata de un acto feminista y/o refuerza estereotipos de feminidad, si es una forma apolítica de consumismo, si resulta posible empoderarse con el tejer (u otro tipo de artesanía) como actividad política, y si resulta un modo eficaz de acción-transformación social y de construcción comunitaria. Además, la propia participación en algunos proyectos ha permitido perfilar mejor el propio funcionamiento del movimiento, determinar los hilos principales que ligan sus propósitos, impregnarse del espíritu de reclamo de las artes domésticas y del espacio público, y finalmente componer y encajar todas las piezas de este tejido que tenéis en las manos, que cada lector/a ha de interpretar e interiorizar, y (quizás) incluso pueda celebrar las artesanías de una manera consciente.
[CAT] Resum: El craftivisme és un moviment artístic-social que, a través de la/les artesania/es i amb un enfocament generalment social, busca transformar quelcom ja usat per a una fi millor, a través de la creativitat, ja siga de forma individual o col·lectiva. Aquesta investigació intenta comprendre la repercussió de les accions craftivistes, i de la seva ètica DIY (Do-It-Yourself), "fes-ho tu mateix/a". La present Tesi Doctoral basa les seves deduccions en l'anàlisi de diferents projectes locals i internacionals, dividint el cos teòric en dos pilars fonamentals, completats per un annex amb fitxes, que il·lustren i recullen els trets més importants de cada exemple citat. Pretén ser un espai per reflexionar sobre l'efectivitat en reclamar les artesanies, emfatitzant la seva capacitat transformadora. En les seves pàgines es considera fins a quin punt el teixir es tracta d'un acte feminista i/o reforça estereotips de feminitat, si és una forma apolítica de consumisme, si resulta possible empoderar-se amb el teixir (o altre tipus d'artesania) com a activitat política, i si resulta un mode eficaç d'acció-transformació social i de construcció comunitària. A més, la pròpia participació en alguns projectes ha permés perfilar millor el propi funcionament del moviment, determinar els fils principals que lliguen els seus propòsits, impregnar-se de l'esperit de reclam de les arts domèstiques i de l'espai públic, i finalment composar i encaixar totes les peces d'aquest teixit que teniu a les mans, que cada lector/a haurà d'interpretar i interioritzar, i (potser) fins i tot puga celebrar les artesanies d'una manera conscient.
Rodríguez Tortajada, A. (2016). El Craftivisme com a mecanisme integrador de transformació social. Entreteixint des de la individualitat a la col·lectivitat, de l'artesania a l'activisme post-media [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/62590
TESIS

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Stuppia, Paolo. "Les tracts du mouvement « anti-CPE » de 2006 : sociologie d’une technologie militante." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010335.

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Objet délaissé et relativement méconnu par le champ scientifique, le tract est relégué, le plus souvent, à un simple outil « d'illustration » des luttes politiques, qu’il s’agisse de campagnes électorales ou de mouvements sociaux. Avec leurs définitions multiples, ouvrant autant de perspectives d’analyse (historique, sociologique, linguistique), les feuilles éphémères n’ont jamais été interrogées du point de vue de leur matérialité, de leur contexte de fabrication et de diffusion encore moins de celui de la multiplicité des usages. L’objectif de cette thèse est de questionner le tract en tant que « technologie militante » au sein d’une mobilisation sociale particulière, celle dite « anti-CPE » de 2006 qui, par son caractère débouchant sur une crise politique d’abord latente, puis de plus en plus « ouverte », se présente comme un cadre idéal pour analyser tant la matérialité de l'objet que ses différents emplois et les principales pratiques militantes qui y sont reliées
As it a neglected and relatively unknown object of the scientific fields, the leaflet is most often relegated to a simple tool for illustating political struggles, wether they be electoral campaigns or social movements. With their multiple definitions, which open as many perspectives for analysis (historical, sociological, linguistic analysis), ephemeral leaflets have never been questionned from the viewpoint of their materiality, of their manufacturing and dissemination, and even less from that of the multiplicity of their uses. The aim of this thesis is to question the leaflet as a « activist technology » within a particular socia mobilization, the one called « against-CPE » of 2006. This movement, by their character leading to a « political crisis », first latent, then more and more open, presents itself as an ideal framework for analysing the materiality of this object, as well as its different uses and the main activist pratices which are related to it
Oggetto abbandonato e poco conosciuto dalla communità, il volantino é sovente ridotto a semplice mezzo di illustrazione delle lotte politiche, che si tratti di campagne elettorali o di mobilitazioni sociali. Con le loro molteplici definizioni, che aprono altrettante prospettive (storica, sociologica, linguistica), i volantini non sono stati interrogati dal punto di vista della loro materialità, del contesto nel quale sono fabbricati e distibuiti, tantomeno della plularità dei loro usi. L’obiettivo di questa tesi é di studiare il volantino come una « technologia militante » in un contesto particulare, il movimento « anti-CPE » del 2006, che, caratterizzandosi per il suo aspetto di « crisi politica » prima latente, poi sempre più aperta, appare come un quadro ideale per analizzarne la materialità, gli usi e le principali pratiche militanti che ad esso sono legate

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Whelan, James M., and n/a. "Education and Training For Effective Environmental Advocacy." Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2002. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040526.140105.

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Research on environmental advocacy has tended to focus on outcomes and achievements rather than the processes through which these are achieved. In addition, minimal research has attended in detail to the complexity of environmental advocacy, or explored measures to through which to enhance advocates prospects of success. The environment movement itself has given scarce attention to promoting the skills, abilities and predispositions that contribute to effective advocacy. Indeed, most environmental non-government organisations (ENGOs) in Australia appear to believe that scientific or expert knowledge will be sufficient to influence environmental decision-makers and consequently provide minimal training or education to enhance advocacy. This thesis is a response to these problems. It seeks to develop an understanding of, and model for, activist education and training in the Australian environment movement. The two main bodies of literature that inform the study are social movement and adult education literature. The former provides the context for the study. Social movement theorists present various explanations of how and why environmental activists work for change. These theorists also discuss the organisational structures and modes of operation typically adopted by activists. The second body of literature is utilised in this thesis to provide a synthesis of relevant educational orientations, traditions and practices. Popular, experiential and adult environmental education offer promising strategies for advocacy organisations that seek to enhance activists skills and abilities. The research questions posed in this study lie at the convergence of these two bodies of literature. Two empirical studies were undertaken during this inquiry. The first was conducted with the Queensland Conservation Council, an environmental advocacy organisation where the researcher was employed for five years. The study drew on methods and techniques associated with ethnography and action research to identify, implement and evaluate a range of interventions which aimed to educate and train advocates. Three cycles of inquiry generated useful insights into environmental advocacy and identified useful strategies through which advocacy may be enhanced. The second study, a case study based on interviews and observation, explored the Heart Politics movement. The ethnographic research methods utilised in this case study resulted in a rich description and critical appreciation of the strengths and weaknesses of Heart Politics gatherings as activist education. These two studies contributed to the development of a grounded and endogenous theory of education and training for environmental advocacy. This theory is based on a set of observations concerning the provision of activist education: (1) that most activist learning occurs informally and unintentionally through participation in social action such as environmental campaigns; (2) that this learning can be assessed according to a five-category framework and tends to favour specific categories including the development of social action and organisational development skills rather than alternative categories such as political analysis and personal development; (3) that this informal learning can be harnessed and enhanced through strategies which situate learning in the context of action and promote heightened awareness of the learning dimension of social action; and (4) that a key obstacle to education and training in the environment movement is a conspicuous lack of professional development or support for the people involved in facilitating and coordinating activist education activities and programs. These people are often volunteers and infrequently possess qualifications as educators or facilitators but are more likely to be seasoned activists. They tend to work in isolation as activist education activities are sporadic, geographically diffuse and ad hoc. These observations along with other insights acquired through participatory action research and ethnographic inquiry led to a set of conclusions, some of which have already been implemented or initiated during the course of this study. The first conclusion is that strategies to promote the professional development of activist educators may benefit from the development of texts tailored to the tactical orientations and political and other circumstances of Australian environmental advocacy groups. Texts, alone, are considered an inadequate response. The study also concludes that informal networks, formal and informal courses and other strategies to assist collaboration and peer learning among activist educators offer considerable benefits. Other conclusions pertain to the benefits of collaborating with adult educators and tertiary institutions, and professionals, to the relative merits of activist workshops and other forms of delivery, to the opportunities for activist training presented by regular environment movement gatherings and conferences and to the significant merits of promoting and supporting mentorship relationships between novice and experienced activists.

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England, Megan. ""I'm Not a Rapper, I'm an Activist Who Rhymes": Native American Hip Hop, Activism, and Twenty-First Century Identities." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20512.

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In this thesis, I examine the ways in which a growing number of Indigenous artists in the United States and Canada are using hip hop not only as a form of artistic expression, but also to vent frustration about and to draw attention to contemporary issues affecting their communities. These artists participate in a tradition of politically conscious performance that has influenced and been influenced by Indigenous social movements across North America. Indigenous hip hop serves to affirm and redefine twenty-first century Indigenous identities, disrupting and reinterpreting stereotypical representations of Native Americans in a process which I describe as an “authenticity loop.” By utilizing artistic choices and strategic representations of indigeneity, the artists I examine have firmly established that they along with their communities are not remnants of the past, even as they maintain a continuity between previous generations and the present day.

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Silva, Ackssana Rodrigues da. "Cidadania e bem-estar como factores de desenvolvimento : uma análise do activismo social na luta pela habitação social no bairro da Quinta da Lage." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/19539.

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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
Sob a lente das teorias alternativas do desenvolvimento, pretendemos analisar a experiência comunitária do Bairro da Quinta da Lage, na Área Metropolitana de Lisboa, que actualmente se encontra em fase de erradicação. O bairro é um dos muitos com habitações autoconstruídas que compõem o Município da Amadora e o estudo centra-se na luta pela habitação social. O elemento chave de análise consiste na acção que a associação de moradores desenvolve para travar a demolição das suas habitações. Tentaremos colocar em debate o conceito de cidadania e desenvolvimento no que respeita ao bem-estar das populações alvo de processos de realojamento. O activismo social levado a cabo pelos seus membros associativos, permitiu repensar o modo como as políticas públicas poderiam elaborar estratégias eficientes e eficazes, que a longo prazo poderiam diminuir os custos dos planos de reabilitação urbana nos territórios da periferia.
Within the framework of alternative development theories, we intend to analyze the community experience of Quinta da Lage Neighborhood, in the Metropolitan Area of Lisbon that is currently in the eradication phase. The neighborhood is one of many with self-built housing, which make up the Municipality of Amadora and the study focuses on the struggle for social housing. The key element of analysis is the action that the association of residents develops to halt the demolition of their housing. We will try to debate the concept of citizenship and development regarding the well-being of populations targeted by resettlement processes. The social activism carried out by its associative members allowed to re-think how public policies could develop efficient and effective public strategies, which in the long run could be able to reduce the costs of urban rehabilitation plans in the territories of the periphery.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

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Ostromooukhova, Bella. "Jouer et déjouer : construction sociale d'une jeunesse active à travers le théâtre amateur d'étudiants soviétiques, 1953-1975." Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00661244.

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Ce travail retrace la manière dont des troupes de théâtre composées d'étudiants négociaient les marges d'autonomie vis-à-vis de l'appareil administratif et idéologique chargé d'encadrer les activités artistiques dans l'URSS de l'époque poststalinienne. Le jeu - en tant que mode d'expression dramatique mais aussi en tant que comportement social - pouvait-il conduire des jeunes à déjouer les normes morales, les paradigmes organisationnels, discursifs et esthétiques qui leur étaient imposés ? Même si les groupes semblaient reproduire la plupart de ces paradigmes, l'ironie et une certaine libéralisation de l'esprit, liées au travail artistique, leur permettaient de " jouer " avec les schémas d'action, et même occasionnellement les " déjouer ", tout en restant dans les limites du socialement et artistiquement admis. Sans toutefois constituer des foyers de rébellion, les groupes étudiés pouvaient donc constituer des niches où demeurait possible une autonomie d'action et de pensée. Fondé sur des entretiens et des archives privées, le travail reconstitue le fonctionnement et la production de plusieurs types de groupes : " ateliers de théâtre " animés par un professionnel, " studios " montés par des étudiants eux-mêmes, équipes d'un jeu intellectuel nommé le " KVN ", " brigades d'agitation " destinées à diffuser la culture citadine à la campagne et sur des grands chantiers.

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Santos, Ana Cristina. "Enacting activism : the political, legal and social impacts of LGBT activism in Portugal." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2008. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493602.

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The title "Enacting Activism" suggests the idea of activism applied to different fields, at the same time that it highlights the power of social movements in respect to influencing change. Situated at the intersection of new social movement theory and queer studies, this thesis examines the impact of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) activism in Portugal since 1995.

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Mecham, Michael G. "William Walker : social activism and Belfast labourism." Thesis, St Mary's University, Twickenham, 2018. http://research.stmarys.ac.uk/2393/.

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This thesis examines the social and political activism of the Belfast labour movement though one of its leaders, William Walker (1870 - 1918). It reassesses his place in Irish historiography which often dismissed him despite his acknowledged prominence in early twentieth century Ireland. The thesis argues that Walker has been narrowly defined as a political activist and makes the case for broadening the understanding of him through his social activism. [...]. The thesis conclused by arguing that Walker deserves greater recogniition for his courage, sense of dury and commitment to improving working-class conditions.

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Fraj, Herranz Elena Gabriela. "Políticas del fake: la ficción mediática como modo de resistencia y emancipación." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/308316.

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Los fakes mediáticos activistas son acciones de protesta que pretenden visibilizar reivindicaciones sociales. Son mecanismos de guerrilla que organizan la resistencia mediante la táctica, la creatividad y el ingenio para abrir grietas en la maquinaria mediática. Los procedimientos comunes que utilizan los fakes son el hackeo, la simulación, la suplantación y la ironía. Estas formas de actuación permiten acceder a los medios al mismo tiempo que generan una alteración de los códigos de enunciación establecidos. Pero debido a que el público es engañado, emerge un conflicto ético entre los autores o las autoras de esos fakes y los públicos y participantes a los que se quiere interpelar. La efectividad de este tipo de acciones y el rol que se adjudica a los públicos son dos problemas inherentes al arte activista. Los estudios sobre arte activista se han dedicado a investigar la capacidad de incidencia sobre los temas que se critican. En esta tesis se aborda el problema de la efectividad en función de la capacidad emancipadora de la obra sobre los públicos. Los casos de estudio analizados comparten una estructura fragmentada que ocupa diversos espacios y tiempos, por este motivo se establecen paralelismos con las teorías del montaje cinematográfico de las vanguardias rusas. En este contexto comparativo aparece el problema de la conexión entre la ficción y la realidad y el problema de la relación entre la obra y los espectadores y las espectadoras. En todos los casos estudiados se hace uso de la simulación, de la metáfora y del fake con la intención de desvelar una verdad. La verdad es la cuestión clave que hace falta definir porque organiza la representación y la noción de ideología. Por otro lado, estas formas activistas están atravesadas por la cuestión de género ya que todas aquellos fakes en los que se acaba descubriendo la autoría están realizados por hombres. Por último, la relación entre la obra y los públicos tiene que ver con el concepto de ironía. La ironía es un recurso retórico responsable de diseñar una puesta en escena donde el público es invitado a compartir un espacio común que, en función de la distribución de las posiciones y de las miradas de los creadores o creadoras y los públicos y, si estas distribuciones están atravesado por los afectos, los fakes mediáticos pueden producir una resistencia colectiva emancipadora.
Activist media fakes are actions intended to make social vindications visible. They are guerrilla mechanisms which organize resistance through various tactics, creativity, and inventiveness, with the purpose of opening gaps in media machinery. Common procedures used by fakes are hacking, simulation, impersonation, and irony. These forms of action allow access to media at the same time as they generate an alteration of established enunciation codes. However, due to the fact that the audience is misled, an ethical conflict emerges between the authors of these fakes and the interpolated audiences and participants. The effectiveness of these kinds of actions and the role adjudicated to the audiences are two inherent problems in activist art. Studies about activist art have investigated the impact on the criticized topics. This dissertation focuses on the issue of effectiveness as it is related to the emancipatory capacity of these activist works on their audiences. The analyzed cases share a fragmented structure that occupies diverse spaces and times. This is the reason why parallelisms are established with the cinematographic montage of the Russian avant-garde. In this comparative context, two main issues arise: the connection between fiction and reality, and the relation between the work and the spectators. In all the cases studied there is a use of simulation, metaphor and fake with the intention of unveiling a truth. The notion of truth is the key factor that needs to be defined, since it organizes representation and ideology. Moreover, these activist forms intertwine with issues of gender, because all those fakes the authorship of which is eventually discovered have actually been produced by men. Finally, the relationship between work and audiences has to do with the concept of irony. Irony is a rhetorical device responsible for designing a staging in which the audience is invited to share a common space. This space allows for the possibility of an emancipating collective resistance, based on the distribution of positions and outlooks of creators and audiences, given that these are intertwined with affects.

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Gu, Xiaoting. "The influence of social media on chinese college students' social activism." Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/839.

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Guided by Uses and Gratifications Theory, this study investigated the relationship between Chinese college students' use of social media and their social activism. Data collected from a goup-administered survey of 309 undergraduate students at a large university in eastern China was used to answer four research questions. The results indicated that Chinese college students who used social media for information seeking were likely to participate in individual social activism. Besides, students who used social media for self-status seeking and information seeking were likely to participate in collective social activism. No significant correlation between entertainment motivation and social activism were found. Neither can socializing motivation predict Chinese college students' social activism. In addition, gender had an impact on individual social activism and frequency of social media use could affect both individual and collective social activism.

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Vila, Verde Daniela Catarina Madaleno. "Imagem mediática e activismo social: os exemplos dos clientes lesados do BPN e do BES." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14393.

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Dissertação de Mestrado Em Comunicação Social - vertente de Comunicação Estratégica
O presente estudo pretende compreender qual o papel dos media e dos PRP como promotores das reivindicações dos activistas lesados do BPN e do BES. Pretendemos identificar o conjunto de clientes lesados de ambas as instituições, compreender o que motiva ou não a cobertura mediática das acções desenvolvidas por estes grupos e compreender também qual a importância que o PRP ou porta-voz assume como promotor da comunicação e acções do grupo de activistas lesados das instituições em estudo. A presente dissertação tem por base uma abordagem metodológica mista ancorada no recurso as técnicas de recolha de informação como o clipping e as entrevistas semi-estruturadas a informadores qualificados, respectivas análises quantitativa e interpretativa. Este estudo permitiu-nos concluir que os porta-voz dos grupos de activistas, apesar de não serem formados em comunicação nem em relações públicas, desempenham funções de PRP, na medida em que asseguram a relação entre os públicos lesados e outras instituições, tratam da assessoria da comunicação e planeiam estratégias com vista à promoção mediática. O conflito existente nas manifestações foi por vezes provocado pelos lesados de forma a atrair a cobertura mediática, o que nos leva a crer que estes grupos estão conscientes da importância dos critérios de noticiabilidade para se promoverem no espaço mediático. Os media, por sua vez, são importantes na promoção das reivindicações do grupo de lesados porque lhes dão voz e permitem-lhes ter uma maior força de mobilização.
The present study aims to comprehend what is the role of the media and the PRP, as claim promoters of both injured activists, BPN and BES. We intend to identify the injured customers of both institutions, to understand what motivates or not the media coverage of their actions, and to comprehend the importance the PRP or spokesperson has as a communication and actions promoter to the injured activists. This study will also be presented with a mixed methodological approach anchored in information-gathering techniques such as clipping and the semi-structured interviews to qualified informants and their quantitative and interpretive reviews. This study allowed us to reach the conclusion that the appointed spokesperson of each injured activists acts as a true PRP, assuring the relation between the injured and other institutions, doing communications consulting and devising strategies to increase media exposure and coverage. Many of the conflicts seen on each rally were provoked to attract the media, which led us to believe that these groups are well aware of what makes something news in order to promote themselves in every media outlet. The media, in return, are a great help and very important because they give the injured groups a chance to be heard, and with that they allow them to gain a bigger influence on the public opinion.
N/A

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Coretti, Lorenzo. "The Purple Movement : social media and activism in Berlusconi's Italy." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2014. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/964wx/the-purple-movement-social-media-and-activism-in-berlusconi-s-italy.

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This research project assesses the relationship between the use of Facebook and the development of social movements throughout their life cycle by focusing on the case study of Popolo Viola. On 5th December, 2009, hundreds of thousands of Italian citizens took to the streets of Rome to say ‘no’ to the politics of Silvio Berlusconi’s government and to ask for his resignation as Prime Minister. The demonstration was planned and organized, mainly on Facebook, by a group of bloggers. A single-issue protest rapidly evolved into a social movement, called ‘Popolo Viola’, ‘Purple People’. The colour purple was chosen because it was not previously associated with any political movement, and as a word to the wise that the movement was not linked to any political party. New groups and pages arose on Facebook: apart from the page ‘il Popolo Viola’, which now had more than 460,000 members (data August, 2013), thousands of pages and groups were opened at a local level, both inside and outside Italy. Through the lenses of Social Movement Theory and the Critical Theory of Technology this study focuses on the role played by the use of Facebook in the development of the movement’s organizational structure, the building of its collective identity, and its mobilization processes. The methodology adopted for this purpose includes both quantitative and qualitative methods: on the one hand, there is an analysis of membership data and interaction levels on the Popolo Viola Facebook page, and a survey; on the other hand, there are in-depth interviews with the Facebook page administrators, influential members and activists of the movement, and content analysis of the online conversations among activists. The findings of this research show how Facebook proved to be an efficient mobilizing structure for the social movement only on a short-term basis. After its initial success, the incompatibility between the commercial interests behind Facebook’s design, and the ideology of Popolo Viola became manifest. Facebook failed to provide the movement with the necessary instruments in terms of a shared democratic management of its resources. The inability to manage Facebook pages and groups according to commonly agreed values promoted vertical power structures within the movement, contributing to controversial management of the Facebook page and to internal divisions which significantly hindered the potential of the anti-Berlusconi protest. Moreover, gradual changes in the Facebook code increasingly promoted top-down flows of communication which, in conjunction with controversial decisions in the moderation of discussions that were made by the page administrators, progressively decreased the plurality of voices within the movement’s page, and hampered the formation of a strong collective identity. Facebook therefore proved to represent much more than a mere communication tool for Popolo Viola, playing a vital role in influencing the movement’s structure, leadership, communication flows and collective identity. The rise and fall of Popolo Viola, with all its complexity, constitutes a useful case study of the evaluation of technology as a problematic force for social change. That said, this is not an issue which relates to the technology itself, but rather to the values and interests that drive the actors who are involved in this power struggle. Taking into account the relationships between culture, technology and capital, this study offers a balanced assessment of the dynamics which characterize the development of social movement protest on commercial Social Network Media.

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Morioka, Rika. "Anti-karoshi activism in a corporate-centered society medical, legal, and housewife activist collaborations in constructing death from overwork in Japan /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307702.

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Crawford, Fiona. "Augmenting author-activism: An examination of how a continuing primary text and digital media inform contemporary non-fiction author-activism." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2016. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/101096/1/Fiona_Crawford_Thesis.pdf.

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Using a print magazine and associated digital media, this research focused on the intersection of existing writing practice, transmedia activism, and their interplay with old and new media. It identified and examined existing non-fiction author–activists' practices and considered innovative storytelling approaches that might enhance and extend contemporary author–activist practices to encourage social change.

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Reiprich, Barbara. "Feeling activism: Emotionalized and visual-based strategic communication within environmental small-scale activism on social media." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-364217.

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This master thesis aims to understand whether the connection of visuals and emotions on social media can be utilized by activists to increase awareness of environmental issues. In particular, this thesis discussed if emotional visual content about environmental activism on social media increases recipients' emotional awareness and small-scale activism when embedded in visual framing communication. The work is based on theories like affective visual framing, affective intensity, stickiness and grab, which define the dynamics of emotions online and the merits that come with it, when used for strategic communication. In combination with visual communication on social media and the emotional impact of visuals, environmental imagery develops power for social transformation. Analyzing the organization Greenpeace and the Leonardo DiCaprio Foundation for their emotional strategic communication on Instagram, the research uses mixed-methods to gather data about the reception of emotional visuals. A questionnaire collects data about broad responses to images and seven in-depth interviews focus on deeper motivations and opinions behind the emotional reaction. The research reveals that first of all emotions are generated by emotionally framed visual contents. These emotions also lead to an emotional awareness of environmental issues. Nevertheless, small-scale activism was neither increased by emotional content nor by general emotional awareness. Solely short-term interest in activism could be identified.

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Chuang, Ya-Chung. "Activism as a vocation social movements in urban Taiwan /." Click to view dissertation via Digital dissertation consortium, 2000.

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ROSSI, TERESINHA DE JESUS NOSKE. "SOCIAL NETWORKS AND CYBER-ACTIVISM: MOTIVATIONS, EXPECTATIONS AND HOPE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=30541@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Após o surgimento da internet, pudemos observar várias transformações em nosso modo de obter informações, interagir com outras pessoas e até mesmo de nos mobilizar politicamente. Movimentos sociais passaram a utilizar o ciberespaço para divulgar, protestar e captar mais adeptos para suas causas. A chegada das redes sociais facilitou ainda mais a participação política. Em 2013, diversas manifestações tiveram as redes sociais como ponto de partida e troca de informações para organizar protestos, entre eles, as Jornadas de Junho, no Brasil. É possível detectar nesse período um crescimento exponencial do ciberativismo. Através de websites, perfis no Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, Instagram, entre outros, diversos movimentos em prol de mudanças sociais, políticas e ambientais vêm expandindo suas ações e aumentando a quantidade de apoiadores para suas causas. Um dos movimentos destacados neste trabalho é o veganismo, isto é, a luta pelo abolicionismo animal. Com atuação ciberativista intensa, o movimento vem se expandindo e ocasionando mudanças de hábitos e pensamentos, além da desconstrução de vários aspectos da cultura vigente. Este trabalho tem por objetivo investigar os impactos do ciberativismo em nossas vidas e as transformações em nossa configuração subjetiva, ocasionadas por movimentos sociais, com recorte especial no veganismo.
After the emergence of the Internet, we were able to observe several transformations in our way of obtaining information, interacting with other people and even mobilizing us politically. Social movements began to use cyberspace to spread, protest and attract more followers to their causes. The arrival of social networks has further facilitated political participation. In 2013, several demonstrations had social networks as a starting point and exchange of information to organize protests, among them, the June Days in Brazil. It is possible to detect in this period an exponential growth of cyber-activism. Through websites, profiles on Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, Instagram, among others, various movements for social, political and environmental changes have been expanding their actions and increasing the number of supporters for their causes. One of the movements highlighted in this work is veganism, that is, the struggle for animal abolitionism. With intense cyberactivism, the movement has been expanding and causing changes in habits and thoughts, as well as the deconstruction of various aspects of the current culture. This work aims to investigate the impacts of cyber-activism on our lives and the transformations in our subjective configuration, caused by social movements, with a special cut in veganism.

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Lower, Jonathan. "Lead Belly: Race and Social Activism in Blues Music." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1405422192.

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Schoene, Matthew. "Transnational Social Movement Activism in the New Urban World." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437519854.

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Foote, Justin Gus. "#DigitalDissentRhetoric: A Rhetorical Grounding of Contemporary Social Media Activism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1554307381165225.

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Pommerolle, Marie-Emmanuelle. "A quoi servent les droits de l'homme? : action collective et changement politique au Cameroun et au Kenya." Phd thesis, Institut d'études politiques de Bordeaux, 2005. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00361353.

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A partir d'une étude comparée d'organisations non-gouvernementales de défense des droits de l'Homme au Kenya et au Cameroun, notre travail montre que les droits de l'Homme, en tant que discours de revendication et de protestation, ne sont pas universellement efficaces. Les usages, par des groupes non étatiques, de ces principes reconnus par tous sont redevables des conditions de déploiement d'une action collective dans des contextes de récente libéralisation. L'émergence et les tentatives de pérennisation de ces nouveaux groupes politiques mettent en évidence les tensions entre contraintes historiques et marges d'invention encadrant tout type d'action collective. Alors que la forme inédite ou mimétique des organisations traduit les possibilités d'innovation face aux contraintes de l'environnement politique, le vivier de militants susceptibles d'user des droits de l'homme comme discours de revendication apparaît dépendant de l'histoire des oppositions dans ces pays. De plus, bien que la relative flexibilité des répertoires d'action concourt à sa diffusion à partir de supports divers, la disponibilité de discours et de symboles partagés et construits historiquement demeure déterminante pour énoncer les droits de l'Homme et asseoir leur légitimité. Enfin, si la participation des organisations de défense des droits de l'Homme à l'action publique se transforme au gré de leurs interactions avec les autorités, elle est tributaire des modes historiques de ces relations, et son efficacité est contrainte par les limites internes aux discours des droits de l'Homme et aux réformes menées en leur nom. Finalement, à la question de départ : "à quoi servent les droits de l'Homme?", ce travail répond qu'en tant qu'objet d'étude, les usages des droits de l'Homme permettent d'explorer les cultures du politique et certains mécanismes institutionnels des régimes étudiés ; il démontre, qu'en tant qu'objet de revendication et de protestation, les droits de l'Homme ne sont pas en eux-mêmes un vecteur puissant et suffisant du changement politique.

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Fletcher, Samantha S. "Working toward Social Change| Lessons Learned from Liberal Lifelong Social Activists." Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10789015.

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Similar to the goals of lifelong social activists, social workers are charged with pursuing social change for persons who live in poverty, face discrimination, and other forms of social injustice (National Association of Social Workers [NASW], 2008). In order to accomplish this mandate it is important to identify and emulate strategies that have historically been used by social activists to combat oppression and create social change. This dissertation research seeks to fill gaps regarding the lived experiences of lifelong social activists and to answer the following research questions: (1) How do individuals navigate a lifelong activism journey? (2) How have older lifelong social activists worked toward social change?

A multiple case study methodology was used to allow for a thorough examination and description of each participant’s experiences as well as a cross case comparison to produce common themes (Creswell, 2013; Stake, 2006; Yin, 2014). The sample consisted of four women and five men between the ages of 71 and 96 (M= 83). One of the participants identified as African American and eight of the participants identified as Caucasian. Data analysis followed multiple case study principles including with-in and cross-case analyses. Atlas ti, qualitative data analysis software, was used to organize the database and assist with analysis.

In response to the first research question, participants described three key components for navigating a lifelong activism journey: (1) conceptualizing social justice, (2) identifying and staying connected to motivating factors, and (3) cultivating and sustaining a lifelong activism journey. Each activist described their process for conceptualizing social justice which began with a sense of social justice that influenced their beliefs about how the world should be ordered; in turn, this drove how participants identified social problems and how they critiqued oppressive systems and social structures. Next, participants identified multiple motivating factors that moved them from conceptualizing social justice to working toward social change. Finally, the activists described several key elements that helped them cultivate and sustain their activism journeys including exposure to different membership groups and ideologies, establishing personal goals, relationships, identifying barriers, and self-reflection.

The second research question addressed strategies for working toward social change. For the activists in this study, a variety of resources, and movement through a series of stages was required in order to engage in social change work. A preparatory stage, organization stage, action stage, and a follow-up stage appeared to be interconnected and cyclical. Participants also identified the primary resources used throughout the activism stages, which included people, organizations, fundraising, and activism materials.

Each stage of the activism process revealed important information about how to work toward social change. The preparatory stage included a series of steps that prepared activists to organize for an action including recognizing the need for change, personal and group contemplation, investigating the social problem, and dividing the tasks necessary to move forward. The second stage, an organizational stage, moved activists from intellectualizing an issue to engaging in a social action. This stage of the activism process involved joining or forming social change groups, recruiting allies, training allies and peers, and detailed planning of the event. The third stage of the activism process included six social activism strategies: (1) advocating, (2) creative methods, (3) demonstrating, (4) educating the public, (5) providing resources, and (6) writing letters. The participants also identified a purpose and an intended outcome for each action. The fourth and final stage of the activism process was the follow-up stage. During this stage the participants assessed the action to improve future actions.

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Ferreira, Daniela Damiati. "Ativismo institucional no governo federal : as práticas dos analistas técnicos de políticas sociais." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFABC, 2016.

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Orientadora: Profa. Dra. Gabriela Spanghero Lotta
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Políticas Públicas, 2016.
Situado no âmbito do tema do ativismo institucional, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo definir e identificar práticas ativistas, bem como analisar fatores que incidem sobre elas. Para alcançar esse objetivo, a presente pesquisa realizou uma ampla revisão bibliográfica, que permitiu propor uma definição para tais ações e igualmente facilitou a criação de um quadro por meio do qual são elencadas e examinadas as principais práticas ativistas encontradas na literatura da ciência política. A fim de verificar tais práticas in loco e reconhecer quais elementos influenciam os processos para que elas sejam promovidas ou reprimidas, realizou-se também uma pesquisa empírica. Esta centrou-se em entrevistas com os Analistas Técnicos de Políticas Sociais do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome, uma vez que encontraram-se dados com indícios de que os profissionais dessa carreira possuíam um alto grau de engajamento político e social. Para a realização das análises e da pesquisa, utilizou-se do método qualitativo descritivo e explicativo, bem como de referências a análises contextuais. Por fim, o resultado desta investigação revelou que: 1) Existem ao menos onze práticas ativistas, das quais seis foram verificadas no grupo profissional referido; 2) Encontraram-se dez componentes, prioritariamente de cunho contextual político e institucional, que favorecem ou limitam atos de ativismo institucional; e 3) O perfil dos Analistas Técnicos de Políticas Sociais confirma que se trata de um grupo altamente engajado e militante.
Located within the theme of institutional activism, this work aims to define and identify activist¿s practices and analyze factors that affect them. To achieve this goal, this study conducted an extensive literature review, which allowed us to propose a definition for such actions and also facilitated the creation of a framework through which the main activists practices found in the literature of political science were listed and examined. In order to check such practices in the field and in order to try to recognize which elements influence the process that helps to promote or suppress them, we also held an empirical research. This research focused on interviews with Technical Analysts of Social Policies of the Ministry of Social Development and Fight Against Hunger, since there was evidence that this particular career had professionals with a high degree of political and social engagement. To carry out the analysis and research, we used descriptive and explanatory qualitative method, as well as references to contextual analysis. Finally, the results of this study revealed that: 1) There are at least eleven institutional activists practices, six of which were found in the referred professional group; 2) Ten components were found that favor or limit acts of institutional activism and they have primarily a political, institutional or contextual nature; and 3) The profile of Technical Analysts of Social Policies confirms that it is a highly engaged and militant group of professionals.

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Calvo, Rufanges Jordi. "El Foro Social Mundial y los movimientos antisistémicos. Cómo el altermundismo puede convertirse en un elemento clave para la transformación social." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669132.

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El Foro Social Mundial se enmarca en un contexto en el que hay un sistema hegemónico denominado globalización capitalista neoliberal, que se ha expandido y continúa haciéndolo a través de las políticas y de la ideología neoliberales. El Foro es un espacio de la sociedad civil que debe servir para la generación de movimientos, gobiernos y partidos que supongan un contrapoder a las organizaciones conservadoras y promotoras de este sistema y su ideología. Pero el Foro debe ser también un espacio para aprender a desaprender los valores de la ideología neoliberal a través de una nueva cultura política, el altermundismo. Son los movimientos sociales altermundistas con toda su diversidad quienes desde su convicción antisistémica pueden generar movimientos, partidos y gobiernos antisistémicos que construyan una globalización contrahegemónica que suponga una verdadera alternativa a la actual. Pero el Foro no debe cesar en su empeño de mejorar el mundo, aun cuando éste haya cambiado. Su vocación antisistémica es permanente y su función es la de convertirse en multiplicador de una ideología altermundista, alternativa a la ideología neoliberal y a las que la sucedan, basada en un pensamiento crítico y una actitud rebelde continuos.

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Cederlund, Veronica, and Helena Larsson. "Advocacy for Effective Activism." Thesis, Linköping University, The Tema Institute, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6746.

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The Movement Action Plan (MAP) was created by Bill Moyer (1933-2002), an experienced activist engaged in movements for civil rights, peace and the environment, as he believed activists need to become aware of the roles they and their organisations are playing in the larger social movement in order to become successful. MAP is a practical strategy and action-planning model as well as a “how-to-do it” analytical tool for evaluating and organising social movements. The aim of this study is to investigate if the success of the Swedish Society for Nature Conservation (SSNC) can be explained by the MAP model through a triangulation of methods; quantitative content analysis of the SSNC’s action plans and annual reports (2000-2005), as well as qualitative interviews with employees at the SSNC. Throughout the research materials and interviews, the organisation clearly demonstrates that they advocate as effective activists according to Moyer. The overall conclusion from this research is that Moyer’s tools to a great extent already is utilised, and that this could explain the SSNC’s success in transforming from a small group of educated elites into becoming a social movement.

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Báez, Bezama Eric Rolando. "Activismo social y difusión en el movimiento del software libre en Chile." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2005. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/144914.

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Memoria para optar al título de Periodista
Corren los primeros años del segundo milenio y a nivel global, una potente visión transformadora de la Sociedad de la Información toma cuerpo e identidad. Como una enredadera que fecunda los espacios públicos, virtuales y presenciales, estableciendo fórmulas para el uso cooperativista del conocimiento, que desafían a las corporaciones multinacionales y su marco legal excluyente y privativo. Casos emblemáticos abundan, ejemplos como los siguientes se suceden en todo el orbe: Un colectivo de músicos, dramaturgos y actores graba un disco, y lo reparte en sus conciertos con una frase estampada que dice “...Permitida su difusión pública copia, préstamo, modificación...” El material es de altísima factura, al igual que las canciones que consagrados músicos disponen en una tienda virtual, disponibles para su escucha y descarga directa, bajo el eslogan de “somos un sello disquero, pero no somos malignos”.

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49

Burton, Kerry. "Re-presenting geopolitics : ethnography, social movement activism, and nonviolent geographies." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3607.

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This thesis starts from the premise that Geopolitics is performative, an iterative discourse “of visualising global space…reproduced in the governing principles of geographic thought and through the practices of statecraft” (Agnew 1998:11). During the last decade, two dominant discourses have shaped the contemporary geopolitical imagination – the ‘war on terror’ and ‘climate change’. These have steered conceptualisations of security and insecurity - performative iterations of who, where, and what poses a threat. The resulting geopolitical picture of the world has enabled the legitimisation of human and geographical domination – an acceptance of geographical norms that enable the continuation of uneven geographies. The research is concerned with the performative spaces of alternative geopolitics; spaces that emerge where nonviolent social movement activism and geopolitics intersect and the sites through which these are practiced and mediated. The motivations are twofold. The first is a desire to intervene in a critical geopolitical discourse that remains biased toward engagement with violent geographies. The second is to take seriously ‘geopolitics from below’, alternative geographical imaginations. I address the first of these through research that is concerned primarily with the spacing of nonviolence – the performed and performative spaces of nonviolent geographies shaped through a politics of the act. The second is approached through substantial empirical engagement with social movement activists and sites of contention and creation in opposition to dominant environmental geopolitics. ‘Militant’ ethnographic research took place over six months in 2009. It traced the journeys of two groups as they organised for, and took part in, large counter-summit mobilisations. The first was a UK based social movement, the Camp for Climate Action (UK). The second was an intercontinental caravan, the Trade to Climate Caravan. Both groups shared a common aim – to converge on the 16th of December in a mass demonstration of nonviolent confrontation; the ‘People’s Assembly’, to contest dominant discourses being performed inside the intergovernmental United Nations Conference of the Parties 15. Social movement groups from around the world would present alternative narratives of insecurity and offer ‘alternative solutions’ garnered through non-hierarchical forms of decision-making. The research followed the route each group took to the People’s Assembly and the articulations (narrative and practices) of nonviolent action.

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Holyoak, Rose Erin. "Young women's gendered subjectivity and agency in social movement activism." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/36127.

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This thesis examines the experiences of young women participating in anarchist and environmental activism within the UK as a means of exploring the relationship between youth, gender, and political participation in a postfeminist, neoliberal context. Recent scholarship has identified young women as the ideal subjects of neoliberalism, where flexibility and reflexivity are prized and rewarded. Young women have been presented with new subject positions and forms of citizenship engagement but these are, for the most part, individualised and depoliticised. Concurrently theorists have warned of an impending crisis of democracy precipitated by youth political disengagement, while governments have condemned ‘incorrect’ or ‘disruptive’ forms of youth civic engagement. This thesis intervenes in these debates by exploring the significance of social movement participation for young women in contributing to their political agency and gendered subjectivity. The research utilised a qualitative feminist methodology, analysing data from 20 semi-structured interviews, three diaries completed by interview participants, and 200 hours of participant observation. The thesis finds little evidence that young activist women are individualised or disengaged. Instead, their participation in collective action and their identification as feminists contribute to my theorisation of them as ‘wilful women’, whose conscious, reflexive political engagement marks them apart from individualised neoliberal subjects. Through a relational, feminist political agency they are able to reframe femininity as active and compassionate rather than passive and compliant, and engage politically on this basis. The study also finds that the non-hierarchical organisational structures of activist organisations effectively contribute to the creation of anti-oppressive pedagogic strategies for confronting inequality within activist cultures. This thesis makes an original contribution by developing a set of theoretical concepts that enable an understanding of the means by which young activist women construct dissident, wilful gendered subjectivities that confront sexism and inequality both within their own activist communities and within society at large.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Activisme social'

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